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DSP letter to SA

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  • Peter Boyle
    The following letter was sent to the Socialist Alliance national executive yesterday. It addresses some of the lurid speculation on this list, Sydney
    Message 1 of 1 , Jan 16, 2006
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      The following letter was sent to the Socialist Alliance national
      executive yesterday. It addresses some of the lurid speculation on this
      list, Sydney indymedia, CPGB and AWL websites about the recent DSP
      congress in Sydney, January 5-8 (contrary to a certain inaccurate report
      it went for exactly as long as planned and there were no bloody
      late-night sessions). More coverage of the congress will be published in
      the first issue of Green Left Weekly for 2006, which will be out (as
      scheduled last year) next week.

      Peter Boyle

      * * *

      Socialist Alliance National Executive
      PO Box A2323
      Sydney South 1235
      nationalexecutive@...

      Monday, 16 January 2006

      Dear comrades,

      I am writing to you to inform the Socialist Alliance of decisions taken
      by the Democratic Socialist Perspective at its 22nd Congress on January
      5-8, 2006, which included a detailed discussion of the DSP’s relation to
      and work in the Socialist Alliance.

      These deliberations took came after an extensive pre-congress discussion
      centred on the draft resolution, “The Democratic Socialist Perspective
      and the Socialist Alliance”, which was published in the Socialist
      Alliance’s discussion bulletin, Alliance Voices, in December (Volume 5,
      Number 11).

      The draft resolution was adopted by the congress, with one amendment
      that underlines the DSP’s commitment to continue to build the Socialist
      Alliance as a new party project. The adopted version is attached to this
      letter.

      As you know, the DSP debate took place between majority and minority
      platforms of the outgoing DSP National Executive. While both platforms
      supported the draft congress resolution, the NE minority proposed that
      the DSP return to calling itself the Democratic Socialist Party, a
      course opposed by the NE majority. The NE majority position received the
      support of three quarters of the Congress delegates.

      Congress also elected a new DSP National Committee, which in turn
      established the national officeholder positions of National Secretary,
      Assistant National Secretary and National President. Comrades Peter
      Boyle, Sue Bolton and John Percy were respectively elected to these
      positions.

      More detailed proposals adopted by Congress committed DSP members to
      work within Socialist Alliance structures (and in broader formations if
      and when they arise) to advance the organisation and fighting capacity
      of the trade union movement, and to build to the best of our ability
      campaigns in defence of civil liberties, against racism and imperialist
      war, for students’ ability to organise politically, and against the
      government’s assaults on welfare provision and other democratic and
      social rights.

      Congress assessed that the Socialist Alliance is well placed to advance
      these campaigns and that continuing to champion left unity through
      Socialist Alliance and beyond is vital to improving the chances of
      turning the tide in favour of the working class and building a strong
      anti-capitalist movement in Australia.

      Congress also discussed how to make more progress in implementing the
      decisions of the Socialist Alliance’s June 2005 National Conference.
      Proposals adopted for discussion by Socialist Alliance included:

      • Joining more people to Socialist Alliance (Congress assessed that
      there is a lot of potential to do this in the current political conditions);
      • Organising to broaden and deepen the participation of Socialist
      Alliance members, especially unaffiliated members, in every sphere and
      at every level of the Alliance, including its leadership bodies, through
      inclusive and democratic branch meetings, caucuses, committees and e-lists;
      • Further streamlining the administrative work associated with Socialist
      Alliance’s electoral registration so that more membership energy can be
      devoted to political discussion and campaigning; and
      • Further strengthening the Socialist Alliance-building role of Green
      Left Weekly.

      Congress also agreed to make some specific proposals to the Socialist
      Alliance National Executive that the DSP thinks can strengthen the
      Alliance’s capacity to build resistance to the neo-liberal attacks.
      These included:

      • Producing, as soon as possible, a Socialist Alliance Fightback
      Manifesto that sets out its views on the capitalists’ offensive, the
      type of action that can stop them, the need for a political alternative
      and how people can get involved in the struggle. As we embark on a year
      of what could be make or break struggles against the government’s and
      bosses’ wide-ranging attacks, such a manifesto will be invaluable for
      building both Socialist Alliance and the fightback.
      • Initiating a discussion in the broader union movement about
      possibilities for a second National Trade Union Fight-back Conference
      mid-year and scheduling the 2006 SA national conference to coincide with
      such a broader conference, as in 2005.

      The DSP looks forward to a year of growing resistance to the
      capitalists’ neo-liberal offensive and to helping to build the Socialist
      Alliance as an invaluable player in that fight. We are confident that
      the impressive left unity and movement leadership so far shown by the
      Socialist Alliance will make a real contribution to shifting the balance
      of class forces in favour of working people and the oppressed.

      If the Socialist Alliance National Executive would like to discuss the
      results of the 22nd DSP Congress in more detail, I would be pleased to
      have it listed as an agenda item at the next Socialist Alliance NE meeting.

      We request that this letter be published in Alliance Voices for the
      information of Socialist Alliance members and supporters.

      Comradely regards,

      Peter Boyle
      National Secretary
      Democratic Socialist Perspective


      Attached: Resolution on DSP-SA relations as adopted by DSP Congress.

      The Democratic Socialist Perspective and the Socialist Alliance

      The following resolution was adopted by the DSP’s Congress in Sydney,
      January 5-8, 2006.

      Introduction

      1. In the wake of the decision of the May 2003 Second National
      Conference of the Socialist Alliance to adopt the perspective of
      transforming itself into a single, multi-tendency socialist party and to
      “accept and welcome a strong revolutionary socialist stream as an
      integral part of our vision of a broad socialist party”, the Democratic
      Socialist Party declared itself an internal tendency in the Socialist
      Alliance and renamed itself the Democratic Socialist Perspective (DSP)
      at its 21st Congress in Sydney, December 27-30, 2003.
      2. The resolution “The Democratic Socialist Perspective and the
      Socialist Alliance” set the DSP on a course of building the Socialist
      Alliance, progressing its transformation into a united, multi-tendency
      socialist party and integrating as much of the resources of the
      Democratic Socialist Party into the Socialist Alliance as possible.
      However, despite our best efforts, over the past two years we have not
      been able to build the Socialist Alliance into an effective new party
      and our attempt to integrate as much of the resources of the DSP into
      the Socialist Alliance as possible has stalled. While the smaller
      affiliates have remained opposed to, obstructed, or abstained from most
      collective political activity in the Socialist Alliance, too few leaders
      and activists have so far emerged from the majority of Socialist
      Alliance members who are not in any affiliate group. Whilst
      acknowledging the early stage of development of the Socialist Alliance,
      this resolution reaffirms the DSP’s commitment to building the Socialist
      Alliance as a new party project.
      3. This resolution supersedes the 21st DSP Congress resolution “The
      Democratic Socialist Perspective and the Socialist Alliance” and resets
      our perspectives and objectives for work in the Socialist Alliance.

      Political space for the Socialist Alliance remains

      4. The opening for the Socialist Alliance was very concrete, we noted in
      our 21st Congress resolution. We saw it as a response to the beginning
      of a new cycle of working-class and anti-capitalist struggle signaled by:
      • the mass high school walkouts against the racist One Nation Party of
      Pauline Hanson;
      • the mass opposition to the 1998 attack on the Maritime Union of Australia;
      • the mass solidarity with the East Timor national liberation struggle,
      which forced both Coalition and Labor parties to reverse their
      longstanding policy in support of the Indonesian occupation;
      • the 20,000-strong, three-day S11-2000 blockade of the Melbourne World
      Economic Forum; and
      • the huge anti-war movement that erupted before the invasion of Iraq.
      Some sort of left unity project, like the Socialist Alliance, was
      essential if socialists were to get a broader hearing from the working
      class in these new circumstances.
      5. However, since then, there have been some significant retreats in the
      social movements. The massive movement against the invasion of Iraq
      melted away quickly in the wake of the invasion and occupation by the US
      and its allied imperialist aggressors. Though opinion polls in Australia
      and other imperialist countries show majority opposition to that
      occupation, the anti-war movement remains weak and in some cities
      divided and there have been no large anti-globalisation mobilisations
      over the last couple of years.
      6. The re-election of the Howard Liberal-National Coalition government -
      and this time with a narrow majority in the Senate - deepened the mood
      of demoralisation and demobilisation in the broader social movements.
      7. While the Socialist Alliance has fielded candidates in state, local
      and federal elections, the votes obtained have generally been lower than
      that previously obtained by Democratic Socialist Electoral League and
      other socialist candidates. This generally poor result, combined with
      Howard’s re-election, has resulted in a drop in participation and
      activity in most Socialist Alliance branches since late 2004.
      8. The main reason for the Socialist Alliance’s poor votes is the
      electoral rise of the Greens, who now capture most of the broad left
      vote including that of many progressive people who respect the work of
      the Socialist Alliance. However, as elected Greens candidates at various
      levels of government are politically tested, the space for candidates to
      the left of the Greens will open up - as was demonstrated by the
      election of Socialist Party member Steve Jolly to the Yarra Council. The
      Green party is unclear about whether its aims can be achieved under
      capitalism or not. This leads the Greens to underestimate the importance
      of independent working-class mobilisation and organisation in favour of
      parliamentary activities. While there are some socialists and other
      grass-roots activists within the Greens, there is a rightward pressure
      exerted on the party by its wealthier supporters and by its
      parliamentary focus. Moreover, the Greens generally remain weak in many
      working class communities and electorates where anger and
      disillusionment with the ALP potentially provides the support base for a
      new workers’ party. As the Greens’ political limitations become clearer,
      the Socialist Alliance can convince left-wing Greens activists to join a
      working-class party with an effective strategy for social change and
      ecological sustainability. In this framework, the DSP remains committed
      to close collaboration between the Socialist Alliance and the Greens in
      community, social, environment and electoral campaigns.
      9. While over the past two years there have been some setbacks for the
      militant trade union current (e.g. the deposing and jailing of militant
      former AMWU Victorian secretary Craig Johnston, a prominent Socialist
      Alliance member), that militant minority continues to exercise
      considerable influence in Victoria and has made gains in other states.
      The Socialist Alliance has gradually advanced the organisation of its
      members and supporters in the trade unions and has built campaigns
      around the demands of its action platform. Its united campaigning, while
      limited (notably the other affiliate groups are not very active in the
      trade union or other caucuses), continues to be more effective than the
      individual efforts of any single socialist group. In several cities,
      Socialist Alliance members are respected leaders of the militant trade
      union minority, enjoying the support of thousands of militant workers.
      The election of Socialist Alliance members Chris Cain as WA secretary of
      the Maritime Union of Australia, Tim Gooden as secretary of the Geelong
      Trades Hall Council, Chris Spindler as president of the Victorian Branch
      of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union and the successful June
      2005 National Trade Union Fightback Conference are a few examples of
      these gains.
      10. The 2005 Fightback Conference brought together a broad range of
      militant trade unionists and was the initiative of militant trade
      unionists in and around the Socialist Alliance. Our initiative and
      campaign for mass delegates meetings and mass industrial and political
      action on June 30, first in Victoria and then in WA - which clearly
      sparked the broader and growing round of mass actions around June
      30/July 1 – made this conference possible. The new national Fightback
      network launched at this conference has increased the potential to
      organise unionists for the fight against the federal government’s
      industrial relations legislation on a broader scale.
      11. The Socialist Alliance is more widely identified by workers as the
      political pole of recent militant initiatives on the trade union
      movement and more militant workers are now joining the Socialist
      Alliance, though still at a modest rate. On the back of Fightback’s
      success, the fourth Socialist Alliance national conference elected a
      more democratic national executive that includes prominent trade union
      and social movement leaders such as Craig Johnston, Sam Watson and Tim
      Gooden. The challenge is to try to develop this into an effective
      leadership.
      12. These two conferences set a challenge for the Socialist Alliance to
      play a serious role in helping lead the mass working-class resistance to
      the Howard government’s new anti-union laws. The 350,000 workers who
      mobilised on June 30/July 1, put the Howard government on the defensive.
      The June 30-July 1 trade union demonstrations were the largest mass
      mobilisations seen since February 2003. In the intervening two and half
      years, the biggest demonstration (apart from the 10-15,000 strong forest
      rally in Hobart in March 2004 and the 10,000-strong Save the Tasmanian
      Forests march in Melbourne in June 2004) in any single city was about
      5,000-strong. The June 30-July 1 demonstrations were preceded by
      delegates meetings in some states which indicated a new willingness to
      fight in the trade union movement’s ranks. Activists in other social
      movements began to understand the strategic need to defend the trade
      union movement – the last remaining social movement in his country with
      any ongoing mass organisation.
      13. The second round of mass protests (on November 15) in which more
      than 600,000 workers participated, took the struggle to a new stage. The
      current trade union leadership had to be pushed to organise the first
      protest against the IR laws. The Labor Party and the ACTU have also
      tried to funnel the mass opposition to the laws into a campaign to
      re-elect Labor at the next election, even though Labor has refused to
      commit to renouncing individual contracts or to repealing all the
      anti-union laws other than Howard’s WorkChoices legislation. But there
      has been mass working class support for a serious industrial and
      political campaign to resist these laws, which is producing
      contradictions within the ALP as governing party in all states and
      territories and as federal parliamentary opposition as well as within
      unions dominated by the ALP. Even after these laws are adopted, we can
      anticipate a series of struggles around their enforcement. Some unions
      are determined that they will continue to take industrial action, even
      though it will be illegal and their members and officials risk jail for
      doing so. Socialists have the duty to fight side-by-side with the
      militant trade unionists in these struggles to help the militant
      minority current to grow and increase its preparedness to take
      independent initiatives in the face of these attacks, drawing in all
      those who want to act against these laws.
      14. While the Australian working class is being forced into political
      action, it is too early to proclaim this as the end of the last two and
      a half decades of class retreat in the face of the capitalist neoliberal
      offensive. Our characterisation, at our last Congress, of the post-1998
      political developments as the beginning of a turn in the working class
      struggle was over-optimistic. Certainly those developments marked a
      broadening legitimacy crisis of neoliberal politicians and the rise of
      some new political vanguards and the partial revival of advanced
      political elements that had previously retreated into relative
      inactivity. However, the working class as a whole remained generally on
      the retreat. The long 15-year capitalist expansion cycle (with all its
      contradictions) continued to dampen resistance to capitalist neoliberal
      reforms. While understanding that the post-1998 political developments
      did not mark the end of two and a half decades of class retreat, the
      scale of the 2005 ruling class offensive and the initial mass response
      against it means that there is the potential for a shift in the working
      class struggle which we need to be ready to respond to.
      15. Having led the working class into retreat and having championed the
      neoliberal offensive against the social gains of previous working class
      struggles, the ALP has been facing a serious political crisis. Labor's
      ever more explicit shift to the right – whether in government or in
      opposition – has opened up a space to its left that all serious
      socialists know we have to contend for. The replacement of Mark Latham
      by Kim Beazley destroyed the brief illusions sparked by Latham’s
      populist rhetoric and call for the withdrawal of Australian troops from
      Iraq by Christmas 2004. Over time Labor’s shift to the right has created
      a deep structural crisis for the ALP—its activist base has been
      shrinking, aging and becoming more inactive, as dramatically exposed in
      former leader Latham’s memoirs. A growing section of the working class
      and other oppressed and victimised sections of society has continued to
      look for a political alternative to the major parties. At the same time,
      the viciousness of the Howard government’s attack is leading some
      unionists who don’t trust the Labor Party and oppose the Labor Party’s
      reactionary support for mandatory detention of refugees and the
      “anti-terrorism” legislation” to join the ALP despite these bi-partisan
      positions. Labor’s focus on opposition to the Howard WorkChoices
      legislation — even as it supports the Howard government’s
      “anti-terrorism” laws — is aimed at reconsolidating its support base.
      16. As the ALP stands increasingly exposed, the Greens have filled most
      of the opening electoral space. However the Greens have not filled the
      space opened up by the crisis of leadership in the trade unions and the
      broader labour movement, especially given the vital challenges of the
      struggle against Howard’s anti-union laws.
      17. At the same time winning the working class away from its traditional
      Labor misleadership requires a lot more than exposing the ALP’s
      betrayals. Indeed, today socialists are hard-pressed to keep up with the
      ALP politicians' relentless self-exposure! However, if
      disillusioned-in-Labor workers are to rise above despair, cynicism, and
      apathy they have to see a viable alternative political vehicle (or at
      least one in construction), an organisation which shows practical
      leadership on the issues that matter for them.

      Changes to DSP perspectives in Socialist Alliance

      18. To create this alternative it is simply not enough for revolutionary
      socialists to hold up their political program and call for the support
      from these workers breaking from the ALP. Rather, our challenge is to
      unite with the actual leaders of the working-class resistance, fighting
      alongside them in a common effort to reverse the cycle of defeat and
      reinvigorate the movement. Through the Socialist Alliance, socialist
      politics occupies a greater portion of its potential political space
      than would otherwise be the case and has won a stronger hearing in the
      working class than it has enjoyed for decades. It remains the best
      available political vehicle to win over more militant trade union
      leaders and work more closely with a wider layer of working-class
      militants in the current political conditions. Socialists will continue
      to win more of the respect and confidence of these working class leaders
      and militants if we continue to struggle for a united socialist party.
      19. However, our experience over the last two years forces us to
      recognize that the pace at which these two intertwined processes develop
      is slower than we anticipated and furthermore is dictated largely by the
      objective conditions beyond our control.
      20. This reality has posed a change for the DSP’s perspectives for the
      Socialist Alliance. Our December 2003 resolution to integrate as much of
      the resources of the Democratic Socialist Party into the Socialist
      Alliance as possible was based on an over-estimation of the political
      conditions. This attempt at integration failed because the conditions to
      build the Socialist Alliance into a new party did not exist. To persist
      with such an integration plan would have jeopardised real gains of the
      socialist movement in this country, including its modest pool of
      revolutionary activists and Green Left Weekly, which in our estimate is
      an invaluable and indispensable political institution on the Australian
      left.
      21. The Socialist Alliance will have to go through a more extended
      period of united campaigning and regroupment with broader left forces
      that are generated by a new upturn of resistance to the capitalist
      neoliberal “reforms” before it can harness the leadership resources and
      political confidence to take a significant step to creating a new
      socialist party. Nevertheless, for first time in many years many
      unionists look towards a left party project. By championing the need for
      a broadly based anti-capitalist party or a “new mass workers’ party” (as
      Craig Johnston put it at the Melbourne 2005 National Trade Union
      Fightback Conference) and by organizing the most united left
      intervention in the social movements, the Socialist Alliance can
      continue to win the respect of and recruit broader layers of militant
      workers to its ranks and in this way take practical steps along the road
      to such a party.
      22. Green Left Weekly plays a critical role in this ongoing process of
      broader regroupment. For example, as a national newspaper, Green Left
      Weekly helps network and unite the militant trade unionists who are
      scattered across states and different unions and industries. Because
      there isn’t yet any party which unites all of the more militant
      unionists (some are Socialist Alliance members, some are still in the
      ALP, but most are not members of any party), a paper like Green Left
      Weekly can help bring such people together in a process which might
      eventually lead towards a more party-like formation.
      23. The DSP will continue to make available meeting and organising space
      to the Socialist Alliance and will stand by the agreed protocols between
      Socialist Alliance and Green Left Weekly encouraging and securing
      greater access and input by the Socialist Alliance, its members and
      affiliates into Green Left Weekly; and placing the projection of the
      Socialist Alliance within Green Left Weekly in the hands of an editorial
      body that is accountable to and appointed by the Socialist Alliance. DSP
      members will also continue to politically organise together with other
      Socialist Alliance members through branches, caucuses, committees and
      working groups, wherever effective, in order to build the most united
      left political intervention possible and to build the Socialist Alliance.
      24. In the meantime, the DSP has to continue to take urgent steps to
      replenish its cadre base and maintain the political, organisational and
      financial viability of its own structures. Socialist Alliance structures
      remain too loose and weak to win, educate and train new socialist
      activists and the Socialist Alliance caucuses and working groups have
      only partially begun to organise united interventions into the
      movements. We need to recruit to the DSP from within and outside the
      Socialist Alliance and, primarily through Resistance, win, educate and
      develop a new generation of revolutionary youth cadre.
      25. In short, the DSP has not been able, and cannot afford, to operate
      as a purely internal tendency in the Socialist Alliance. The DSP
      functions as a public revolutionary socialist organisation, while
      continuing to be affiliated to the Socialist Alliance, to build it and
      to seek to provide political leadership to it.

      Our revolutionary perspective in the Socialist Alliance

      26. The DSP is a revolutionary socialist, Marxist, organisation. This
      means that the DSP is convinced that the socialist society for which the
      Socialist Alliance fights cannot be built unless the working class –
      which comprises the overwhelming majority in society today – conquers
      the power to make the decisions which are presently made by the
      corporate elites and those who govern for them. Only then will it be
      possible to put an end to inequality, injustice, poverty and oppression
      through the systematic and democratically-decided restructuring of all
      social relations.
      27. For this transformation to take place, the vast majority of working
      people have to become conscious socialists – conscious of their own
      power as the productive majority of society and convinced, too, that the
      socialist alternative represents their interests and remains viable
      despite the perversions and crimes that Stalinism committed in its name.
      Such consciousness can only arise through working people participating
      in struggles to defend their own immediate interests and in solidarity
      with working people in struggle elsewhere.
      28. But socialist consciousness cannot grow in the absence of socialist
      organisation – a mass revolutionary socialist party based in the working
      class. This is because socialist consciousness does not develop
      spontaneously. It has to be struggled for in the face of a capitalist
      class with immense and highly centralised military, financial, political
      and ideological power.
      29. The experience of all mass working-class and popular struggle to
      overthrow capitalism and establish a socialist society – beginning with
      the Russian Revolution – confirms the following key lessons of the
      pioneering Bolshevik experience in this regard:
      * Socialist consciousness and successful struggle is impossible without
      a revolutionary program for leading the class struggle to a
      revolutionary socialist conclusion;
      * That program can only be developed and effectively applied by a party
      which – through its consistent political activity – can win a leadership
      or vanguard role in the working class;
      * That party must be comprised of activists who carry out such a program
      and who agree with and are capable of working collectively (i.e. in a
      disciplined way) to advance it; and
      * That party must have an internationalist perspective, understanding
      the role of imperialism and be firm in its goal of overthrowing its own
      ruling class.
      30. However, neither in Australia nor anywhere can these features be
      decreed or conjured up. The revolutionary program, organisation and
      leadership have to be developed and tested in a real struggle to provide
      leadership to Australian workers in all the battles – economic,
      political and ideological – that they will face.
      31. By the same token, the mass revolutionary socialist party in this
      country will never be built simply by the incremental growth of the
      existing small socialist propaganda groups. The road to such a party
      will be conditioned by the specific social conditions and political
      developments that emerge. Crucial in this process will be the consistent
      effort by the consciously revolutionary forces to win over and fuse with
      the leaderships that emerge in the working class.
      32. The DSP continues to see the struggle to build a broadly based
      anti-capitalist party as a stage in the struggle for a mass
      revolutionary party in this country. This has been our view since our
      11th Congress in January 1986, when we affirmed that: “Only the creation
      of a serious anti-capitalist alternative, necessarily founded on a
      complete break with Labor reformism, can open the way to working class
      victories in the struggle against the bosses’ attempts to make working
      people pay for the capitalist crisis. Revolutionaries therefore place a
      high priority on helping to develop such a political alternative – a
      broadly based party that consistently counterposes defence of the
      interests of the workers and their allies to the illusions of class
      peace fostered by the ALP and the trade union bureaucracy. The road to
      building such a political alternative lies along the line of seeking
      unity among all who are willing to break with Labor reformism and to
      encourage the most broadly based action in defence of the interests of
      workers and their allies.” (Resolution on “The ALP and the fight for
      socialism”, available in the pamphlet Labor and the Fight for
      Socialism). We are confident that, while such a broad left party
      necessarily begins with an incomplete class struggle platform and a
      broad socialist objective (i.e. does not have an explicitly
      revolutionary program), in the course of united engagement in mass
      struggles, it will steadily and democratically develop its program in a
      more explicitly revolutionary direction.
      33. While the Socialist Alliance has adopted as its perspective
      transforming itself into a multi-tendency socialist party, this is just
      a beginning of such a new party project. If there is a new rise in the
      class struggle, new potential partners will be drawn into the project
      for a new party and the Socialist Alliance may have to become part of or
      be transformed into or be supplanted by new structures for best
      organising the strongest political voice for anti-neoliberal resistance.
      34. In accordance with the perspectives outlined above the objectives of
      the DSP within Socialist Alliance are as follows:
      * To build the Socialist Alliance as a campaigning alliance in the
      social movements (particularly the trade union movement) that seeks to
      build, in actions and in words, a new mass workers’ party because the
      greater political unity, confidence and active commitment required to
      advance this new party project will be forged through such collective
      struggle;
      * To promote internationalism and comradely collaboration between the
      Socialist Alliance and socialist organisations in other countries on the
      basis of solidarity and mutual non-interference;
      * To win other Socialist Alliance members to revolutionary socialism; and
      * To provide revolutionary socialist political leadership within the
      Socialist Alliance.
      The DSP will pursue these aims and objectives within the democratic
      framework of the Socialist Alliance.
      35. We are totally open about our revolutionary politics and seek to win
      others in the Socialist Alliance to it. Those comrades with whom we work
      now – and the many more who will join the Socialist Alliance in the
      future – will always know where the DSP is coming from. It will not seek
      to trick them into collaboration by hiding its revolutionary perspective.
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