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Bush conflict of interest

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  • elevans@aol.com
    Bush conflict of interest: Texan oil company wants to build Afghanistan pipeline (english) by gotcha dubya 11:39pm Tue Sep 18 01 The Central Asian Gas
    Message 1 of 1 , Sep 19 12:26 PM
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      Bush conflict of interest: Texan oil company wants to build Afghanistan
      pipeline (english)
      by gotcha dubya 11:39pm Tue Sep 18 '01

      The Central Asian Gas Pipeline, Ltd., or "Centgas" is backed to be built by
      Unocal Corporation.
      "Unocal and Saudi Arabia's Delta Oil held a combined 85% stake in Centgas,
      while Turkmenrusgas owned 5%." Then, follows four articles about Unocal,
      particularly about Burma.
      It seems that Dubya wants to invade Afghanistan because a Texan
      oil company is keen on finally building a pipeline through Afghanistan
      (to break the Russian monopoly on oil 'drainage' from Central Asia) --


      the section that mentions Unocal Corporation:


      In January 1998, the Taliban signed an agreement that would allow a proposed
      890-mile, $2-billion, 1.9-billion-cubic-feet-per-day natural gas pipeline
      project led by Unocal to proceed.

      The proposed pipeline would transport gas from Turkmenistan's 45-Tcf
      Dauletabad gas field to Pakistan, and most likely would run from Dauletabad
      south to the Afghan border and through Herat and Qandahar in Afghanistan, to
      Quetta, Pakistan.

      The line would then link with Pakistan's gas grid at Sui.

      Gas shipments had been projected to start at 700 Mmcf/d in 1999 and to rise
      to 1.4 Bcf/d or higher by 2002.

      In March 1998, however, Unocal announced a delay in finalizing project
      details due to Afghanistan's continuing civil war.

      In June 1998, Gazprom announced that it was relinquishing its 10% stake in
      the gas pipeline project consortium (known as the Central Asian Gas Pipeline
      Ltd., or Centgas), which was formed in August 1996. As of June 1998, Unocal
      and Saudi Arabia's Delta Oil held a combined 85% stake in Centgas, while
      Turkmenrusgas owned 5%. Other participants in the proposed project besides
      Delta Oil include the Crescent Group of Pakistan, Gazprom of Russia, Hyundai
      Engineering & Construction Company of South Korea, Inpex and Itochu of Japan

      On December 8, 1998, Unocal announced that it was withdrawing from the
      Centgas consortium, citing low oil prices and turmoil in Afghanistan as
      making the pipeline project uneconomical and too risky. Unocal's
      announcement followed an earlier statement -- in August 1998 -- that the
      company was suspending its role in the Afghanistan gas pipeline project in
      light of the recent U.S. government military action in Afghanistan, and also
      due to intensified fighting between the Taliban and opposition groups.
      Unocal had previously stressed that the Centgas pipeline project would not
      proceed until an internationally recognized government was in place in
      Afghanistan. To date, however, only three countries -- Saudi Arabia,
      Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates -- have recognized the Taliban

      Besides the gas pipeline, Unocal also had considered building a 1,000-mile,
      1-million barrel-per-day (bbl/d) capacity oil pipeline that would link
      Chardzou, Turkmenistan to Pakistan's Arabian Sea Coast via Afghanistan.
      Since the Chardzou refinery is already linked to Russia's Western Siberian
      oil fields, this line could provide a possible alternative export route for
      regional oil production from the Caspian Sea. The $2.5-billion pipeline is
      known as the Central Asian Oil Pipeline Project. For a variety of reasons,
      including high political risk and security concerns, however, financing for
      this project remains highly uncertain.

      In April 1999, Pakistan, Turkmenistan and Afghanistan agreed to reactivate
      the Turkmenistan-Pakistan gas pipeline project, and to ask the Centgas
      consortium, now led by Saudi Arabia's Delta Oil (following Unocal's
      withdrawal from the project), to proceed. As of mid-2000, discussions on
      this issue reportedly were continuing amongst India, Pakistan, Iran,
      Turkmenistan, and Afghanistan. It remains unlikely, however, that this
      pipeline will be built until the political and military situations in
      Afghanistan improve.

      Sources for this report include: Agence France Presse; Alexander's Oil and
      Gas Connections; Associated Press; BBC Monitoring South Asia; BBC Summary of
      World Broadcasts; Dow Jones; Economist Intelligence Unit Viewswire;
      Financial Times Asia Intelligence Wire; New York Times; Oil and Gas Journal;
      Petroleum Intelligence Weekly; Reuters

      Unocal Coropration information




      Unocal, Koc Holdings to form natural gas
      marketing services venture in Turkey
      Sugar Land, Texas, Nov. 10, 1997 - Unocal Corporation said today that its
      Unocal International Energy Ventures, Ltd., subsidiary and Koc Holdings,
      A.S., have signed a letter of intent to create Turkey's first private energy
      distribution and marketing company.
      Under the agreement, Unocal and Koc will be working to create a new natural
      gas marketing services venture to purchase, market and transport natural gas
      supplies to end-users in Turkey. In addition, the proposed joint venture
      would evaluate opportunities for creating a pipeline system within Turkey
      that could accommodate the privatization of the country's energy industry.
      "Our association with Koc Holdings in this new venture promises to help move
      Turkey's energy market into a new and exciting arena," said John F. Imle,
      Jr., president of Unocal Corporation. "Koc is the premier conglomerate group
      in Turkey and is highly respected in the manufacturing, international
      finance and energy communities. We look forward to working together to
      provide Turkey with regional energy solutions."
      One of the alliance's key objectives is to provide energy independence for
      end-users in Turkey and to help relieve some of the region's current and
      future power shortages. To this end, Unocal and Koc have been working
      closely on possible development of power projects under Turkey's ongoing
      power-sector privatization program.
      "Our main goal is to secure reliable, long-term and cost-effective natural
      gas supply, enabling our country's businesses to compete with other European
      Union businesses, which currently have access to competitive sources of
      natural gas," said Rahmi Koc, chairman of Koc Holdings, A.S. "We teamed up
      with Unocal because of its regional resources activities, and its expertise
      in pipeline construction, energy marketing and resource development. We
      believe this will be a very successful alliance."
      Unocal and Koc will seek economically competitive gas supplies for delivery
      through pipelines and to power plant joint ventures in Turkey that are
      contemplated by the two companies.
      Turkey-based Koc Holdings is a Fortune Global 500 conglomerate, operating in
      Turkey for more than 72 years. A diversified corporation, Koc is involved in
      automobile and white goods manufacturing, banking and finance with Koc Bank
      and KOC Finance, food and white-goods distribution and is the largest
      liquefied petroleum gas distributor in Turkey. Headquartered in Istanbul,
      Koc has 26 offices around the world and is increasing its exposure in the
      former Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) area.
      Unocal Corporation is one of the world's leading energy resource and project
      development companies, with reserves of more than 9.8 trillion cubic feet of
      natural gas equivalent (1.6 billion barrels of oil equivalent) and major oil
      and gas production activities in Asia and the U.S. Gulf of Mexico. The
      company is also active in energy resource development activities in
      Azerbaijan and Bangladesh and is developing gas-marketing solutions for
      Turkmenistan. The company maintains twin headquarters in California and
      Malaysia, with major offices in Singapore, Jakarta, Bangkok and Sugar Land,
      Forward-looking statements and estimates of future financial and operating
      results in this news release are based on assumptions concerning market,
      competitive, regulatory, environmental, operational and other
      considerations. Actual results could differ materially.





      The Unocal Oil Corporation is involved in a natural gas venture with one of
      the world's most brutal and repressive military regimes, Burma's State Law
      and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). SLORC has received the strongest
      condemnations from the US Congress, the US State Department, the European
      Parliament, the United Nations Human Rights Commission, the International
      Labor Organization, Amnesty International, and ten Nobel Peace Laureates.
      ***Foreign oil corporations provide one of the largest sources of revenue to
      the SLORC regime***, helping them keep their reign of terror.

      Note: Unocal sold its "76" gas stations and gasoline refineries to Tosco Oil
      Company in 1997, thereby ending the boycott of "76" gas stations.

      In February 1995, Unocal signed a contract with SLORC to extract and
      transport natural gas using a pipeline from the Yadana Field located 43
      miles off Burma's coast. The field is estimated to have six trillion cubic
      feet of gas with a market value of $6.5 billion. Daily gas production levels
      are estimated at 650 million cubic feet. Unocal is a 28.26% shareholder in
      this project. Its other project partners include Total of France with
      31.24%, the Petroleum Authority of Thailand with 25.5%, and the Myanmar Oil
      and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) with 15%. Unocal's current net share of payments
      to SLORC to gain the concession is about $10 million. Unocal and its
      partners will get $400 million annually from Thailand for the gas.

      The gas pipeline will run undersea for 218 miles, and 41 miles across
      southern Burma's Tenasserim division to Thailand. A second consortium of
      Unocal, Mitsui of Japan and Total have signed a Memorandum of Understanding
      with SLORC to be the joint venture partners in the "Three-In One" project.
      This project consists of building an offshoot pipeline to Rangoon--
      connecting it to a power plant--and building a power plant and urea
      fertilizer plant near Rangoon.
      The gas pipeline will go through a variety of ecosystems including dense
      tropical forest, disrupting the habitat of rare animals such as tigers,
      rhinos and elephants. The pipeline area is inhabited by the Karen, Mon and
      Tavoy peoples who have partial control of the region. This venture is
      currently linked to forced village relocation, the forced labor of tens of
      thousands of local inhabitants, and fatalities at the hands of the SLORC
      troops. This entire region is a war zone due to the ethnic peoples' need to
      defend themselves against SLORC attacks, making the region highly unstable.


      Pillaging, Torture and Rape
      The Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) and the Human Rights Foundation of
      Monland both monitor and report on human right violations in the Karen and
      Mon areas of Burma. Both groups have collected the testimony of hundreds of
      Karen and Mon villagers, exposing a litany of heinous acts by SLORC troops
      linked to the construction of ancillary pipeline infrastructure. Local
      people tell of those too sick to work being beaten and tortured, forced
      portering (carrying supplies), looting of homes and food supplies, rape, and
      even murder for resisting orders. Despite these human rights abuses, Unocal
      denies any responsibility and refuses to appoint an independent
      investigation team to confirm the abuses.

      Forced Relocation and Infiltration of Military Battalions
      Since 1991, at least 12 Karen and Mon villages were moved by SLORC to make
      way for battalion stations and Unocal/Total's field headquarters. In 1995,
      at least 12 Light Infantry Battalions (LIB) conducted major military
      offenses in an attempt to secure the eastern half of the route. Each
      battalion contains 300-500 soldiers. Eight battalions are located near one
      village alone which houses many of the oil company workers. Villagers whose
      land was taken or whose entire town was relocated were never compensated.

      Forced Labor
      Because the area contains few roads suitable for large trucks and heavy
      traffic, the SLORC began building and improving roads and railways using the
      labor of unpaid villagers. SLORC troops invade peaceful villages demanding
      men, women and children to work for at least two week shifts. These people
      are taken from their homes, ordered to bring their own food, clothing and
      blankets, and brought to road and railway construction sites where they live
      in unsanitary conditions with little food, clean water and no medical
      treatment. Families that fail to provide workers are fined, often the
      equivalent of their yearly income. Men and women are forced to break rocks
      and carry dirt to build railways, trenches, and roads for the pipeline
      security forces, and made to cut trees for lumber to build military bases.
      As a result people are dying of beatings, malnutrition, sickness and
      Some of the most extensive forced labor and abuses occur at the Ye-Tavoy
      railway, where over 100,000 people have been forced to work. It is widely
      thought that this railway will be used to bring equipment and more troops to
      the area. Unocal claims they will not use the railway for the pipeline
      development, but they do not deny that SLORC battalions will use the
      railway, with whom Unocal has contracted to provide security for the
      In April 1996, the KHRG proclaimed that forced labor is occurring on the
      pipeline construction. Villagers are taken by SLORC troops to build
      "pipeline roads," which run alongside the pipe. The troops tell the people
      they will be paid, but this rarely happens. Villagers are not only forced to
      work with no compensation they are also forced to pay "fees" described as
      "porter fees", "development funds", "railway and pipeline fees" to every
      military camp. Reprecht von Arnim, United Nations High Commissioner for
      Refugees in Thailand, stated in the Asian Wall Street Journal, "... I know
      slave labor has been used for other purposes, and once the gas pipeline is
      to start, it is most likely that it will be done the same way."

      Violence directly related to the pipeline development
      In reference to threats by the Karen and Mon armies, who are trying to
      protect their people, Unocal president John Imle said: "If you threaten the
      pipeline, there's going to be more military. If forced labor goes hand in
      glove with military, yes, there will be more forced labor. For every threat
      to the pipeline there will be a reaction." According to the KHRG, on
      February 2, 1996 an unknown armed group using rocket launchers attacked near
      Total's field office, killing four people. In retaliation, SLORC battalion
      LIB 403 executed eleven Karen civilians. SLORC accused the villagers of
      supporting the attackers. Other villagers were told by the battalion that
      they would come back and kill more people if Total was informed of the
      retribution. Unocal continues to deny its connection to these types of
      summary executions and human rights violations, and maintains there will be
      only benefits for the local people.

      Company Claims: Insult to Injury
      The corporations boast that the project will bring employment, education and
      training, health care and useful technology for thousands of people. Unocal
      in consultation with Total claims to be implementing projects such as free
      medical services, agriculture assistance, and to be paying fair wages for
      pipeline work.
      The KHRG reports that sometimes the oil companies give wage money for the
      villagers to SLORC commanders who pocket the money. In very few cases the
      villagers are paid directly by the oil companies.
      The minuscule amount of assistance by the oil companies pales when compared
      to the amount of strife affecting the Mon, Karen and Tavoy people due to the
      endless cycle of military-induced abuses in the area. The Karen, Mon and
      Tavoyans are seeking refuge in Thailand because of the forced labor and
      other SLORC brutalities. This transient and impoverished lifestyle is
      preferred over that of one where SLORC poses a constant danger. There is
      little the oil companies can give to compensate for or replace the
      livelihood the local people once had.

      Environmental Ruin
      Exploration, development and production of natural gas has similar risks as
      oil extraction activities. Impacts from gas exploitation include dumping
      toxic drilling muds, (including radioactive materials), air pollution from
      drilling rigs, and toxic chemical releases such as hydrogen sulfide into the
      sea and air.
      The ecology of the pipeline area is very diverse ranging from coastal
      wetlands to mountainous dense tropical forest--one of the last in Burma.
      Just south of the pipeline area, also in the Tenassarim watershed, the Karen
      have established a protected wildlife sanctuary which contains tigers,
      rhinoceros, elephants and other rare species.
      Unocal and Total have not publicly released any environmental assessment
      study. Projected environmental impacts from the pipeline include destruction
      to wetlands and mangrove ecosystems, forest clearing, fragmentation of
      habitat and disruption of biological corridors, establishment of logging
      concessions, and increased poaching of endangered species.

      Burma's Struggle for Democracy
      In the late 1980s a growing democracy movement gained widespread support
      from the entire spectrum of Burmese society, including its diverse ethnic
      nationalities. People took to the streets to demonstrate for democracy, but
      the military retaliated in the summer of 1988 by gunning down thousands of
      civilians. Soon afterward the military announced that the State Law and
      Order Restoration Council would rule the country. Years of ruthless and
      violent repression against all citizens have been the result.
      On May 27, 1990, SLORC held elections and the National League for Democracy
      (NLD) gained 80% of the seats. SLORC nullified the election results and
      placed NLD leaders under arrest, including leader Aung San Suu Kyi. In 1991,
      Aung San Suu Kyi won the Nobel Peace Prize, but remained a prisoner under
      house arrest until her release in July of 1995. Despite Ms. Suu Kyi's
      release, which many hoped would spark an improvement in human rights
      standards, widespread political repression, human rights abuses, abject
      poverty, forced labor, and summary executions continue unabated.

      The Ethics and Economics of Investing in Burma
      SLORC has made the economy a shambles, strengthened its civil war against
      the ethnic nationalities, and turned Burma into a United Nations "Least
      Developed Country (LDC). SLORC rapaciously exploits natural resources and
      sells them to foreign interests, which keeps the regime propped up and
      further impoverishes the ethnic nationalities. Most foreign revenue is
      derived from natural gas and oil reserves.
      Investment and business ethics analysts argue that doing business with SLORC
      surpasses the threshold of ethical business guidelines. According to Richard
      DeGeorge, director of the International Center for Ethics in Business at the
      University of Kansas, "One of the guidelines I would put out is that a
      company should not knowingly cooperate with any supplier, government or
      other enterprise that engages in slavery, slave labor, or even child labor.
      Saying, 'We know they're doing it, but we're not doing it', doesn't let you
      off the hook. If you know it's being done, you're ethically responsible for
      it. It's your responsibility to mitigate the harm they're doing to those
      people. They can't simply be ignored".
      Many economists believe that investment in Burma is just bad business.
      Recent reports by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank cited
      in April 6, 1996 The Economist , conclude that neither Burma's Gross
      Domestic Product (GDP) nor its agricultural output have reached the previous
      levels of the mid-1980s, and that unless the Kyat (the Burmese currency) is
      greatly adjusted the economy will remain poor.

      North American Companies Withdraw from Burma
      Not all companies choose to remain in the dark about SLORC's abuses. Liz
      Claiborne, Macy's, Eddie Bauer, Reebok, Levi-Strauss, Amoco and Petro-Canada
      have all withdrawn their operations. Levi-Strauss pulled out in 1992,
      stating, "...under current circumstances, it is not possible to do business
      in Myanmar without directly supporting the military government and its
      pervasive violations of human rights." Unocal's slogan is "We Get It." While
      this may be true when it comes to bathrooms at gas stations, they clearly
      don't "Get It" when it comes to human rights and democracy.

      Burma: The South Africa of the 90s
      During a 1993 visit to Thailand with six other Nobel Laureates to call for
      the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, Archbishop Desmond Tutu said,
      "International pressure can change the situation in Burma. Tough sanctions,
      not 'constructive engagement', finally brought the release of Nelson Mandela
      and the dawn of a new era in my country. This is the language that must be
      spoken with tyrants--for sadly, this the only language they understand."
      "These people are hurrying in to make cosy business deals while pretending
      that nothing is wrong," Aung San Suu Kyi told The Times Magazine. "They need
      to be reminded that this is one of the most brutal military regimes in the
      world and putting money into the country now is simply supporting a system
      that is severely harmful to the people of Burma."
      The exile National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma elected in
      1990 and many of the ethnic nationalities have called upon the world
      community to impose economic and arms sanctions against SLORC. In support of
      Burma's democracy movement, we call on Unocal/Total to withdraw their shares
      in the gas pipeline project. We ask that all corporations not engage in any
      business in Burma until a democratic government is in place. Foreign revenue
      only lines the pockets of SLORC officials and helps keep the brutal regime
      in power.


      Write or call the CEOs of Unocal and Total. Tell them to withdraw from Burma
      Don't invest in Unocal or Total stock, or sell your stock and tell them why
      Send $5.00 for our activist's packet to become more involved.
      Join the Free Burma Coalition, call: 608-256-6572 or
      Help support our effort by donating funds to IRN's Burma Project.

      Send letters to:

      Roger Beach, CEO
      Unocal Corporation
      2141 Rosecrans Blvd., Suite 4000
      El Segundo, CA 90245
      Tel: 310-726-7600




      RACHEL'S HAZARDOUS WASTE NEWS #350 --- August 12, 1993 ---

      Under federal law, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) may
      investigate but cannot prosecute violations of environmental law.
      Prosecution is handled by state attorneys, by a U.S. Attorney or, most
      often, by the Environmental Crimes Section (ECS) of the U.S. Department of
      Justice (DOJ).

      In 1990, rumors and occasional press reports were circulating about
      sweetheart deals between ECS and major polluters. At EPA headquarters,
      disquieting reports were coming in from EPA field criminal investigation
      agents, indicating that DOJ was dropping criminal cases against executives
      of Fortune 500 companies.

      Richard Emory, Acting Director of EPA's Criminal Enforcement Counsel
      Division, warned his superiors about the situation and was promptly ordered
      to investigate. What he found was shocking, even by the standards of the
      Reagan-Bush years. He documented at least 20 cases of sweetheart settlements
      by DOJ. Here are a few examples reported by Congressional investigators:

      Congressman Dingell, heading the House Subcommittee on Oversight and
      Investigations, said:[1]

      "Disturbing trends emerge from these cases. First, there seems to be a
      disinclination to prosecute the responsible corporate officers of large
      corporations. In the case of Weyerhauser... the DOJ overruled both the EPA
      and the U.S. Attorney, and no individuals were charged even though the
      investigation showed that a Weyerhauser [paper] mill... had KNOWINGLY dumped
      toxic... waste... into a stream for at least a decade." [Emphasis added.]

      Dingell went on to point out that, in contrast, a small businessman with a
      plant near the Weyerhauser mill was convicted of felony charges for
      illegally burying ten drums of dried paint.

      Dingell says further: "Another closely related trend that we are finding is
      the tendency to settle criminal cases by only having a corporation pay a
      monetary fine. By substituting fines for individual accountability,
      environmental crime becomes just another cost of doing business and the
      whole purpose of the criminal law, which is to establish individual
      responsibility, is undermined."

      He cites the example of PureGro, a subsidiary of the giant Unocal company.
      Corporate officials had KNOWINGLY allowed toxic waste to be dumped in an
      open field, poisoning farm animals and perhaps causing the death of one
      person. When caught, the company was willing to plead guilty to a corporate
      felony and pay a substantial fine, but the state attorney's office rejected
      the offer in order to pursue criminal charges against responsible corporate
      officials. DOJ took over the case and allowed the company to plead guilty to
      one misdemeanor and to pay a $15,000 fine.

      Case after case showed that corporate officials, who had knowingly allowed
      illegal dumping and other mismanagement of toxic wastes, and who could have
      been sent to prison as a result, were let off the hook by DOJ. Additional
      corporations named by Dingell and by a second Congressional report[2] were
      Chemical Waste Management, United Technologies, U.S. Sugar, Hawaiian Western
      Steel, and the Thermex Energy Corp. The most notorious case, however, and
      the one that received the most publicity, was the Rocky Flats nuclear
      weapons plant in Colorado, run by Rockwell International for the U.S.
      Department of Energy. This plant is extensively contaminated with plutonium
      and toxic wastes and will cost more than one billion dollars to clean up.

      A third Congressional report, from Representative Wolpe, Chairman of the
      House Subcommittee on Investigations and Oversight,[3] points out that,
      "Rockwell officials responsible for the facility knowingly violated the law
      over prolonged periods of time and aggressively resisted all efforts to
      force them to comply with environmental standards."

      Among the violations mentioned in the report, which Rockwell officials were
      aware of, were: the burning of plutonium-laced hazardous waste in an illegal
      unlicensed incinerator for at least ten years as part of a phoney "plutonium
      recovery" scheme; illegal unlicensed storage of mixed toxic and so-called
      low-level nuclear waste which leaked into nearby public waters; and false
      certification that the company was in compliance with government
      environmental standards.

      Representative Wolpe's report goes on: "Although the prosecution collected
      significant evidence of criminal wrongdoing on the part of high-level
      Rockwell officials, they did not indict them on either felony or misdemeanor
      charges. In fact, before they had even directed their investigators to
      finally compile the evidence that had been collected against individuals,
      and before they had formally reviewed that evidence, the prosecutors had
      established a 'bottom line' for settlement purposes that there would be 'no
      individual felony indictments.'"

      However, Rockwell's notoriety is not due to the nature of its violations.
      Indeed, there are even worse among the 20 cases that Richard Emory initially
      investigated. Rocky Flats/Rockwell hit the front pages because the grand
      jury hearing the case rebelled and refused to go along with the DOJ
      cover-up. A Colorado reporter following the story wrote:[4]

      "[The prosecutor] refused to subpoena a witness jurors wanted to question.
      They directed witnesses not to answer questions posed by the jurors. They
      refused to help the jurors draft an indictment they wanted to issue. They
      told the jurors it would be 'inadvisable' for them to continue to meet. They
      refused to help the jurors draft a report.... There's a legal term for this
      pattern of conduct: obstruction of justice."

      Finally, the jurors drew up their own indictment, which the prosecutor
      refused to sign. The grand jury then drew up its own report, which it
      released to the public. At that point the FBI began investigating the grand
      jury, thus placing the federal government in the absurd position of
      preparing to prosecute grand jurors for pointing out the government's
      failure to prosecute criminals.[5] The FBI investigation continues today.

      The head of the Environmental Crimes Section of the Department of Justice
      was Neil Cartusciello. His name, and that of Criselda Ortiz, one of the
      supervisory lawyers working under him, appear frequently in the
      Congressional reports as two of the principal perpetrators of these
      sweetheart settlements. These reports show that, typically, when a case
      would be prepared against a big name polluter by a U.S. Attorney or a state
      attorney general which included criminal charges against individual
      corporate officials, Cartusciello or Ortiz would arrange to take over the
      prosecution and regardless of how much evidence had been amassed it would
      always be, in their view, insufficient.

      By early 1992, reports of these goings-on had also reached Congressman
      Dingell (who is known as "the junk yard dog" of the House of
      Representatives), and his staff started investigating. EPA gave Richard
      Emory the task of responding to the Committee's inquiries. The Committee
      staff did not know about the internal investigation that Emory had been
      conducting. . .

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