Loading ...
Sorry, an error occurred while loading the content.

The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo 1848 - 164 years of occupation !

Expand Messages
  • ghwelker3@comcast.net
    Nuestro Pueblo tiene una historia de lucha y resistencia sin fin encontrá la violencia y la opresión nacional, segregación racista, explotación de clase,
    Message 1 of 396 , Feb 1, 2012
    • 0 Attachment
      Nuestro Pueblo tiene una historia de lucha y resistencia sin fin
      encontrá la violencia y la opresión nacional, segregación racista,
      explotación de clase, deportaciones masivas y desigualdad, NOSOTROS
      creemos que tenemos que RECONOCER la linea fronteriza entre EU-Mexico
      y el Tratado De Guadalupe Hidalgo de 1848 COMO ILEGAL! (Es una
      frontera impuesta por fuerza militar, guerra, invasión y opresión) Y
      Feb 2, 1848-2012
      
      164 years of occupation!
      
      Because in the 1836 to 1900', we as a Mexican@ Indigenous people were
      displaced by force off our lands in South Texas and what is now the
      Southwestern United States, and by the 1900's we were working what
      were our lands but now under Gringo ownership. The invaders and
      occupiers became the owners and we became 'cheap' wage-labor,
      
      Because the clauses guaranteeing the land ownership of Mexican and
      Indigenous people north of the borderline established by the War of
      the United States against Mexico 1845-48 and under the protection by
      the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo but that were VIOLATED repeatedly and
      with impunity,
      
      Because our people suffered a campaign of terror and death at the guns
      of white racist vigilantes, lynchings by White mobs, the mass savage
      killings by the Texas Rangers, and genocide under the Slave Republic
      of Texas and under United States occupation and military control that
      turned the northwestern part of Mexico, into the now Southwest of the
      United States,
      
      Because we have been treated and have experienced genocide in
      indigenous peoples and lands, national oppression as a people,
      exploitation as a working class, racism and racial segregation, mass
      deportations as migrant workers and youth experience incarceration not
      education,
      
      And because, our people have a story of unending struggle and
      resistance against the violence, national oppression, racist
      segregation, class exploitation, mass deportations, and inequality
      
      We believe that we must recognize the US-Mexico border line and the
      Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo of 1848, as ILLEGAL! (It is a border
      imposed by military force, war, invasion and oppression) and denounce
      them every year on this date,
      
      We must rescue and revive our peoples struggles and stories; A
      regeneration of our culture, universal human rights, indigenous roots,
      and languages, and connection to the land that is not U.S. Centric,
      
      We must decolonize our lands, our minds, spirits and our people for we
      are for all practical and political purposes treated as an internal
      colony within the entrails of the monster.
      
      We reject the assimilationist models of hegemonic power, capitalism
      and imperialism, colonialism and white supremacy and hold high our
      goal for liberation, not just reform; but true democracy, and
      universal equality for all!
      
      Another United States is Possible and Necessary for another world to
      be possible and happen!
      
      "Traducción:
      
      El Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo del 2 de febrero del 1848-al 2012 son
      164 anos de occupacion!. Porque desde 1836 y 1900, Nosotros como
      pueblo Mexicano Indígena, nos desplazaron por fuerza de nuestras
      tierras en el sur de Tejas lo que es el suroeste de los EU y ya para
      los 1900s estábamos trabajando esas tierras pero ahora abajo de los
      nuevos dueños gringos. Los invasores y ocupadores se volvieron los
      dueños y nosotros nos convertimos trabajadores "mano barata." Porque
      las clausas garantizando títulos de la tierra para los dueños de sus
      tierras para nosotros los Mexicanos e otros pueblos indígenas norte de
      la LINIA FRONTERIZA establecida por la Guerra de los EU y Mexico del
      1845 z 1848 y abajo la protección del Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo
      pero que FUERON VIOLADOS repetidamente y con impunidad. 
      Porque Nuestra gente sufrio de una campana de terror y muerte de las armas de los
      vigilantes racistas blancos, ahorcadoras por hordas blancas, las
      masacres salvajes de los Rinches tejanos, y genocidio abajo el ESTADO
      Esclavista de Texas y bajo la ocupación de los EEUU y su control
      militar que cambio el Noroeste de Mexico a lo que ahora es conocido el
      Suroeste de los EU. Porque hemos sido tratados y experimentado
      genocidio en tierras y pueblo indígenas, opresión nacional como
      pueblo, explotación como clase trabajadora, racismo y segregación
      racial, deportaciones masivas como trabajadores migrantes y hemos
      experimentado encarcelación de juventud y no educación, Y Porque
      Tenemos Descolonizar nuestras tierras, nuestras mentes, nuestro
      Denunciarlos cada ano en esta fecha. Necesitamos Rescatar y Revivir
      las luchas de nuestros pueblos y sus luchas; Una Regeneración de 
      nuestra cultura, derechos humanos universales, raices indígenas y
      Lenguas, Y nuestra conectivo a la tierra que no sea USA-Centrica.
      espíritu y nuestra gente porque al fin de cuentas practicables y
      políticas somos tratados como una colonia interna en las tripas de la
      bestia. Rechazamos modelos de asimilación de poderes hegemonías,
      capitalismo e imperialismo, colonización, y la supremacia blanca y
      Guardamos alto nuestras metas para la liberación, no solo reformas;
      pero verdaderamente una democracia y igualdad universal para todos!
      Otro EU es posible y Necesario para que Otro mundo sea posible y
      sucede!"
      
      Ruben Solis
      University Sin Fronteras
      grulla@...
      skype:rubensolisgarcia
    • ghwelker
      http://www.washingtonpost.com/entertainment/museums/nation-to-nation-full-of-the-intriguing-often-maddening-details-of-history/2014/09/23/a46b9aca-4019-11e4-b0
      Message 396 of 396 , Sep 24, 2014

      http://www.washingtonpost.com/entertainment/museums/nation-to-nation-full-of-the-intriguing-often-maddening-details-of-history/2014/09/23/a46b9aca-4019-11e4-b0ea-8141703bbf6f_story.html

      A visitor views Wampum belts, fans and other diplomatic tools of the treaty process at the Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian’s “Nation to Nation: Treaties Between the United States and American Indian Nations.” (Paul Morigi/AP)

       September 23 at 9:40 PM  


      When the National Museum of the American Indian opened a decade ago this month, the tone, design and scholarship of the exhibitions were unlike anything else in Washington. Disgusted with ham-handed and often condescending treatment from traditional anthropologists, and determined to be the author of their own self-representation in the nation’s capital, the leaders of the NMAI allowed individual tribes extraordinary input and power over what viewers saw in the museum’s galleries. The results were controversial: It was, in many ways, the ultimate postmodern museum experience, with no central narrative, no omniscient voice and no absolute appeals to the voice of science and history. But from the visitor’s point of view, it was also bewildering.

      With a new exhibition on the history of treaties between the U.S. government and native communities, the Smithsonian franchise has done a museological volte-face. “Nation to Nation,” which opened Sunday, falls squarely in the mainstream of exhibition design: a chronological walk through history, supported by documents, artifacts, photographs and other images, leading to a clear and compelling argument. The history of treaties, like the history of native people on this continent, is a troubled one, full of sincere promise and wretched betrayal; but treaties are ongoing, and just as there are still dynamic native communities all across the country, there are still treaties in force that give them autonomy, dignity and hope for the future.

      Judged side by side with other Smithsonian exhibitions, this first foray into a more mainstream presentation is successful. There are small gaffes, but these are easily remedied. In the future, the designers need to attend more diligently to the control and leakage of sound; it can be difficult to read wall texts over the pervasive noise of the videos. They might also reconsider the placement of specially designed lectern-like introductory stations, which weren’t the obvious first stop for visitors entering new rooms or thematic groupings. In a few cases, one also wished for a bit more identifying material: The 1794 Treaty of Canandaigua, an attempt to secure peace with the Iroquois (or the Haudenosaunee, as they are referred to in the exhibition), includes beautiful photographs of a northern lake, but a map would have helped locate it (Canandaigua is on the northern end of one of the Finger Lakes in upstate New York).

      But those are things to be tweaked, not greatly regretted. Otherwise, the presentation is clear, comprehensive and full of the intriguing and often maddening details of history. The exhibition is divided into three large chapters: the optimism and apparent goodwill of the early treaties, made by the young republic to secure peace, security and coexistence; the “bad paper” treaties of the 19th century, which were often little more than formalized theft; and the 20th-century legacy, in which native political and cultural leaders used existing treaties to negotiate and secure greater autonomy and independence from federal and state control.

      Throughout this larger structure is a consistent use of contrasting “viewpoint” panels, with the Native understanding juxtaposed with the official U.S. or prevailing non-Native view. It’s an effective strategy that allows both for dispassionate presentation and considerable historical complexity. Before learning about individual treaties, visitors are introduced to two radically different worldviews, including leadership styles, different understandings of land and ownership, preferences for spoken or written language and attitudes to diplomacy and promises. Native Americans were deeply connected to land and had a broad sense of territorial possession, but this wasn’t formalized in European terms on paper, or through deeds; oral agreements weren’t just a lesser or less formal version of the written contract, but more substantial, more binding than the sealed promise; and leadership was highly devolved and decentralized, not concentrated in a single leader or his delegated representative.


      It wasn’t, of course, just a matter of cultural difference or miscommunication that led to the 19th-century eviction, dispossession and genocide of native people. It was greed and the deeply embedded American conviction, abetted by the Christian religion and enforced with military might, that the white man had a superior right to the land because he was more civilized and could make better use of it.

      After a room detailing the earliest treaties, enacted in the naive belief that perhaps two very different modes of life could be made compatible, a video helps visitors segue to the much darker chapters of Manifest Destiny, the villainous Andrew Jackson (author of so much misery), the recurring tension between the states (always greedy for more land) and the federal government (technically and ethically obliged to honor existing treaties). Negotiation gave way to intimidation, bribery, trickery and lying. Treaties were merely a fig leaf: “They wanted all of it, they wanted everything,” says Suzan Shown Harjo, guest curator of the exhibition.

      And so we learn that the Cherokee Trail of Tears (another Andrew Jackson production) wasn’t exceptional; the 1838 Potawatomi Trail of Death, one of the more egregious and effective campaigns of “removal” that defined 19th-century relations between the U.S. and the Native nations, was just as criminal. Beginning in 1816, the Potawatomi of the Great Lakes region made dozens of new agreements, ceding large amounts of land in exchange for smaller reserves; but by the 1830s they were simply being forced out wholesale, at the point of muskets by armed militias.

      The early decades of the 20th century weren’t much better. A haunting 1900 photograph, reproduced at large scale, shows Native school girls praying beside their beds at an Indian school in Phoenix. For those who had survived the removals, the forced migrations beset by disease and death, the re-concentration on often desperately inhospitable new lands, and the further encroachment of efforts to privatize reservation lands, there was yet more: religious and cultural extermination. Greed and expansionism were not enough; God’s gentle people wanted souls, minds and memory, too. And by the middle decades of the last century came another appalling chapter: “Termination,” an effort by Congress to eliminate the independent status of Native tribes altogether.

      Reaction against termination, the curators argue, was the turning point, the beginning of a newly sophisticated Native awareness and resistance, and an embrace of historical treaties as a bulwark against the decimation of culture. By insisting on the treaties’ ongoing validity, they also laid the logical groundwork for a new era of economic self-
      sufficiency, and the legalized gaming that has been so prevalent and lucrative. The inclusion, among the artifacts, of poker chips and playing cards from the Agua Caliente casino in Southern California feels a bit like a joke; but it’s a joke rich with sweet revenge, as greed and stupidity become something to harvest rather than fear.

      The “feel-good” flavor of the last chapter, the celebration of resurgent Native communities after so much darkness, is a holdover, perhaps, from the earlier presentation, which stressed the ongoing presence of Indians in American life. But there is something celebratory about the tone, and the celebratory is always suspect in a museum; it’s too easy to convert history into cheap narrative uplift.

      Perhaps it’s justified in this case, though it might have been tempered by more directly posing the obvious hard questions that non-Native visitors should contemplate: Has the long history of wrongs been expiated? How do those of us who benefited from the genocide make sense of our own claims to land and property?


      For people who have followed the evolution of the National Museum of the American Indian, there will also be a few moments of dissonance. Although the exhibition incorporates multiple viewpoints and understandings, the fundamental perspective is now much closer to the master-narrative style of Western intellectual discourse; the spoken word gives way to text-dense written panels. With the introduction of a standard museological approach into the NMAI, one begins to miss the old multivalent style of the exhibitions a decade ago.

      But museums need audiences, and the NMAI was struggling to find them. So of course it had to move toward a more traditional exhibition style, toward a more Western discourse, toward a more non-Native centralization and control over the message. It couldn’t really have happened any other way. Which is the same, frustrating and deeply unsatisfying answer some of us give to the foundational historic tragedy of the United States.


      Nation to Nation: Treaties Between the United Statesand American Indian Nations

      Through fall 2018. National Museum of the American Indian, Fourth Street and Independence Avenue SW. Call 202-633-1000 or visit nmai.si.edu. Free.



      Philip Kennicott is the Pulitzer Prize-winning Art and Architecture Critic of The Washington Post. He has been on staff at the Post since 1999, first as Classical Music Critic, then as Culture Critic.
    Your message has been successfully submitted and would be delivered to recipients shortly.