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Rhyme and Reason in Venezuela - What do the Chavistas without Chavez have in mind?

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  • Cort Greene
    Vheadline- http://www.Vheadline.com Published: Sunday, September 25, 2005 Bylined to: Franz J.T. Lee What is really happening to rhyme and reason in Venezuela?
    Message 1 of 1 , Sep 26, 2005
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      Vheadline- http://www.Vheadline.com

      Published: Sunday, September 25, 2005
      Bylined to: Franz J.T. Lee


      What is really happening to rhyme and reason in
      Venezuela? What do the 'Chavistas without Chavez' have
      in mind?

      University of Los Andes (ULA) professor Franz J. T.
      Lee writes: Currently, here In Venezuela, many of us
      are discussing the "process," the "deepening of the
      revolution"; we refer to the "revolution within the
      revolution," we fear the current "counter-revolution"
      within the very Bolivarian Revolution.


      Many of us already ask: What is really happening now?

      Should we prepare ourselves for the next military
      coup?

      For the next oil sabotage?

      For coming massacres of "chavistas"?

      What is really happening is that the ship of state of
      the Bolivarian Revolution is leaving the calm doldrums
      of the past year and, true to its historic mission, 
      is now sailing towards a sea of troubles, entering
      stormy waters again, filled with political man-eaters,
      social sharks and economic bloodsuckers ... in a word,
      filled with a myriad of counter-revolutionaries with
      red berets as disguise.

      What are the scientific and theoretical differences
      between revolution, counter-revolution and
      emancipation?


      If we don't know the answers, our answers, how are we
      going to confront national capitalism and global
      imperialism? How will we introduce a new socialism of
      the 21st century?

      As always, here are just some "practical" food for
      serious theoretical thought.

      Firstly, dialectically, there does not exist a social
      revolution that does not contain its own
      counter-revolution within itself, and vice versa. If
      we experience a counter-revolution in Venezuela, then
      we really and truly are making a Bolivarian revolution
      here. The more virulent and brutal the
      counter-revolution becomes, the more humanist and
      emancipatory the Bolivarian Revolution advances.


      Revolutionaries do not fear counter-revolution,
      dialectically, they continually create it anew, it is
      their emancipatory natural habitat. It is their
      measuring rod of success, of whether they are still on
      the straight path towards human liberation.

      Currently the "whip of the counter-revolution" is
      omnipresent, it is in the barrio, in Altamira, in the
      casino, in Miraflores, in the ministry, in the radio
      and TV programs, in school, in the Bolivarian missions
      and universities, in the national assembly, in the
      offices of the governors, of the mayors, of the
      counselors, in the beds of the compatriots.

      But, learning from concrete, recent, historical
      experiences, what really is counter-revolution, to
      what does it refer?

      Is it pro-capitalist or anti-socialist, or is it
      simply an intrinsic, inalienable part of bourgeois,
      democratic revolution itself?

      With reference to the dramatic events in Venezuela,
      between April 11 and 13, 2002, in their article
      "Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Venezuela," Alan
      Woods and Ted Grant wrote:


      "The class interests behind the coup were obvious. The
      head of the counter-revolutionary government was a
      wealthy businessman, Pedro Carmona -- the chief of the
      bosses' association. His first action was to rescind
      Chávez's so-called anti-investment laws - that is, all
      those laws intended to defend Venezuela's interests
      and raise the living standards of the masses. The
      corrupt and rotten Venezuelan bourgeoisie is incapable
      of playing a progressive role. Its plans would signify
      putting the country and its considerable oil wealth
      firmly in the grasp of US imperialism."

      Beyond doubt, all modern social revolutions concern
      global class struggles, class interests; hence, in the
      case of contemporary Venezuela, piquantly the authors
      did explain the national and imperialist gist of the
      current revolutionary-counter-revolutionary
      contradiction within the Bolivarian Movement.

      For the authors, the global, globalized context of the
      Bolivarian Revolution is also crystal-clear: "The coup
      was headed by the Venezuelan bourgeoisie and their
      cronies in the armed forces (FAN). But the hand that
      pulled the strings was clearly in Washington. This
      plan was born and bred in the United States. The Bush
      administration, delighted at the thought of Chávez in
      handcuffs, was preparing to take over the Venezuelan
      oil industry through the back door, allowing 'aid' to
      go to the new Caracas government - in the form of oil
      investment. This is part of the broader strategy of US
      imperialism after September 11 to intervene
      aggressively everywhere."

      Today, all this is even more valid and true than ever.


      In other articles we have explained that by means of
      imperialism, colonialism and "neo-colonialism" ...
      nowadays also called "neo-liberalism" or "global
      fascism" ... the mode of capitalist production and
      reproduction has internationalized, globalized itself
      by means of its inherent, dialectical, revolutionary
      dynamics, by means of universal, systemic
      exploitation, domination, racism, militarization and
      alienation.

      To achieve the latter was precisely the historical
      goal, the social objective of capitalism, of capital
      accumulation, profits and power: of the global
      realization of its democratic revolution, of the
      French and Industrial Revolutions. From its point of
      view, seen from its perspective of Reason and Capital,
      anything else was and still is counter-revolutionary,
      is the very counter-revolution, the negation of
      capitalism, is socialism, is communism, is Marxism, is
      terrorism.

      The trillion dollar philosophic questions for us
      really are:


      * What do we understand by Counter-Revolution?

      * Do we really want to make a Revolution within the
      Revolution?

      * Or, are we talking about an exodus, about a
      Creating, Creative Force, about "Human Emancipation"
      (Marx)? However, firstly, this issue we have to settle
      with the Good Lord.

      *About something new, really brand new, for the 21st
      century, about that which will transcend both
      capitalist and imperialist revolutions and
      counter-revolutions?

      Our future, the future of mankind needs delicate
      clarification with reference to these urgent
      historical issues. We cannot afford to commit or even
      to repeat the fatal errors of the revolutionary 20th
      century again. We all are on the brink of annihilating
      humanity within the next decades.

      Significant for the Bolivarian Revolution, among other
      thinkers, for example, Simon Bolivar, Simon Rodriguez
      or Francisco de Miranda, it is imperative to study the
      revolutionary works of the social democratic bourgeois
      scientist and radical socialist philosopher Karl Marx
      and of his socialist followers very well. . Very
      early, in his youth, Marx has pointed out the
      decisive, incisive "praxico-theoretical" difference
      between capitalist revolution and socialist (human)
      emancipation, between intra-systemic dialectics and
      the logics of extra-systemic exodus.


      We explained: "Having studied Hegelian objectivist,
      idealist philosophy, British national economy and the
      French, British and German utopian socialists and
      communists, Marx evolved his theory of social and
      socialist revolution in the years 1840-1844."

      However, as we underlined, the Communist Manifesto,
      the 1848 program of the radical Social Democrats, was
      intended to continue the French Revolution,
      specifically to realize the retarded
      "bourgeois-democratic revolution" in Germany, the not
      yet "socialist or communist revolution" on a world
      scale:

      "We should note that it was intended to be a program
      for the bourgeois-democratic revolution, then overdue
      in Germany.

      According to Marx and Engels, who edited the Communist
      Manifesto in 1848, Germany's historical time lag as
      compared with her Western-bourgeois neighbors
      (England, France) offered the German revolution a
      unique historical chance not only to make up for the
      'political emancipation' (Marx) that had been brought
      about by the Jacobine revolution in France, but even
      to surpass it in a 'human emancipation' (Marx) which
      would go so far as to overcome the contradiction
      between citoyen and bourgeois."

      However, by formulating the trans-historic proletarian
      process, departing from political towards human
      emancipation, Marx scientifically differentiated it
      from bourgeois, capitalist revolution. Thus, the
      historical objectives of revolution and those of
      emancipation are not identical, in fact, they
      radically differ. The one remains within the labor
      system, the other one transcends towards human
      creativity and creation, a sphere that the ruling
      classes hitherto have only reserved for the god-men
      and gods.

      As mentioned above, in contradistinction to the global
      human emancipatory process ... as was expressed later
      in the Second International and more precisely in the
      Comintern before Lenin's death ... in their Communist
      Manifesto, Marx and Engels hopefully still described
      the revolutionary essence of capitalism, how it
      eventually would globalize itself, and resolve the
      social problems of all humanity. However, they also
      explained how it could eventually terminate in
      "barbarism", unless it is not being negated
      successfully by means of scientific and philosophic
      socialism, a precondition to surpass towards possible
      "human emancipation."

      Furthermore, Marx explained that in the very same
      dialectical way how across the ages revolutionary
      capitalism and imperialism had expanded globally,
      similarly, their own socialist negations have
      internationalized themselves. It is true that the
      majority of the social revolutions of the 20th
      century, in praxis and theory, did not make this
      radical distinction, did not include this
      transcendental reality in their concrete, earthly,
      historic programs; consequently, nearly all fell back
      into revolutionary, democratic capitalism, or even
      into "real, existing socialism", into tragic
      caricatures of real human emancipation.


      Current Bolivarian "praxis and theory", two concepts,
      of which President Hugo Chávez Frías lately
      continuously speaks in his national addresses, have to
      study these revolutionary and emancipatory aspects
      very carefully.

      Across the 19th and 20th centuries, very often the
      above was not intended, not stringently debated in
      socialist praxis and theory, also not in Latin
      America, where dependency theory and theology of
      liberation mostly preoccupied the revolutionary minds.
      Much later, in the 1970s, the "Praxis" Marxist groups
      of Yugoslavia, together with the Marxist philosopher
      of hope, Ernst Bloch, discussed such creative,
      emancipatory issues.

      Nonetheless, socialism, as negation of capitalism,
      correctly was seen as an international process, as
      "permanent revolution," but not yet as the creative,
      non-productive exodus towards global "transvolution,"
      towards possible human emancipation.

      Until now, strongly Influenced by all varieties of
      liberalism, Gandhism, pacifism, religion, and even
      "democracy," many promising emancipatory efforts just
      could not globalize themselves. Due to the lack of
      unity and integration, in the face of an aggressive,
      brutal, international imperialism nearly all were
      nipped in the bud.


      However, their trans-historic anticipatory daydreams
      are reflected and preserved in the current global
      Bolivarian Revolution, in its inexorable forward march
      towards Latin American integration and economic
      independence, towards the ALBA, towards human
      emancipation.

      After bitter anti-colonial and anti-imperialist class
      struggles, in the many bloody battles, having lost
      many heroic compatriots ... especially those millions
      of starving workers and pauperized peasants who were
      decimated by genocidal colonial wars ... later many
      erstwhile "freedom fighters" became turn-coats,
      "escualidos", traitors, who helped to pave the
      counter-emancipatory road towards current
      "neo-liberal" globalization.

      Were they counter-revolutionaries? Or did they fulfill
      the capitalist tasks of democratic revolution, of the
      French Revolution?

      What do the Venezuelan "Chavistas without Chavez" have
      in mind?

      As Carlos Ortega explained: Do they want to introduce
      10 or 20 years of fascist dictatorship in Venezuela?

      Like in Chile and Argentina, will they fill the
      base-ball and football fields with Bolivarian
      emancipators and massacre us, the Bolivarians, by the
      thousands?

      This is what Mario Silva warned about in his evening
      program, "La Hojilla," a few nights ago, in which, by
      telephone, President Chavez himself intervened.

      Will that be counter-revolution?

      If we really want to stop this possible, coming
      butchery, then we better start right away!

      The stark, dark social reality can be described as
      follows.

      Currently, in Venezuela and elsewhere in revolutionary
      Latin America, Africa or Asia, interiorized colonial
      culture, master-slave relations, inferiority
      complexes, ruling class oligarchic megalomania,
      subservient religious mentality, political racism,
      Mafia vendettas, crude nationalism and capitalist
      democracy are playing havoc with the emancipatory
      struggle and, among other crimes, generate the
      negotiation of the peoples' revolution, the signing of
      secret gentlemen agreements with the local and foreign
      bourgeoisies, bureaucracy, triumphalism, opportunism,
      lies, disinformation campaigns, corruption, sabotage,
      theft, murder, assassination, etc.


      These are forming a "revolutionary" cancer that is
      devastating many real, socialist and truly
      emancipatory movements; unfortunately, many comrades
      are thrown out of the emancipatory process, or they
      themselves are leaving the sinking ship of state.

      What remained on planet earth, after the Cold war,
      were mostly ideological caricatures of Marxism, of
      socialism and communism.

      Now, in the era of Bush's Hot Wars, urgently this
      counter-emancipatory tendency has to be stopped, at
      whatever constitutional price, at whatever armed means
      necessary.

      If not, we will lose the most beautiful creation that
      we ever had, that we ever have created ourselves in
      Venezuela.

      The only revolutionary path is Socialism, the only
      emancipatory Rubicon is Exodus, is Creation, Human
      Creativity.

      Franz J. T. Lee





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