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urgent important issue plz must be reply

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  • aami
    Hope this email find ur best of health and good spirits, Hon able sir/madam with due respect and hon our i also read ur mission for peace u r work the noble
    Message 1 of 1 , Jun 7, 2011
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      Hope this email find ur best of health and good spirits,

      Hon"able sir/madam

      with due respect and hon"our
      i also read ur mission for peace u r work the noble cause ,i very inspire and i wanna make an friendship forum between nations of world without any comparison cast.race,religion and nationality for world peace but the extreme mind people of our country is create the problems but i hope in the feature we will make friendship forum between all world people and nations,i am journalist and also run an n.g.o as a president namely Almadina & holy see welfare trust,we are also working human rights,peace,world peace,interfaith peace harmony,we are also work muzzirian okara and i two time run the media and public Campaign agiast army action and arrange dialogues army beetween nuzziaran dated 19 march 2011 at Qaddafi stadium lahore participate the hunderds muzziarn and army delegation and civil society for this issue discuss the social and human grounds but i inform you some facts,
      1- army officials make the big purser the chief minster Punjab for brutal action against the muzziarian okara c.m punjab held the meeting at special office of the c.m punjab 90 shahr-e quaid azam lahore 17-05-2011 and army delegation appear the parliamentary committee chair by sadar zulfaqar khosa senior adviser to c.m punjab and minster nadeem kamran, minister agriculture punjab ahmed ali olkh, d.c.o okara.d.p.o okara,r.p.o sahiwal range.d.c.o pakpatan,d.p.o pakpatan,dpo sahiwal,d.c.o sahiwal,additional chief secretary punjab,additional i.g.punajab police and many offical and decided the police and administrative action against muzziarn and issue the directive by order of chief minister punjab taken brutal police action and all punjab govt officials help this action against muzziarn okara,pakpatan .sahiwal and this action must be complete the 30-05-2011 d.c.o okara and d.p.o okara will be head this action and all land will be clear and hand over army officials,
      in this meeting press is not allowed and this meeting agenda is hidden but this information is very secret but my friend work in c.m house he inform me this is agenda i inform the muzziarin leadership president anjuman muzziarin punjab khushi dolla and president delpalpur and boyelgunj farm anjuman muzzairn punjab shabir sajid and advice big rally against this brutal action govt officials decide 28 may 2011 date of action but muzziarn okara arrange big march against this action on 25may2011 in the thousand muzziarian go the d.c.o and d.p.o office pakpatan and tel the govt officials we know you will be operation and brutal action against muzziarin govt officials surprised hows possible muzziaran inform this dirty plan and report the chief minister now all muzziaran civil society informed so now not possible this brutal action we want some time and delay this dirty game,so punjab govt change the d.c.o and d.p.o okara and replaced officer give this task and now c.m punjab talk the army officials if army wanna military action against muzziarain okara punjab govt will be allow no in this circumstances muzziarian live in danger zone i point out you my dear friend this is same like old stone age culture.

      2- before November 2010 plan the military action on renala khurad i inform the nadeem ashraf vice president aunjman muzzirian punjab and run the media campaign against this action.

      3- we are make advice the govt officials and also send the letter army officials muzzirian is citizen of pakistan and have a citizen fundamental rights military action is not solution of this issue our n.g.o offer the both parities come the open table with civil society and mediatory dialogue and solve this issue on human grounds,our struggle is successful by grace of God and army action not start the renala khurad we arrange this open seminar ,

      detail below

      Mediatory Dialogue between Army Welfare Trust (AWT) Anjuman Muzarian Farms-Land of Okara, Sahiwal and Pakpattan etc.

      Lahore (P R) Al-Madina and Holy See Welfare Trust organized a mediatory seminar in Punjabi Hall Auditorium Qaddafi Stadium Lahore to which representatives of both the parties participated, Brigadier(R) Liaqat Ali Toor, Colonel Afzal, Major ® Yaqoob represented the Army Welfare Trust (AWT) position while Mehr Abdul Sattar, Khushi Mohammad Dola and Nadeem Ashraf represented the Muzarian's point of view along with 700 muzarians. Whereas, for the mediatory role head of Sociology Department Punjab University Dr.Hafeez along with 200 students heard both the parties' point of view and put some valuable suggestions for the social solution of the matter through some give, some take position that should be acceptable for both the parties as win win result. Students and participants heard both the parties' point of view and raised important questions to both parties. At the end it was conclude that the ownership of the farms land of said area is in the favor of AWT and superior court's order also in the favor of AWT, while Muzarian's as tenant of said land from four generation demanding right of ownership on moral footings. It was also suggested that there should be a mediatory committee on Provincial and Federal level for resolving the issue on social grounds. Other renowned personalities like Nohsad Hameed Adviser C.M Punjab, Mian Muneer and Vice Admiral ® Javed Iqbal PTI also attended the seminar. The president of Al-Madina and Holy See Welfare Trust Amir Waheed announced for holding of a grand mediatory Seminar in Islamabad very soon to which large number of parliamentarians will participate for resolving the issue through dialogues in great debate.

      press coverage links this seminar

      http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/ default.asp?page=2011\03\22\ story_22-3-2011_pg7_14

      http://www.highbeam.com/doc/ 1G1-252170764.html

      4- we are stop the military action against muzzirian okara we are full media campaign and arrange the second seminar at sociology dept punjab university lahore dated 31-03-2011 and highlight this issue before the master and phd level students and professors and appeal student of sociology play the positive role and appeal the govt no brutal action against innocent muzziarain okara and give the rights of owner ship said land,

      http://www.dawn.com/2011/04/ 02/dialogue.html

      5-govt and army officials very under purser to this public move and media campaign and all present and feature action is stopped against muzziarian okara,we are plane for next seminar at islamabad for invite parliamentarians for interfere this issue and solve this issue on human grounds and muzzirian rights will be save and also allotment of said land in the fervor of mazziarian okara etc but the govt officials and army officials make the wide episode wise dirty plan and implementation is started,

      first our n.g.o donation is locally public base the chief mister instructed the additional secy admin chief minister Secretariat almadiana&holy see trust is working muzziarin issue you will be instructed the local public and business men not contribute the almadina&holy see welfare trust for the seminar attendance and donation we all donor is back out but i am sale the my last property and car and i mange seminar expenses.cm. Secretariat surprised i arrange the budget and pay the Qaddafi stadium punjabi hall rent in advance so second direction issue by phone additional secretary admin chief minister Secretariat d.c.o lahore not issue the permission for this seminar d.c.o lahore staff convey me unofficially,my seminar date is 19 march 2011 and i listen this news on the 14 march 2011 i don"t have more time i am going lahore high court throw urgent writ petition under article 199 of the constitution of pakistan against d.c.o lahore and additional secretary admin to chief minister secretariat writ petition number 5493-11 and i request the high court my prayer wording is very stick,

      therefore in view of the above submissions,it is most humbly prayed that the respondents may kindly be directed to issue formal approval for holding mediator seminar between army welfare trust and muzarian of okara pakpatan sahiwal military farm-land in punjabi hall qaddafi stadium lahore on 19-03-2011,as well as security and other necessary official arrangements as custodian of the people of pakistan their fundamental rights guaranteed under article of 9,14,16 and 25of constitution of pakistan

      it is further prayed the hon-able court that strict legal action as well as departmental action may kindly be ordered against additional secretary admin to chief minister regarding his professional misconduct breach of official duty and conspiracy to sabotage the holding of noble cause of mediatory seminar to which lives of more then one hundred poor people are at risk.if the legal action against the additional secretary admin to chief minister don not initiate the bureaucracy in our country cannot be amended for on right track who is sucking our country as termite with their cunning slow poison attitude,not only misguide the elected politicians but also to the common citizen of pakistan

      in this submit writ court order and attitude very funny

      lahore high court judge mr.justice umar ata bandial not call the respondent additional secretary admin to c.m punajb and d.c.o lahore and say my lawyer this is pray or speech?and don"t hear the case and issue order petitioner may approach d.c.o lahore for appropriate action ..

      i am saying the judge before i approach d.c.o lahore also but he told me again approach,this writ petition news in the notice of high level and decide the high level mr nushad hammed chief cord to c.m deal me and cool me i am not going the international press for the attitude of punjab govt and high court, so in the public purser and high court exercise we will be able the successfully organize the seminar dated on 19 march 2011,we also approach the governor punjab throw president house spokes person mr furhat ullaha baber and director public relation to president of pakistan issue the letter by directive of higher authorities sentence of the letter governor attend as a chief guest of the mediator seminar between aunjman muzziarn punjab and army welfare trust and this directive issue the presidency and press secy to governor may appropriate action under intimation mr aamir waheed president almadina &holysee welfare trust but mr press secy to governor do"not put up the directive before governor i am many time call the press secy but still he is telling me plz wait so 18 march i call the p.s section to governor he told me i don't know about this letter u will be make new invitation letter and fax me i fax the new letter and governor know this seminar but he said sorry for late sending the invention after seminar i make complement against press secy to governor before presidency before spokes man to president of pakistan mr furhat ullah baber and issue the directive against inquiry the press secy but bureaucracy of governor house hide this directive and telling me we are inquire and inform u soon ,u will be wait but this directive still in the office of press secy this is show the bureaucracy power in the pakistan,so in this circumstances in my all side powerful enemy want to crush my self,but i still the support poor muzziarian,govt officials surprised we are all trick use my self but i am still run the media campaign for rights of poor muzziarin and this campaign result army and govt not stick brutal action against muzziarian of okara and i am stone of way on military action,so authorities make a dirty plan ist episode to threat me in the way 26 april 2011 i unknown number call me i attend unknown caller talk to me he have task to kill me 3 time threat call i receive on this number i am mentally threat so much i am asking the friends my all friends advice me i am going police station and register the case so 27 april 2011 i am going with application s.p cant office lahore near mall road lahore white toyota car chase my rental car and i see the two person sit with guns i am feel tension and i am going over speed to the s.p office but near the canal white toyta speedy come and hit my car driver seat i am driving many cars stopped and people come near my car and toyata car person see the people come and cars stopped then loudly voice the driver of white toyata car saying we are kill u with in three days today u r save for people and u r in rush place of lahore i am control the car and driver side car gate is full damage but i am safe.people see this all activity but i am not stopped and go the s.p office doing rush driving and tel all matter before the s.p cant and s.p cant police order the police station sarwer road lahore register the case immediately but police talk to me u r sit we are register the case i am come the 3 o clock afternoon in police station with written order of s.p police but police don't want to register my case and threat me mentally i am sitting the 12 o clock night i am saying the police officials i am going residence of inspector general police with media i am journalist and also president an n.g.o and i am human rights activist u see my damage car some hidden hand wanna kill me u don't give me legal protection i call some journalist friends and legal counsel police official see my activity he speedy register the case,in the investigation of this case i demand the caller record and details collect the company but investigation in charge serwer road police station threat me and wanna finish this case without any investigation,so i am threat and busy to the life security problem hidden hands play the second episode against muzziarin okara for preparation brutal action,so now my life in risk,my n.g.o donation stopped by local public business person donors, but i am work the muzziarian issue with the financial crises we need financial support for run the n.g.o and our mission and aims we need donor now we have plan the big seminars on this issue and issue for minority rights in okara military demolish the christian grave yard we want highlight this issue on international media and international society also we are start the seminar and workshops against religious extremism this is very big issue for world peace we want the open minded society in pakistan and respect the all other nations,couturiers,race and religions, we are against extremism by name of islam, we are also research the jahadi industry and we want on media for issue complete report connections of jahadi"s in to civil,political and how deep roots in the civil society effected for this religious extremism one of my friend journalist namely saleem shahzad research for this issue kill the hidden hands but we do this work we also want finish the terrorism all level local level up to international level,we are very effective work in middle east region for peace (this aims will be implement soon if any donor support us our n.g.o)

      we appeal us for public donate us per person only one dollar only for continue the n.g.o programs,

      , may be hidden hands kill me like my friend saleem shahzad journalist so i write all story and share with your good self i hope the path of humanity and truth will be win forever

      Besides its aim is to work for the development of peace and interfaith peace harmony . We are strictly against any type of extremism. We want to promote peace and brotherhood in the world and the welfare of the human beings must be done at any cost.

      with good wishes and best regards

      m.aamir waheed

      president Al-madina & holy see welfare trust lahore pakistan

      cell# 0092-331-4703707

      cell# 0092-321-4222429

      Note all donation will be by name of n.go

      Al-madina & holy see welfare trust

      account number - b.t.a 1995-6

      the bank of Punjab temple road branch Lahore Pakistan

      note u will be donation online throw bank please send the scan copy of receipt of bank and send the information email and we will be mail you donation receipt and latter of thanks


      http:// almadinaholyseewelfaretrust. blogspot.com/

      http://www.facebook.com/pages/ Al-Madina-holy-see-welfare- trust/206836789352538

      our dream finish extremism in the palistan and world in this educational proposal some facts related the war and terror

      Proposal for "The Model School" Project by aamir waheed president Al-Madina & Holy see welfare trust


      School Education in Pakistan:

      Education as a state policy has largely been dealt with a piecemeal manner in Pakistan. Either enough funds were not allocated for educational projects or they were not properly utilized. Unfortunately, the vacuum left by a lack of government-sponsored education was abused by private educational institutions (including Madaris). Sending children to private schools has become a common practice in both rural as well as urban areas of Pakistan. The trend can be attributed mainly to the lack of trust people have in the government-administered schools. Private educational institutions bridged this gap and have now become an industry in the country. The average fee, in these private schools, starts from Pakistani Rupees.200 and goes up to Pakistani Rupees 7000 per month, depending on which section of the society it is targeting.

      At present the total number of higher and secondary schools in Pakistan is around 16 thousand, out of which about 9 thousand are in the public and 7 thousand in the private sectors. The total enrolment of students is around 22 million: 16 million in the public and 6 million in the private sectors schools.

      Madarsah Education in Pakistan

      A Madarsah plays a complex role even in today's modern Pakistani society. Most of students of these institutions have either lost their parents or belong to very poor families. In addition to imparting instructions to young students, these seminaries also serve as sanctuaries for the have-nots. Not only free education, but these Madaris provide free lodging and boarding, and even study material, to students from low income families.

      Mushroom growth of Madaris was witnessed during Afghan war of 1980s' when the government of military dictator, Gen. Zia-ul-Haq took steps to establish a theocracy in Pakistan. In the name of Islamisation of society, a program for mosque-schools was launched in the country. These mosque-schools or Madaris gradually became the recruiting camps for the Afghan Mujahideen. Significant numbers of Afghan refugee students as well as students from the Middle East studied in Pakistani Madaris. According to Pakistani daily Dawn (Jan. 20, 2004), "The great change in the madressahs (Madaris) in Pakistan came in the wake of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The country that played major role in spreading the jihadi culture was the US, for it was American money and arms that enabled the modressahs (Madaris) to produce mujahids for the jihad in Afghanistan."
      Significance of the Issue

      Until the defeat of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, the Islamic Madaris continued their open and "clandestine" activities with the support of Pakistani as well as the Western powers who were supporting the Afghan Jihad against "the Godless state of the Soviet Union." Later period, starting from the late 1980s', saw an internal civil war amongst various factions of Afghan Mujahideen to gain control in Afghanistan. The civil war resulted in the victory of a faction of Afghan students called Taliban. The emergence of Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan brought the Pakistani Madaris to the world attention, as they (Taliban) were considered to be the product of Pakistani Madaris. It is estimated that 30% of Taliban fighters were supplied by the Madaris in Pakistan.

      However, despite the concern raised in the international media, until 9/11 it remained a non-issue for the policy planners of the Western World. The terrorist attacks of 9/11 compelled the Western policy planners to check the root causes of international terrorism. At that stage, the role of Madaris came into limelight as some of the Western governments pointed fingers towards these institutions. The incidents of terrorists' suicide bombings in London also highlighted the significance of this issue as two of the suicide bombers were directly or indirectly linked to Pakistani Madaris.

      As far as the role of Madaris in the Pakistani internal situation is concerned, since 1990s'the country has been paying a heavy price of encouraging mushroom growth of Madaris on its soil as they have created internal security problems. The "enthusiasm" and "motivation" of students of these Madaris took ugly turn of killing each other in the name of Islam. It has almost turned the country into a sectarian battleground where different sects of Muslims, like Deobandi, Brelvi, and Shia, are fighting against each other. Thousand of innocent Muslims have been killed as a result of this sectarian terrorism.

      Former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf announced a new strategy for regulating Madaris, so that they could be brought "to the mainstream through a better system of education." The strategy included: First, survey of the all Madaris (the government had in fact a 21-point questionnaire to elicit information from them); second, registration of all Madaris with big ones being registered at the national level, the medium ones at the provincial level, and the small ones at the district level so that there were no unregistered Madaris at all; third, an education board was set up to draw up a curricula for Madaris which would include study of science, maths., English, besides religion and would lead to awarding of normal educational degrees like BA and MA; fourth, the government also decided to establish model Madaris in three centres.

      Present Position

      As expected, the new policy failed to achieve its desired objectives. There are various reasons behind this failure which we cannot discuss here. But the controversy it generated in the national media highlighted divergent opinions on this issue. One class of people, while blaming the Pakistani government for its failure to provide education facilities to the people, appreciated that Madaris at least provide some form of education to children, including girls, who would otherwise have none. An article in a newspaper opined:

      In a developing country government cannot provide food and shelter to every citizen therefore, the private sector has to share this responsibility with the state under some arrangement. Such arrangements may include philanthropists, charities, NGOs, etc. A Madarsah provides shelter and food to the poor (under whatever name) sharing the burden with the state. This cooperative role of the Madaris needs to be recognized.

      Another newspaper article opined, "Even in the reports of Western world it has been recognized that these Madaris are playing the role of the world's biggest NGOs in Pakistan…It is not an easy task to end this system which has shared the burden of government's responsibilities vis-à-vis public education."

      There is another school of thought which views the issue as, "Most Madaris have a restricted curriculum based on religious studies. The community is undemocratic, discipline may be harsh and obedience is a total requirement. The `closed' nature of the madrassah community isolates both students and teachers from knowledge of the wider world. This can be a breeding ground for extremism and terrorism."

      Expressing concern on such `closed culture' of Madarsah education, a newspaper editorial commented, "The government must show the required will and the grit to enforce the state's writ on these Madaris in the interest of their pupils. By every reckoning, they deserve a better dispensation to grow up into youths fit for building successful careers in different fields and to lead enviable lives." Some people view their presence as a threat to national integration. According to them mushrooming of Madaris and their turning into hotbeds of extremist elements is encouraging terrorism in the society at large. The unrecognized Madaris, which preach hatred against people professing other faiths, are detrimental to harmony of Pakistani society.

      In nutshell, all government's moves to regulate Mudarsah education system have ended in complete failure. There is need to adopt a realistic and pragmatic approach on this issue.

      Objective of the Project

      From the above discussion, the following conclusions are drawn:

      1. The government has failed to regulate this system and come out with a better alternate public education system.

      2. Due to non-availability of a viable public education system in the country poor segment of Pakistani society are constrained to send their children to Madaris where they get "free-of-charge" education.

      3. Majority of Pakistanis support role of Madaris as NGOs in the Pakistani society as children from poor families not only get free education there but they are also provided free boarding and lodging.

      4. In the name of "free education" a particular brand of religious education is being imparted in the immature brains of children.

      These results lead us to the following suggestion for the solution of these problems:

      1. As the government has already failed to provide an alternate public education system to counter or replace the system of Madaris, it won't be advisable to expect some action on their part in the future as well.

      2. It is responsibility of Pakistani civil society and international community to take notice of :(a) lack of a viable public education system in the country and (b) exploitation of Pakistani children in the name of religious education and provision of boarding and lodging facilities to these poor children.

      3. The imminent nature of this issue, which has international implications as well, demands some practical solutions on part of the civil society organization as well the international community. The stage of recommending impracticable and philosophical solutions has already passed.

      4. Following a rationale approach and keeping in view the positive and negative aspects of the Madarsah education system, our organization recommends that there is need to establish "Model Schools with the same facilities which are available in Madaris, like free education, boarding, lodging, and books, but with non-religious modern education."


      Our organization plans to adopt the following methodology for implementing this project:

      · Make an appeal to international donors for generous donations for implementation of the project.

      The Al-Madina & Holy see will be mange follow implementation criteria

      Ø Recommending curriculum for various grades/ levels.

      Ø Admission criteria

      Ø Selection of teaching staff

      Ø Procedure for audit of funds

      Ø Administrative rules and regulations

      · Affiliate the model school with some international education system

      · Initiate the process of establishment of a Model School in any big city and then expand the project up to the level of "One Model School in Each District."

      Summary of the Project

      This project is an important long term solution of the menace of international terrorism. The facts and figures indicate that Madaris are playing a significant role in producing "motivated" volunteers for terrorist activities. Unfortunately, due to their role as NGOs providing free education and boarding & lodging facilities to poor children, and due to non-availability of a viable public education system in Pakistan, this system is gaining popularity in the society. This exploitative religious education system can only be countered with providing a free modern education system, with the free boarding and lodging facilities, to the poor people of Pakistan.This project must be done for stop extremism in Pakistan and finish the jahadi industry.we need donor for this project

      brief history of military land okara and facts

      Okara Military Farms, Punjab, Pakistan, April 17, 2009: I am on the platform of the historic peasant convention at Okara Military Farms on the international day of peasants today. Thousands of peasants are pouring in at the convention with red flags demanding land ownership rights over 68,000 acres occupied by the military establishment - land the peasants have been cultivating more than 100 years.

      More than 15,000 peasants [the crowd later swelled to 20,000 - FT] are already inside the huge ground which is covered by tents. Nearly one third of the participants are women and they are most active in the convention.Red flags flyingThere are hundreds of red flags flying. There is group of dozens of youth who are wearing long red dress with slogans calling for land ownership. There is a group of students from Lahore University of Management. There are private TV channels like GEO, ARY, Dawn, Royal, Dunia, Waqt, AAJ and some others are covering the event live. Never before so many TV channels covered a program of the peasants.

      This rally was preceded by four public meetings at Okara, Depalpur, Renalkhurd and Lahore which attracted over 11,000 peasants.

      Mehr Abdul Sattar opened the convention with a firm demand of land ownership. He said Benazir Bhutto and Mian Nawaz Sharif both had promised to us for land rights. This is high time for them to fulfill their promises. He demanded to restore all the workers of Okara Military Farms who had their jobs terminated during the movements of the Mozareen. He said that the politicians of the area have tried to take over our movement, but they have not succeeded. This is a movement of peasants and workers, he said.Peasant leaders killedSalim Jakhar made a very good presentation in Punjabi language and told that we do not need stud farms but the land we are cultivating. He belongs to Kulyana Military Estate where three peasants leaders were killed and 27 injured by agents by the agents of military officers on April 6, 2009.

      After that incident, The spokesperson of PMLN government of Punjab, Senator Pervaiz Rashid, called is to assure us that Mian Nawaz Sharif and Mian Shahbaz Sharif are committed to their promise of distributing land among tenants.

      Badar Nisa Bibi from Kulyana Military Estate spoke about the women's bravery during the movement. She said we need the land and nothing else. She demanded the arrest of the killers of tenant farmers.

      Nadeem Ashraf vice president AMP gave a deadline of May 21 to accept their demands otherwise there will be long march.BACKGROUND:It was early in 2007. Salim Jhakar came to the Labour Party office along Nadeem Ashraf, a local union Mayer from Renalakhurd and vice president of Anjaman Mozareen Punjab. Salim Jhakar from Kulyana Military Estate Okara wanted to join the Anjaman Mozareen Punjab and to start a campaign at his Estate. However, he has never been to any political meeting and was never member of any organization.

      Nadeem Ashraf told me that we had the initial discussions but it is better if we have this together in detail. I asked them to explain me in detail the whole issue of Kulyana Military Estate. We had a long chat and here is what came out of it.A trapSome 14,000 acres of land was leased out to former military top officials in Kulyana Military Estate. During the fifties and sixties, the land was allotted on the name of stud farms. The military officials had to breed the horses for the services of the army on these leased out land. Those who were working in these state lands for over 100 years became the tenants of the new owners. Earlier, it was cultivated under the occupation of the Military Farms Administration. It covered 6 villages. There was no school, hospital or even a graveyard in all these villages living under military shadows. In 1985, the former military top officers tricked the tenants to become lessee and changed their status from tenant to

      lessee. The peasants were happy that they are not paying the market rate contract amount and were paying less than that. It was all a trap. This was during the Zia dictatorship period.

      The same manoeuver was tried in early 2000 in other areas of Okara Military Farms under general Musharraf dictatorship. It did not work and tenants refused to become lessee and movement started for the ownership of the land with a defiant mood and slogan of "ownership or death". Seven peasants died of state repression during the years of 2001-2004. This did not touch the peasants working on contract basis at Kulyana Military Estate and they remain aloof.

      Salim Jhakar told us that there were discussions but our elders told us to be happy what we have got. So the Kulyana estates remain silence during the most militant struggle of Punjab peasantry.

      We were not hurtful for this behavior but instead asked him what motivated them to contact us now? He told us that the youth like him wanted to start a campaign for land rights and the contract amount is increasing day by day. This has become almost the market rate and we are living a very difficult life and want to do something. "You tell us what to do and we will do it" was his plea. We disagreed and told him to be part of the discussion and we will frame some demands and will start a campaign. Nadeem asked him to organize some study circle of the peasants for us to speak.Beginning of the peasant rebellionThis was the beginning of the Kulayana Military Estate rebellion. We discussed to organize a demonstration in Lahore. Salim asked me how many should come. I told him may be around 200 would be ok and we will organize our own mobilization from Lahore. Over 500

      came to Lahore for their first ever demonstration in mid 2007. The majority of them were women.

      Salim wanted the movement to take up the issue of the ever increasing contract amount while we were arguing for land rights campaign. May be, he was not mentally ready and thought about this demand as too radical which can not be achieved. We had series of meeting and Nadeem started going to Kulyana Estate very often and became a teacher of the area.

      He was very keen to attend the meetings. More peasants started to come with him. Salem was in his early thirties and had not been to any college but had completed his school. A very sober and very talkative person, but would love to attend the meetings. I was really impressed by his interest in political discussions and his commitment to start the movement.

      The contract amount started coming down as the movement started in the area with AMP committees being set up in all villages. In early 2009, The AMP leadership decided to organize a new movement for land rights with public meetings and peasant convention in all the areas where the tenants were working at Military Farms. The January meeting at Renalakhurd attracted over 2000 and the February meeting at Depalpur attracted over 3000. But the first ever peasant convention in Kulyana Estate on 26 March 2009 was the largest of all with over 5000. Over 1000 were women. It was the best organized peasant convention of all. The seating arrangements were very well done. The security measures were excellent. The sound system was perfect and above all almost all the peasants from the area were mobilized.

      Fortunately, one private television channel ARY live coverage forced all the other main channels to send their television crew to the peasant convention on urgent basis. There a lot of red flags. This motivated the speakers to show their best to mobilize and show solidarity with the peasants. It was one of my best peasant conventions where the participants really wanted to hear and also to raise slogans. For many, this was their first ever public meeting where they have gone for themselves. It was revolutionary mood with revolutionary speeches for the demand of the land ownership. I termed the audience as revolutionaries for generations. The women speaker set the mood of women participation and the leading role they have to play.

      On March 29, the Lahore peasant convention at Bengali Military Farms was also the largest with over 700 in attendance. Salim Jhakar did not come but the secretary Abdul Ghaffar came and he spoke very well. The movement for land ownership in all the military farms in Punjab was gaining momentum.The counter-revolutionThen comes the counter-revolution. At village 28 RB in Kulyana Military Estate, the lease of a 50 acre agriculture land was ended. The contractor of Afsar Khan,a former brigadier of the army who had leased this land wanted to give this land to a tenant whose family was working here for over 100 years. Roushan Shah an agent of the military top officers who had grabbed over 1400 canal land by just occupying it, wanted to occupy this land as well. He abducted one tenant Manzoor in the morning of 6 April with the help of over 30 criminals mostly absconders in different criminal cases. When the local AMP leaders went to resist without any arms and

      demanded the release of the kidnapped tenant, he opened fire killing three and 27 injured.

      I heard the news in Lahore an hour later from Salim Jhakar. We immediate informed the press and spread the news among supporters of the movement. By the afternoon, thousands of tenants had gathered to block the main GT Road for over two hours. When the top police officers assured the arrest of the murdered on urgent basis, the blockade ended.

      I addressed a press conference sane afternoon in Lahore with the help of the organized a joint demonstration of over 200 at Charing Cross Lahore.Visit to Kulaya Military EstateFour of us arrived at Kulaya Military Estate on April 8 to express our condolences. were with me. While we arrived at Chack 18 RB, thousands of peasants were waiting for us for some time. The main leadership of AMP were sitting there in grieve with the loss of the three brave peasant leaders. Salim Jhakar village was not this one but a village next to this village. He was there with his head down but with full of anger. Only few hours before the incident, he called me late at night and asked me if we can send some women comrades to help in organization of women committees in each village. I agreed to speak to women comrades but said that it is the only way to sustain the movement.

      We were asked to speak. It was difficult to speak to the bereavement peasants. I said," we are full of sorrow but not weak, we are full of grief but not frail, we are sad but not feeble. We have lost three but many more are ready to take their place. Those who killed the three, wanted to kill the peasant movement, but the look at you, you have come here in thousands to express your determination to continue the struggle. You have showered the bullets in the mishope to frighten us but who is at the run? You! And, not us. We are here to stay. They wanted to show that they can kill the movement by bullets and we have shown that ideas can never be killed.

      Mehr Abdul Sattar, and Nadeem Ashraf also expressed views to continue the movement on a very peaceful but militant manner.Firsthand account of killings of peasant leadersWe went to the house of Mohammed Abbas and Abdul Rahim, the son and father; both were the first to loose their lives. I was told by a leader of the committee who had still bullets in his head and leg, "we are four local leaders of AMP, and we were all in the front line. We were leading the peasants to demand for the release of the abducted one. We had arms but we decided not to use that. We were going to the place where the abducted leader was kept. The other side had a lot of modern weapons. None of us was afraid of that. Abbas was leading the way. He was 35, a tall handsome father of four. His father Abdul Rahim was also with him. He was over 70. We were all raising slogans against the gangsters. We were not afraid of the guns. When the gangsters started

      firing at us, we did not run backward, we were still moving forward. The gangsters were hiding in trenches. So was our courage that we went till the trenches and forced the gangsters to leave the place. They had the guns, we had the courage, they had to run while some of us were hit by the bullets and we were still marching a head. It was a tale of an absolute courage by the peasants to fight the gangsters supported by the former military generals.

      There were eight injured and two dead from Abbas' family alone include one of his sister. The whole family was the main basis of AMP in this village. When I saw Abbas' picture, I realized who he was. On March 26, he was on the platform as security in charge. He had a wooden stick in his hand and was very alert who was coming on the platform and why. He wanted us to be in absolute safe atmosphere.

      "All of us had the bullets in our front portion and not on our back, a proof how we faced the bullets". The local AMP leader told us. Amir Ali, the third one to die was 45. His brother told us at his house that he always wanted to be in front line. He was very brave peasant leader. He always wanted to fight for land rights. He was over 6 feet tall and every one liked him.

      We had brought red flowers for the graves of these brave peasant leaders. We went to the place where they were buries. It was only three graves. There was no grave yard in the whole area.Military banned from villagesThe AMP has decided in a meeting with our presence that no military officers or their gangsters will ever be allowed to enter in these villages any more. There land cultivated by so called allotters will be distributed among the martyrs, injured and the neediest one in these villages. A place next to the graves where there is still some crops is been identifies as the new graveyard for the whole area.

      The three martyrs have given a new momentum to the movement. The peasants have decided themselves how this land that they have cultivated for over 100 years will be distributed and for whom. They did not need the approval of any officials or the government. They are the government for themselves in the areas.New LeadershipSalim Jhakar has emerged without doubt a new leader of the peasant movement alongside with the old layer. While he was speaking at Depalpur peasant convention, he said in the end,"I stop because I forgot my speech". Maybe he wanted to say that now I finish my speech but he was not a person to make speeches. When I spoke at the convention after him, I told the gathering, "Salem Jhakar may forget his speech but not his fight for peasant rights" this made the whole convention to clap for Salim.

      I had a word with him afterwards and asked him not to say what he said, and that he should end his speech without saying that he forgot his speech. At his home base in Kulyana Estate Peasant convention on 26 March 26 he was more careful. He read a written speech and after successfully finishing his speech without forgetting, he looked towards me with great pride and honor. I was happy that he was making progress.

      On April 8, 2009, I saw a totally different Salim Jakhar, he has lost his best fighters but not his fight. It was his suggestion to distribute the land of the army officers to the peasants. He was like the governor of Kulyana Military Estate and we need more such governors to form a government of workers and peasants in future.

      The tenant commandmentsConfrontation between the tenants and the security forces at Okara military farms pushes AMP into actionBy Aoun SahiThe murder of three tenants allegedly by an agriculture land contractor of the military farm in Kulyana Estate, Okara, on April 6, 2009, has once again brought to light the growing tension between the farm authorities and the tenants in the region.On April 7, 2009, thousands of tenants from different military farms gathered at Chak 28A-2R in Kulyana Estate as a protest to attend the funeral of three fellow villagers. "I've come all the way from (the military farms at) Haveli Lakha in District Pakpattan to offer my condolences," said Iqbal Bibi, 45, a mother of four, while talking to TNS. "They were not my relatives; I am here because I can relate with them."

      Iqbal Bibi was accompanied by her family and about 500 others from her village. "We are not afraid of being killed. The military and its agents can kill us but they cannot force us to quit our stance. One day they will have to account for their atrocities."

      District Okara's history shows the seeds of trouble between the military farm administrations and the tenants were sown at the turn of the century when the former forcibly tried to replace the age-old crop-sharing system of cultivation with cash-rent and yearly lease system. The tenants who had tilled the land through generations felt the new system was meant to have them evicted.

      "There was no problem between the military farm administrations and the tenants before the introduction of the new system in June 2000," says Nadeem Ashraf, Vice President, Anjuman Mazarain Punjab (AMP), talking exclusively to TNS. (For a detailed version, see the interview with AMP Secretary General, Mehar Abdul SattarThe farm authorities wanted to change the status of tenants to that of 'contractors' because under The Punjab Tenancy Act 1887 the tenants enjoyed certain rights and it would be hard to evict them from the lands they have been cultivating for ages. The new system would see them leaving the land at a six-month notice.

      Interestingly, the tyrannies on the part of the farm administration served to unite the tenants belonging to different villages and farms, giving birth to a radical movement under the flag of AMP.Academics believe that the military, in a bid to implement the new system of agriculture, forced the tenants to resist. "Till 2000, these people were giving 50 per cent of their crops to the military and were actually serving the military like anything," says Asad Farooq, Assistant Professor, Department of Law and Policy, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, LUMS.

      Currently penning a book on the tenants' movement, the movement in Okara is a "very healthy sign for a society where we only hear about terrorism, fundamentalism and Talibanisation.

      "AMP is talking about the real issues of the people of Pakistan. There is a complete shift in the attitude of the tenants over the past nine years since the movement began. And if they (the tenants) succeed in evolving a substantial political force it will be a giant leap towards the solution of Pakistan's problems."

      Locals claim during the period from 2000 till present times, 11 tenants have been killed in different incidents by the law-enforcing agencies of Pakistan or by the influential civilian contractor of agriculture land of the area. The farm administrations have also variously applied all available tactics to pressurise the tenants to accept the new system of cultivation.

      "In 2002, Pakistan Rangers put our village under virtual siege for two months. They stopped irrigation canal water to our Chak for three months and cut the main telephone line of the village while seven employees of different military farms of the village were also terminated because their parents/relatives living in Chaks of the military farms were involved in anti-state activities," says Muhammad Ibrahim, a 60 years old Numberdar of Chak 4/4L.

      "So far, they have been reinstated. They also arrested more than 400 people including children from the village. To mount more pressure on the tenants, the farm administration arrested the sons-in-law of many residents of the village."

      According to Ibrahim, these "tactics" further strengthen them to oppose the new system of cultivation. "Today, the AMP tenants are in possession of the 12,000 acres of land out of a total of 17,000 acres of the Okara military farm. They dare not come to us to collect the cash rent."

      Justifying their rejection of the new cash rent system, he says, "In Kulyana Estate alone, the farm authorities introduced the (cash rent) system at a very minimal rate of Rs 300 per acre per annum. The rate has reached up to 30,000 per acre per annum now and, resultantly, 50 per cent of the original tenants have been deprived of these lands because they could not pay the rent on time."

      The situation is no different in the other military farms in the region. "The tenants are in possession of 7,000 out of a total of 10,000 acres of land in the Probenabad and Bayal Ganj military farms while 2,200 out of 3,200 acres in Renala Khurd military farms is in their possession as well."

      "Until 2002, we were ready to give a share of our crops to the farm management but when they started killing our friends we refused to pay them a penny," says ShabbirAhmed Sajjad, President, AMP, Probenabad and Bayal Ganj military farms.

      According to Sajjad, the military farm administration is not in legal possession of the land "yet they are allotting the land to retired military officials on the pretext of stud farming".

      The ancestors of a majority of the tenants came to these farms in the first decade of the 20th century, when the British founded agricultural research, livestock and dairy farms across approximately 68,000 acres of land in different districts of what now constitutes Pakistan's Punjab. At that time, the greater part of the area was dry forest and could not be used for commercial agriculture. The British government initiated a canal irrigation project and lured both Christian and Muslim families to till the farms. The new settlers were promised permanent ownership of the land once they succeeded in making it fertile. In 1913, when the land was brought to life by the farmers, the then Punjab government leased it out to different departments, including the Royal Army, through Colonisation of Government Lands (Punjab) Act 1912, for 20 years.

      As per the official records of the Okara Revenue Department, "This land was transferred by the government of Punjab to the Central Government (Ministry of Defence) on lease vide Memo No. 1844-S dated 9-8-1913 (not available in the office) for a period of 20 years at the rate of 15000/- per annum for the entire land. The record of payment of rent/lease money is neither available in the office nor provided by the military authorities."

      According to a high official of the revenue department of District Okara, the royal army did not bother to extend the lease agreement with the Punjab government and kept the 'possession' with it until partition. "After partition, Pakistan army as a successor to the Royal Army took over the possession of the land. They, too, have never paid rent or lease of the land to the Punjab government. The Ministry of Defence wrote a letter to the Punjab government in December 1999 to get the possession of the land free of cost. The value of the land of military farm in Okara alone, as calculated by Revenue Officer, was Rs 4 billion in 2001. So, Board of Revenue, Punjab, through letter D.O. No. 14-2001/631-CL-V dated April 13, 2001, refused to do so on legal grounds."

      An official in the District Coordination Office informed TNS that a high level meeting of Rangers, DCO, MNAs and MPAs on the issue of confrontation between the tenants and the military farm administration had also taken place. Sohail Shahzad, DCO Okara, initially not accessible, was available on the phone the next day. He confirmed that the government meant to resolve the issue, "We have forwarded a report to the provincial government explaining the ground realities on the issue. All stakeholders including the political people have been taken on board because we want to reach an agreement. We do not want to impose a decision that can lead to any untoward situation.

      "I can assure you that a serious development is underway and should be in place in the next two to four months."

      , insists that the Punjab government has not contacted the leadership of the tenants on the issue. "They should be taken into confidence if the government is serious about solving the issue. To me, the solution is very simple: give the land ownership right to the tenants.""Very simple . . ."Mehar Abdul Sattar, the 37 years old general secretary of Anjuman Mazarain Punjab (AMP), is a graduate in Plant Pathology from Agriculture University, Faisalabad, and a resident of Chak 4/4L Okara military farm. He was a student when the military farm administration introduced a system of cultivation for tenants in 2000. Being the son of a tenant, Mehar naturally joined the resistance movement, eventually becoming the GS of AMP.Mehar has had to pay dearly for his commitment to the cause of the tenants. He has been nominated in at least 25 different cases,

      ranging from wood theft to murder. In 2008, he contested the election to the Provincial Assembly from District Okara. He lost by a small margin, though. Excerpts from an interview with TNS follow.

      The News on Sunday: Would you like to share a brief history of AMP with us?

      Mehar Abdul Sattar: AMP is a movement of approximately one million tenants of different military farms. It was a corollary of the atrocities committed by the military farm administrations against the tenants of the land. Until 2000, the tenants were completely unaware of their rights. They were serving the military like slaves. But the military high officials had their own plans: they wanted to allot this fertile land to retired military officials in the name of stud farming. The tenants were their only hurdle. So they decided to get rid of them.In the first phase, they planned to change the status of 'tenants' to 'contractors' of land because legally it would be easier for them to evict a contractor from the land. They allured the tenants with minimal cash rent but the latter refused to accept the new system. It was a shock for the military high-ups who then decided to use force. Tenants resisted and this resistance took the shape of a movement

      named AMP.

      TNS: The military farm administration says it had a very cordial relationship with the tenants and blames AMP for provoking confrontation. What do you say?

      MAS: This is nonsense. AMP is being blamed because it is not letting the military farm administration to achieve its targets. In June 2000, the military farm administration announced implementing the new system of contracts in these farms while AMP was formed at least one month after the decision. It was purely a movement of tenants. They decided to organise as a group under the banner of AMP. It's a peaceful movement and seeks to safeguard the rights of the tenants. In fact, it was the first real movement against the dictatorial decisions of the Pervez Musharraf regime.In the first year or so, we requested the farm management to reverse the decision as we were ready to go back to the crop sharing system of cultivation but they used force against us. We had no option but to resist. We started using all available platforms to expose the oppression of farms administration. In these nine years, at least 11 tenants have been killed in different incidents

      by the law-enforcing agencies and the gangsters of the area while hundreds others have been injured. They want to kill our movement by making such allegations. But they will have to face humiliation on this front as well.

      TNS: On the one hand, AMP criticises the military farm administration for illegal possession of the land, on the other it has been preaching the same to the tenants. How do you justify that?

      MAS: To set the record straight, the tenants are not the illegal holders of this land; they have been tilling the land for ages under the Tenancy Act 1887. While there is no record available with the revenue department that the Royal Army got the lease of the land extended beyond 1934, but they kept on holding the land until 1947. After partition, Pakistan Army did the same and took possession of land through its Veterinary and Farm Crop (RVFC) department in the name of stud farming. In 2000, the Ministry of Defence wrote to the Punjab government for acquiring the permanent possession of the land, but the Board of Revenue refused to comply on legal grounds. Therefore, the military is not even a party on this land. In fact, Punjab government and tenants are two parties to decide the issue.

      TNS: Don't you think 'Malki Ya Maut' (ownership or death) is a very extreme stance?

      MAS: AMP has not coined this slogan. The tenants adopted it after the security forces started committing atrocities against them. In 2001, a tenant was killed in Renala Khurd military farm while in 2002 three others were killed in different incidents. False cases of murder of two tenants were registered against me and other leaders of AMP in 2002-03. For outsiders it can be a crude slogan but for us who have faced the wrath of the security agencies there is no other option.Our stance means that we are willing to pay any price for our rights. We will die of hunger if thrown out of this land. It would be the end of the world for us. We have no other source of income and nowhere to go.

      TNS: So what's the solution?

      MAS: Very simple: give land ownership rights to the tenants.— Aoun Sahi

      "..a dispute both sides believe they cannot afford to lose"--Ali Hasan Dayan, Senior Researcher, South Asia, Human Rights Watch (HRW)The News on Sunday: Why did the Human Rights Watch decide to do a report on the military farms in Okara?Ali Hasan Dayan: Until the Lawyer's Movement in 2007, the Okara military farms dispute provided the most compelling example of local resistance to the military's monopoly on privilege, power and land in its heartland -- the Punjab.TNS: In what ways is the Okara military farms dispute unusual?AHD: The emergence and persistence of such a movement remains particularly unusual in the Punjabi context. In many ways, it was a precursor for the popular resistance to the military seen since 2007 in central Punjab in the form of the Lawyer's Movement.The location of the dispute is rather problematic for the Pakistan Army. The Punjab is the power-base of the military. It has traditionally drawn the overwhelming majority of its rank

      and file from the province and particularly from the districts that are now offering resistance. Historically, the army has viewed the area as its backyard and the local people as subservient allies -- given the latter's role as labourers in a military-dominated economy. Hence, many in the military are outraged that peasant farmers would dare to revolt against any tenancy system that it saw fit to impose upon them.The army likely fears the potential knock-on effects of a compromise in Okara for its land operations nationwide and the damage that any compromise might do to its status as Pakistan's most powerful and feared institution. The army's evident fear is that such a revolt, if allowed to fester or be accommodated, may lead to a reworking of the patron-client relationships carefully nurtured by the military establishment between itself and the traditional landed elites, between itself and the tenant farmers and between the traditional landed elites

      and the peasant farmers.This is a dispute that both sides believe they cannot afford to lose. For the Pakistani military establishment, control of land is essential for maintaining its position within the Pakistani political structure it believes that it cannot allow tenant farmers to challenge this position. For tenant farmers, access to land is often the difference between economic survival and abject poverty, between a full belly and hunger, between a viable future and complete marginalisation.TNS: What is the legal status of the farms?AHD: The land is owned by the Punjab government.TNS: Do the tenants have the right of land ownership?AHD: Land ownership is a secondary issue. Unilateral reworking of tenancy agreements by a landlord (the army) whose own title to the land is disputed is the real issue.TNS: What has been the impact of the HRW report?AHD: The HRW report along with mobilisation by local actors gave the issue massive international and

      national exposure and prevented the army from engaging in large-scale brutality and sieges -- activities they had engaged in prior to the publication of the report. It has helped maintain the status quo which suits the farmers rather than allow the army to ride rough-shod over the farmers.TNS: What is the way out of the situation?AHD: The real title-holder to the land, the Punjab provincial government, should be returned control of the land and should seek a negotiated solution with the tenant farmers. Timeline* At the time of partition in 1947, ownership rights were not granted to the tenant farmers, while refugees who had crossed over from India were given ownership rights. In 1952, government initiatives to allot land excluded the tenant farmers as well. Similarly, the land reform acts of 1958 and 1972 also excluded these farms. Till this day, the tenant farmers are struggling for permanent rights to the land they have tilled for almost a century

      now.* For the past seven years the tenant farmers in Khanewal, along with one million mazarain in 10 other district of Punjab, have been struggling against the large military owned companies (Military Farms, Army Welfare Trust and Punjab Seed Corporation) over the control of 70,000 acres of highly cultivable land in Punjab. These farms were founded in the early part of 20th century.Fighting poverty for over a century, the tenant farmers of Okara submitted an application with the Punjab Board of Revenue on March 24, 1999, to obtain the proprietary rights on the aforementioned farms.* In 2000, the military unilaterally tried to change the rules, demanding that the farmers sign new rental contracts requiring them to pay rent in cash.* The tenants organised themselves as Anjuman Mazarain Punjab (AMP) to fight for ownership rights over the lands.The Rangers were ordered to the districts in "aid of civil authority". The latter included a police force of eight

      to ten thousand that had been deployed to the area in May 2002.* The Rangers besieged eighteen villages in Okara district twice from August 24, 2002, for approximately three months, and from May 7, 2003, to August 5, 2003. The first siege took place following the Rangers' alleged killing of farmer Salman Masih, the second following the killing of farmer Mohammad Amir.* The dispute reached its peak between May 5, 2003, and June 12, 2003, when Okara Military Farms and the 150,000 people who lived in eighteen villages were besieged for over a month by police and Pakistan Rangers. The siege, which involved the imposition of a curfew, severe restrictions on movement within and into the district, and the disconnection of water, electricity and telephone lines, ended only when farmers were forced to sign contracts.* On May 10, 2003, Sarwar Mujahid, one of the few independent journalists reporting from Okara, was arrested on charges of "inciting the public

      against Rangers" and "terrorism".* On April 17, 2008, over 5000 tenants and peasants participated in a peasant conference held at Okara Military Farms on the international day of peasants. They reminded the government to act as promised.* On January 19, 2009, over 2000 tenants gathered at Renala Khurd in a public meeting by AMP also demanded the land rights. The police occupied the platform in the morning and asked the organisers to cancel this public meeting. They refused and later when the peasants started to arrive in the tractor trolleys, the police fled from the place and the meeting went ahead. statusLand rights or wrongsThe tenants' struggle is a political rather than a narrowly legalistic oneBy Aasim Sajjad AkhtarAlmost 9 years ago, soon after General Pervez Musharraf had taken power, a seemingly innocuous attempt by the authorities of the so-called Okara military farms to change the tenure status of thousands of tenants who had tilled these

      state-owned lands for decades triggered the emergence of the movement which I believe was the beginning of the end for the military regime. Few would have guessed that the plains of central Punjab -- the traditional heartland of the military's power -- would be the site of a highly symbolic struggle against the deeply entrenched corporate power of the men in khaki.At its peak the movement engulfed approximately a million people in at least 6 districts of Punjab. But the heartbeat remained the Okara military farm where the confrontation between the principal antagonists in the conflict was at its most ferocious. It was here that the military's perennial invocation of the 'greater national interest' was most overtly challenged. In short, the Okara tenants exposed the military as a patently illegal land-grabber; the disputed land is owned by the government of Punjab, and the military has no legal claim to it. As usual, this was supposed not to matter, but

      the Okara tenants made sure that it did.This peasant movement was distinctive in numerous ways; first, it was not just those who directly controlled land that were at the forefront of the struggle. All residents of the affected villages, including those who stood to benefit very little materially from a tenants' success, joined in. Of the 7 people who were killed at the height of tensions in 2002-3, at least 3 were non-tenants. This reflected a sense of community that was arguably better developed in comparison to the prototypical Punjabi<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
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