DARFURISM, UGANDA, & US WAR IN AFRICA:
THE SPECTRE OF CONTINENTAL GENOCIDE
keith harmon snow
President Bush met with Uganda's President-for-life Yoweri Museveni in
the White House on October 30, 2007. Meanwhile, a broad swath of
Africa is engulfed in interrelated genocides and covert operations
involving both the U.S. and Uganda, there is a growing demand to probe
the accounts of "Save Darfur" to find out how the tens of millions
collected are being spent due to allegations of arms-deals and
bribery, and the "Save Darfur" movement has become the false flag
action of the West, supported by most everyone, people who know little
or nothing about what it is they are supporting.
When President George Bush met with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni
at the White House on October 30 they certainly discussed much more
than "Uganda's leadership in Somalia, the Lord's Resistance Army, and
President Museveni's development plan for northern Uganda" or their
"strong partnership to combat malaria and HIV/AIDS in Uganda," as
announced by the White House Office of the Press Secretary.
The role of Yoweri Museveni and his "government" in service to the
Western economic neoliberalism and the shock doctrine of
deconstruction and chaos is greatly misunderstood and deeply
camouflaged by simplified establishment narratives like those above.
Bush and Museveni discussed the U.S.-Uganda military relations and
bilateral involvement in the ongoing wars in Sudan, Somalia and the
Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo). The "partnership to combat
malaria and HIV/AIDS" is camouflage language for military vaccination
and bio-warfare programs involving pharmaceutical giants like Pfizer,
the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research, USAID, and "humanitarian"
philanthropies. A vaccine for malaria was developed for the U.S.
military some time ago and this is shared only with certain U.S.
client state partners, though "clinical trials" have been undertaken
in public using African "volunteers." 
Museveni and Bush certainly discussed America's escalating war in the
Sahara desert, expanding petroleum operations across the region, U.S.
Special Forces deployments and newly identified uranium resources in
Uganda. Maybe they discussed the March 1, 1999 killing of eight
foreign tourists at Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, a story that
has not yet been critically unpacked. The "development plan for
northern Uganda" is euphemistic language for the ongoing depopulation
and massive natural resource extraction that today proceeds in
northern Uganda in parallel with the genocide of the Acholi people and
Uganda's militarization in support of covert programs in Sudan and Congo.
The Darfur conflict rides along the fault line of continental warfare
spread from Niger to Djibouti and Somalia, and from eastern Congo and
Rwanda, through Uganda and Sudan, to Eritrea and the Red Sea. Congo is
at war with Uganda and Rwanda. Ethiopia is at war with Somalia, and
poised to reinvade Eritrea: there are massive troop build-ups on both
sides of the Eritrean-Ethiopia border. Ethiopia, Uganda and Chad are
the three "frontline" states militarily destabilizing Sudan. Uganda is
internally and externally at war, has intervened secretly in Burundi,
and the Ugandan military recently re-occupied towns in eastern Congo
over petroleum. Rwanda is fighting in Eastern Congo, meddling in
Burundi, and has some 2000 troops in Darfur. Burundi is militarily
involved in Congo and soon to be in Somalia. Khartoum backs guerrilla
armies in Uganda, Chad and Congo.
The U.S. is all over the place, with both covert and overt military
programs. France, England, Canada, Belgium, Libya, Israel and China
are all involved. All these conflicts are intertwined, and the
targeted populations have allegiances and alliances that are dictated
by the pre-colonial boundaries and trade that existed prior to the
demarcation of colonial interests that occurred at the Berlin
Conference of 1885 under the imperial doctrine of divide and conquer.
In 1885 "Soudan" was synonymous with "Sahara" and "Darfur" was the
center of power. Conflict involving U.S. covert forces and nomads
in Niger and Nigeria, for example, impacts Sudan: the history of the
Sahara revolves around the trans-Saharan influence of the Mahdi. In
1875 the Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmad, led the indigenous resistance against
Britain. `Abdallah at-Ta`ishi, the Mahdi's "Khalifah" or successor,
who took over as leader of the independent Sudan when the Mahdi died
in June 1885, was a native of Darfur. People from Nigeria to
Somalia today remember the Mahdi.
PEACE IS WAR IS PEACEKEEPING
On October 24, 2007, the United Nations awarded Lockheed-Martin
subsidiary Pacific Architects and Engineers (PAE) a $250 million
no-bid contract to provide "infrastructure" for the United Nations
"peacekeeping" missions now unfolding in Sudan (Darfur), Somalia, and
Chad/Central Africa Republic. The newly announced contract is to build
five new camps in Sudan's Darfur and Kordofan regions for 4,100 U.N.
and African Union (A.U.) personnel. Lockheed Martin is the world's
largest and most secretive aerospace and defense corporation.
This is not Pacific Architects and Engineers' first contract in
Darfur, or in Africa's "peacekeeping" missions, and PAE is not the
only private military company involved. PAE won the contract for
staffing the deeply compromised "Civilian Protection Monitoring Team"
(CPMT) in Sudan under a U.S. State Department contract. In 2004 the
CPMT office was being run by Brigadier General Frank Toney (retired),
who was previously the commander of Special Forces for the United
States Army; General Toney organized covert operations into Iraq and
Kuwait in the first Gulf War.
Pratap Chaterjee reported in 2004 how "Lieutenant-Colonel Michael
Bittrick, the deputy director of regional and security affairs for
Africa at the State Department, flew to Ethiopia to hammer out an
agreement to support African Union troops by committing to provide
housing, office equipment, transport, and communications gear. This
will be provided via an `indefinite delivery, indefinite quantity'
joint contract awarded to Dyncorp Corporation, and Pacific Architects
& Engineers (PAE) worth $20.6 million."  PAE also set up MONUC
operations in Congo, and continues to operate there; the total PAE
involvement includes numerous intermediary contracts. In 2002
PAE/Daher won a $34 million air-services follow-on contract amidst
complaints of a "lack of transparency and irregularities in the
confirmed by the bidding of the air-service
contract with PAE/Daher."  Daher International is a French
aerospace and defense corporation.
Meanwhile, the "Save Darfur" advocates pressing military intervention
in Darfur as a "humanitarian" gesture have escalated pressure in the
face of mounting failures, including allegations that millions of
"Save Darfur" dollars fundraised on a sympathy for victims platform
have been misappropriated.
But the players, the private military companies, the arms dealersand
a handful of missing SRAM missiles armed with nuclear warheads dumped
by an American B-52 before it crashedare mostly unknown to the
general public. These covert wars all involve different propaganda
strategies to provide cover and deflect attention through "perception
management"managing the perceptions, stereotyping and creating false
belief systemsof the North American and European public.
The numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons across the
region are staggering and they are indicative of a cataclysmic
regional crisis in sub-Saharan Africa. This is not because refugees,
insurgency and guerrilla warfare are inherent to Africa: refugees and
IDPs are big business for white systems of power that maintain
structural violence based on profits and the globalization of poverty,
terror and war. The numbers are staggering, and these are not merely
statistics, they are about suffering human beings.
United Nations agencies report some 4,700,163 internally displaced
persons (IDPs) in Sudan2,152,163 in Darfur and 2,276,000 in Northern
Sudanwith some 686,311 refugees out of Sudan.
REGIONAL REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS 
Burundi: 100,000 IDPs 396,541 refugees out
Chad: 179,940 IDPs 36,300 refugees out
Central Africa Rep.: 212,000 IDPs 71,685 refugees out
Dem. Rep. of Congo: 1,400,000 IDPs 401,914 refugees out
Eritrea: 32,000 IDPs 193,700 refugees out
Ethiopia: ?200,000? IDPs 80,000 refugees out
Kenya: 413,000 IDPs 5,356 refugees out
Rwanda: ???? IDPs 92,966 refugees out
Somalia: 700,000 IDPs 464,253 refugees out
Sudan: 4,703,163 IDPs 686,311 refugees out
Uganda: 1,310,000 IDPs 21,752 refugees out
Is Kenya at war? Sure looks like it. Unreported anywhere are the
massive petroleum concessions and exploration projects in Kenya's
remote Samburu and Turkana districts. (For $5000 apiece you can
purchase reports like Petroleum Potential of Lake Turkana Area from
international oil and gas consultants Beicip-Franlab.) G.H.W.
Bush's old Swedish pal Adolph Lundin and Lundin Petroleum signed an
exploration contract for the Turkana region in June 2007.
While the United Nations lists some 200,000 IDPs in Ethiopia, the
Norwegian Refugee Council's Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
(iDMC) reports: "[r]elatively little is known about the extent and
nature of conflict-induced internal displacement in Ethiopia." There
are 92,966 refugees out of Rwanda, if we can trust the iDMC numbers,
and an "indeterminate" number of IDPs. Refugee and IDP statistics,
like mortality figures, are highly politicized. The situation in
Ethiopia today is cataclysmic and the U.N. and the vast network of
profit-based NGOs operating in Ethiopia are complicit in genocide
because they do not challenge the regime for fear of losing business.
These humanitarian emergencies involve massive depopulation and death,
internally displaced persons and trans-national refugees, all of which
provide a lucrative business opportunity for Western "relief" and
"development" organizations. The business of AID is a racket. Weapons
sales are a racket. The people who suffer are different from the
industries, the providers of services, equipment and expertise who
profit from these crises. Like most weaponry, landmines are
predominantly manufactured in white economies of North America and
Europe and, scandalously, it is the companies from the same white
economies who have a lock on U.N. landmine removal contracts worth
billions of dollars a year. The so-called "humanitarian relief"
business is an industry that relies on the creation of markets.
Millions of people across the region are dying, while millions more
are homeless, set adrift in a sea of nowhere, with no rights, no
possessions, no protection and very little prospect for survival;
their only hopes come from the false belief that the Western
"humanitarian" AID enterprise is designed to rescue them.
All across the continent, people are dying in huge numbers, but most
of the deaths occur out of sight in places like the Ogaden basin,
rural Somalia, and northern Uganda, places where journalists don't go,
places where those who go are blindeither by whiteness and affluence,
or by their own intereststo what they look straight at.
The engagement of the world's premier war-making industriesLockheed
Martin, Boeing, Bechtel, SAIC, PAE, Northrup Grummanbehind and within
a so-called "peacekeeping" platform is not new, and something is
seriously wrong with this picture.
THE `SAVE DARFUR' NARRATIVE
"Save Darfur" is the predominant propaganda front running on Africa
and it has overwhelmed the public consciousness with deceptions. In
this establishment narrative Arabs on horseback, the Janjaweed, backed
by the Sudan government seated in Khartoum, are the purveyors of
genocide. This mirrors the establishment narrative of Rwanda, 1994,
which said that the Hutus and the nasty Interahamwe militias committed
genocide against the Tutsis in 100 days of killing with machetes. The
Rwanda genocide narrativecombined with the narrative about
"humanitarian" intervention in Yugoslavia, where the final blow to
dismember the country came with the NATO bombing campaignset the
stage for the Darfur genocide narrative.
All over the United States, Britain and Canada advocates and activists
who claim to be concerned about human rights, and even those who
otherwise would not get involved, have supported the "Save Darfur"
movement, a political movement similar to the anti-Apartheid movement
mobilized against South Africa in the 1980's. The "Save Darfur"
movement has resulted in a huge outpouring of funds, and it has
mobilized support from people in all walks of life, and across the
political spectrum, on the "never again" platform of "stopping genocide."
Hollywood personalities dubbed "actorvists," including Mia Farrow, Don
Cheadle and George Clooney, have helped to whip up the "Save Darfur"
hysteria. From Elie Wiesel to Barak Obama, people are "outraged" by
genocide that the Bush Administration, we are told, is reluctant to
stop. And it is hysteria, in the true definition of the word, but it
did not simply rise out of a sudden concern for a bunch of Africans in
some far-off God-forsaken place (as it is portrayed).
At a "Voices for Darfur" fundraiser held on October 21, 2007 at Smith
College in Northampton, Massachusetts, for example, the local chapter
of the Congregation B'Nai Israel Darfur Action coalition, raised over
$14,000 for "humanitarian" aid to Darfur. The B'Nai Israel Save Darfur
Coalition had a broad array of public and organizational support,
including other Jewish organizations, Smith College, Northampton Mayor
Claire Higgins, Massachusetts' Senator Stan Rosenberg and
Representative Peter Kocot. The campaign organizers claim that "more
than 90% goes to direct-on-the-ground AID." Working with big
humanitarian groups like Doctors Without Borders and Save the
Children, it is impossible that 90% of funds will hit the ground in
Behind the "Save Darfur" movement are fundamentalist organizations and
think tanks with a deeply nationalistic, militaristic, religious
fundamentalist agenda. The Center for Security Policy, for example,
supports the "star wars" Strategic Defense Initiative, Homeland
Securitywhich is nothing more than expanding militarism and
emasculated public rightsand the Biometric Security Project. The BSP
centers around emerging biological technologies that will be used to
register, identify, monitor, track and control each and every U.S.
citizen. They call it "identity assurance," it involves
state-of-the-art recognition equipment, sensors and security
technologies, and it is a central component of the evolving national
security and "counter-terrorism" apparatus.
The Center for Security Policy is the nerve center of the U.S.
military and intelligence apparatus, a deeply nationalist, neoliberal
think-tank and flak organization promoting the all-out attack against
non-cooperative governmentsdubbed "rogue states"peripheral to
Western economic control. These, of course, are primarily Iran, Iraq,
Afghanistan, Yemen, Syria, North Korea and Cuba. Zimbabwe is a special
case that has joined the list to some degree. What these states have
in common is that they are all targeted for divestment by the Center
for Security Policy brainchild, www.divestterror.org. Sudan is another
of the "rogue states" targeted.
The establishment narrative on Darfur motivates U.S. citizens to take
action to "Save Darfur," thus facilitating popular support for
heightened U.S. military involvement. The truth is that the United
States military is already there, in its various incarnations, and the
United States is involved in atrocities.
THE UGANDA NARRATIVE
In the northern Uganda regioninvolving South Sudan and northeastern
Congoanother conflict has boiled for over 21 years between the
government Uganda People's Defense Forces (UPDF), led by Yoweri
Museveni, and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), led by Joseph Kony.
This war offers yet another one-sided Western establishment narrative
that says that Kony and the LRAalways described as a Christian
fanatical cult that captures and drugs childrenis the primary problem
in northern Uganda. (Usually African savages are not Christian enough
for America's liking; here we find that they are too Christian.)
The establishment narrative has been furthered across the popular
culture, in everything from Vanity Fair to the BBC to the journal The
National Catholic Weekly (America). The newly established ENOUGH
Project (ENOUGH "genocide" and "not on my watch" etc. etc.) picked up
the mantle of LRA atrocities and, like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty
International, has supported the establishment narrative which shields
the Museveni government from the kind of criticism and international
action that is called for in keeping with the scale of the atrocities
the Uganda government is responsible for. Amnesty International and
Human Rights have produced disinformation, in some cases, Rwanda and
Yugoslavia being the most notable.
The Museveni war machine and its state terror apparatus have
perpetrated massive atrocities in the region and it has evolved into
genocide against the Acholi, Teso and Lango people of the north. The
indigenous Acholi people have been forced onto concentration camps
over the past 21 years, and these camps have become places of death.
In the establishment narrative, the people are always the victims of
Kony's LRA "rebellion."
Human Rights Watch has addressed torture and government complicity in
atrocities in Uganda, and other problems, but they have rarely named
names or corporations and they almost never link the conflict or the
atrocities to Western interests. One massive report on Northern Uganda
details criminal government actions, but the recommendations sections
effectively sanction structural violence and white supremacy. The
net effect of these policy and "human rights" positions is complicity
in genocide and genocide denial on Uganda.
Contrary to the proliferation of propaganda always attributing child
abductions to Kony's LRAanother example of Western Orientalism that
essentializes Africa to serve political purposesis research showing
that many LRA abductions are short term with children returning home
from LRA abductions in less than three weeks. Further, many children
who fight with the LRA have joined by choice, and they do so
willingly. In "Childhood's End" (Vanity Fair, 2006) Christopher
Hitchens described the LRA as a "grotesque zombie-like militia
has set a standard of cruelty and ruthlessness
" American troops that
have committed atrocities in Iraq and Afghanistan, no less brutal or
gruesome or psychopathic, would never be described this way.
Yoweri Museveni and his business and military partners are responsible
for millions of deaths, crimes against humanity and war crimes in
Eastern Congo. Museveni and his generals were the primary backers of
Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba and the Movement for the
Liberation of Congo. With UPDF support, Bemba's MLC perpetrated
massive atrocities under the covert military operation, Effacer le
Tableau (Erasing the Board)a scorched earth policy amounting to
genocide against the Mbuti pygmies of Eastern Congo.
The U.S. military invasion of Zaire (now Congo), involved U.S. covert
forces, U.S. military communications, logistical and weapons support,
and Ugandan and Rwandan forces. Humvees, C-130's and black-skinned
U.S. Special Forces entered South Sudan and northeastern Congo through
the Gulu and Arua Districts of Uganda, the heart of Acholiland and the
center of atrocities against the Acholi people.
Ugandan and British interests living mostly in Britain and aligned
with the former dictator Idi Amin have always backed the Lord's
Resistance Army and the West Nile Bank Front; support also came from
Saudi Arabia and Qatar (the Qatar General Petroleum Corporation is
involved in Sudan's oil sector and has partnered in various
international enterprises with Norwegian, Japanese and French
corporations). Idi Amin, the brutal dictator, lived out his life in
luxury in Saudi Arabia (d. 2003). The LRA stepped up its military
actions in parallel with the UPDF invasion of Zaire (1996), and the
subsequent years of warfare and plunder in Congo (1998-present).
According to the investigations of the United Nations and the
humanitarian law work of lawyer Karen Parker, the war in Uganda
involves massive rapes, killing, tortures, and extrajudicial
executions as a policy by the Ugandan military. Some 1.3 million
people are displaced in the Gulu, Kitgum and Pader districts of
northern Uganda (there were 1.7 million IDPs in March 2007). There are
over 73 camps with from 1000 to 50,000 people in them, all forcibly
displaced by UPDF soldiers, with over 350,000 people out of some
400,000 people displaced from the Gulu district alone.
THE U.S.-UGANDA INVASION OF ZAIRE
The forced displacements of Acholi people began with Museveni's
ascension to power in 1986, but major forced displacements occurred
throughout the 1990's and again in 2002-2003. However, there was a
massive displacement operation in 1996 that appears to have been
coordinated in part with the planned U.S. invasion of Zaire from
Northern Uganda and Rwanda.
The UPDF Army barracks at Masindi and airstrip at Gulu, both in
Northern Uganda, served as the staging grounds for the U.S. invasion
of Zaire. The Museveni government organized the closure of northern
Uganda in October 1996 ostensibly because of heightened LRA attacks.
The UPDF, in chronological coincidence with the U.S. invasion, forced
hundreds of thousands of Acholis into concentration camps in the fall
of 1996, often by bombing and burning villages and murdering, beating,
raping and threatening those who would not comply.
According to testimony from eyewitnesses, on Oct 26, 1996 the top
Ugandan brass behind the invasion of Zaire met at the village of
Paraa, in the Murchison Falls National Park, near Lake Albert, in the
Gulu District. At the meeting were:  UPDF Brigadier General Moses
AliIdi Amin's right hand man who later became Minister of Internal
Affairs, Minister for Disaster Preparedness, and Deputy Prime Minister
in the Museveni administration;  Museveni's half-brother Salim
Saleh;  then Colonel James Kazini; and  Dr. Eric Adromahead of
Uganda National Parks. Salim Saleh is perhaps the leading agent of
terror in the UPDF Zaire/Congo wars, but both Saleh and commander
James Kazini led UPDF troops involved in war crimes, crimes against
humanity, and acts of genocide involving millions of people in Eastern
The meeting was ostensibly about security and it was announced that
due to a recent LRA rebel attack at Paraa, the UPDF would be placing
parts of Northern Uganda off limits to all non-military personnel.
(LRA rebels committed the Paraa attack; UPDF troops arrived on the
scene quickly and looted bodies but did not pursue the LRA.) The main
road from Karuma to the border town of Pakwach was thereafter closed.
This road apparently served as a primary transport route for Ugandan
and non-Ugandan militaryincluding black U.S. Special Forceswho
On November 6, 1996, Bill Clinton was re-elected. Around 10 November
1996 an armored 4x4 Humvee (HUMMWV)heavily rigged with sophisticated
communications equipment inside and outwas encountered carrying two
black U.S. special forces in the Murchison Falls region: the soldiers
were wearing UPDF uniforms. Two busloads of black U.S. Special Forces
were encountered at a UPDF checkpoint on the Karuma-Pakwach road;
wearing civilian clothes, with duffel bags, the muscled and crew cut
"civilians" showed U.S. passports and claimed they were "doctors"
heading to the tiny Gulu hospital. From November 21-23 Boeing C-130
military aircraft passed over the region every 30 minutes, 24 hours a
day, heading both north and south. The C-130's apparently landed at
Gulu airstripclosed by the Museveni government for a two-week
periodand offloaded military equipment then moved by roadsclosed by
the UPDFto the border. Some C-130's were charted on a course believed
to take them to Goma, Zaire. From mid-November to February 1997 access
to northwestern Uganda regions was highly restricted. On 1 March 1997
another wave of C-130's passed over the region. The UPDF used the LRA
threat as cover for massive military operations involving the invasion
of Zaire for the United States of America.
The in-country U.S. Ambassador to Uganda at the time was E. Michael
Southwick (October 1994-August 1997). Oil surveys began in 1998 and
the entire Northwestern Uganda region is now designated as oil
concessions controlled by Heritage Oil and Gas, Hardman Oil and Tullow
Oil, three Anglo-American companies connected to British mercenary
Tony Buckingham (founder of he mercenary firms Sandline International
and Executive Outcomes) and his partners. Nexant, a Bechtel
subsidiary, is involved with the trans-Uganda-Kenya pipeline. South
African firm Energemtied to Tony Buckingham through Anthony Texeira,
the brother-in-law of Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bembais also
involved. Another Energem and Buckingham affiliated company tight with
the Museveni regime is Branch Energy, involved with the oil pipeline
and mining in Uganda.
On September 5, 2007, UPDF troopsand rebels reportedly aligned with
Jean-Pierre Bembahad occupied the Congo's oil- and gold-rich Semliki
Basin on the western shores of Lake Albert. Heavily armed foreign
forces occupied the villages of Aru, Mahagi, Fataki, Irengeti and the
Ruwenzori mountains. The international press and the United Nations
Observers Mission in Congo (MONUC) remained completely silent about
the Ugandan incursions. By September 8, 2007, Ugandan troops were
heavily massed on the Congo border while Kabila and Museveni were
signing oil and gold sharing agreements in Tanzania. UPDF forces and
"rebel" troops alleged to be Bemba's remained in Congo as of October
25. The MONUC information offices were claiming by mid-October that
UPDF had pulled out, but Congolese citizens in eastern Congo continued
to report a significant UPDF military occupation.
The China Petroleum Pipeline Engineering Company is also involved in
the Uganda-Kenya pipeline, offering an interesting comparison for
people concerned about China's involvement in atrocities in the Darfur
region. And, after much scrambling, Libya was cut out of the
Kenya-Uganda pipeline deals. The petroleum sector in Libya
involves U.S., Canadian and European companies.
Uganda's representation at the International Criminal Court exploring
war crimes in Congo has included at least two very high-profile
lawyers from Foley Hoag LLP, an influential Washington law firm deeply
entrenched in the proliferation of the mainstream narratives and the
victor's justice doled outthrough the ICTY and ICTR tribunalson
Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The Pentagon seconded its lawyers from the
Judge Advocate General (JAG) Corp to the ICTR to "try" those
unfortunate "enemies" both arbitrarily and selectively accused of
The people most responsible for atrocities in the regionunprecedented
human bloodletting, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and
genocideare protected. These include Yoweri Museveni, Salim Saleh,
Paul Kagame, James Kazini, Moses Ali, James Kabarebe, Taban Amin,
Jean-Pierre Bemba, Laurent Nkunda, Meles Zenawi
a long list of people
whose culpability is without question, many of whom have been named
for atrocities again and again. U.S. Special Operations forces know
what happened and should be deposed under oath in a legitimate
International Criminal Court, which at present does not exist, and is
not in the making. Ditto for Madeleine Albright, Anthony Lake, Thomas
Pickering, Susan Rice, John Prendergast, General William Wald, General
Frank Toney, Walter Kansteiner, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Richard
Holbroke, Roger Winter, Frank G. Wisner, Andrew Young
another short list.
Foley Hoag LLP is also tied to the U.S.-Uganda Friendship Council. On
May 6, 2002 in Washington D.C. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and
wife Janet were special guests at U.S.-Uganda Friendship Council event
sponsored by members Coke, Pfizer and Chevron-Texaco. Museveni also
met with President Bush at the White House. Coke director Kathleen
Black is a principle in the Hearst media empire, while Coke directors
Warren Buffet and Barry Diller are directors of the Washington Post
Company, and these are the media institutions that whitewash client
regimes, corporate plunder and Pentagon actions. Of course, Coca Cola
covets the gum Arabic potential of Darfur, and Coke is a client of
Andrew Young's PR firm Goodworks International. Uganda's image is
sanitized by one of the world's largest PR firms, London's Hill &
Knowlton. In 2005 Uganda spent some $700,000 on a Hill & Knowlton
contract to facilitate and "encourage dialogue between the Ugandan
government and people like Human Rights Watch, Amnesty, Oxfam." 
THE RWANDA NARRATIVE
Museveni's bush war began in 1980. Paul Kagame, current President of
Rwanda, was Museveni's Director of Military Intelligence in the
mid-1980's. Museveni and Kagame led the invasion of Rwanda in 1990.
The two military commanders utilized terrorist tactics that assigned
blame for atrocities they committedagainst both their enemies and
their own peopleon their enemies. They used psychological operations,
embedded international reporters, and fabrication of massacres. These
tactics have continued to the present.
While Rwanda is billed as a major "success story" of recovery and
development after a devastating genocidesee for example the PR
"documentary" film Rwanda Rising produced by Andrew Young's Goodworks
Internationalthe country is ruled with an iron-fist and a finely
tuned intelligence and torture apparatus involved in political
assassinations, suppression of information and disappearances. Huge
areas of Rwanda were entirely depopulated by the Rwandan Patriotic
Front and UPDF as they hammered away at Rwanda beginning in October
1990. The invasion culminated in a coup d'etat that succeeded, with
broad U.S. military support, in capturing Kigali in July of 1994.
From 1994 to the present President Paul Kagame has used the genocide
card and the establishment narrative to institutionalize repression,
criminalize or assassinate anyone who challenges the regime, and
further depopulate rural areas for "development" benefiting corporate
Another member of the U.S.-Uganda Friendship council is the Honorable
Andrew Young, former Mayor of Atlanta and U.S. Ambassador. Andrew
Young and his firm Goodworks International have helped whitewash the
image of the Rwanda government and its state apparatus of terror.
Andrew Young, Quincy Jones and other wealthy Americans are building
(have built) mansions on the shores of Rwanda's Lake Mwazi in areas
where peasants were driven off the land or killed by the Kagame terror
machine before, during and after 1994. State terror and depopulation
is ongoing along Lake Kivu and in the Volcanoes National Parks regions
for methane and high-end tourism development.
Back to the refugees and IDPs question, the United Nations recognized
some 650,000 IDPs in "makeshift camps" in Rwanda in 1998 and 1999, in
the northwestern prefectures of Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. These IDPs were
categorized as "mostly Hutu" and forcibly resettled through
implementation of Rwanda's "National Habitat Policy, or
"villagisation" policy, of December 1996, which provides for the
relocation of all Rwandans living in scattered homesteads into
government-created villages. While the U.N. ceased to recognize
these people in Rwanda as internally displaced, in 2003 there remained
200,000 families living in IDP conditions. What is their status today?
Rwanda gains currency and good press through big HIV/AIDS projects run
by Paul Farmer but funded by the Clinton AIDS foundation. Rwanda was
overthrown by and for the Pentagon on Clinton's watch. Hillary Clinton
toured Uganda in July 1997, wore African clothes, danced African
dances, and spoke about "democracy" and "development" and a
"partnership" against HIV/AIDS.
The Kagame regime has recently awarded petroleum concessions to
Canada's Vangold Resources for the project titled "White Elephant" in
northern Rwanda2700 sq. kilometers of land depopulated by the Rwandan
Patriotic Front/Army between 1990 and 2007.  Contracted to provide
"feasibility studies" of petroleum infrastructural development in
Rwanda is the San Diego firm Science Applications International
Corporation (SAIC). 
SAIC has ongoing collaborations with Bechtelanother of the world's
most secretive aerospace technology, energy infrastructure and defense
contractorsboth known for their involvement in U.S. beyond top-secret
"black" programs; SAIC also works closely with DARPA, the Defense
Advanced Research Projects Agency.  Recent SAIC directors have
included: U.S. Navy Admiral B.R. Inman (Ret.); U.S. Army General W.A.
Downing (Ret.); and U.S. Air Force General J.A. Welch (Ret.). SAIC
also has an ongoing collaboration with the multibillion-dollar
pharmaceutical giant Bristol Myers Squibb (BMS).  Unsurprisingly,
through shared directorships, BMS is economically and politically
aligned with the New York Times Corporation. SAIC has also been
flagged for involvement in highly questionable U.S. mercenary
activities and human rights violations in Africa.
Petroleum, defense and mining interests connected to the Dian Fossey
Gorilla Fund International programs in "gorilla conservation" led to
the production of high-tech satellite prospecting data, gathered by
remote sensing over-flights (1994-2000), delivered to the Rwandan
Ministry of Defense.
The Pentagon has been involved in building military bases in Rwanda,
installing military and civilian communications infrastructure, and
training Rwandan Defense Forces; a military-communications radar
installation has been constructed with U.S. support on Mt. Karisimbi
in Ruhengeri Province. The installation is being built by the
Rwanda Ministry of Defense in partnership with the "Rwandan" company
Terracom SPRL and Rwandatel. Terracom is owned by U.S. businessman
Greg Wyler; Rwandatel is 99%-owned subsidiary.
It is believed that Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) sent to Darfur on the
African Union "peacekeeping" mission include black U.S. Special Forces
disguised as RDFjust as the black U.S. Special Forces were disguised
as UPDF during the invasion of Zaire.
Andrew Young is widely lauded as a leader of the African-American
civil rights movement and ally of Martin Luther King Jr., claims that
were specious to begin with. "In Rwanda Rising," reads the PR promo
for the film, Andrew Young, "a former United Nations Ambassador, Civil
Rights leader and top aide to the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr.
documented the amazing transformation taking place in Rwanda today,
including the country's remarkable story of reconciliation despite the
1994 Genocide." 
Rwanda Rising opened the 15th Annual Pan African Film and Arts
Festival February 8, 2007. "Fifteen years into the Pan African Film
and Arts Festival and we continue to showcase the important stories of
our brothers and sisters on the Continent," Festival Director Ayuko
Babu said. "Having Rwanda Rising open this year's festival is keeping
in that tradition while making sure that we stay connected to our
roots in Africa." 
THE ROOTS OF STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE IN AFRICA
Lockheed Martin is a California-based aerospace and defense giant
involved in classified black programs that are beyond "top-secret" and
shielded from government oversight. In September 2003, CNNa
corporate-military "news" agency deeply embedded with the
Pentagonreported "[a]ccording to the U.S. Center for Strategic and
Budgetary Assessments (CSBA) classified or black programs account for
about $23.2 billion or 17 percent of the 2004 budget request for the
Department of Defense."
According to United Nations spokeswoman Michele Montas the six-month
Darfur contract with Lockheed-Martin subsidiary Pacific Architect
Engineers, Inc. was awarded without competitive bidding "because of
complex requirements and a short timeline."
Reporting from the United Nations, Inner City Press said the terms of
the contract will not be public and the United Nations has violated
numerous U.N. charter laws in the tendering of this award.
The no-bid award process followed the United Nation's issuance of an
official "Expressions of Interest" notice on October 9, 2007. "The
United Nations is seeking Expressions of Interest (EOI) from
experienced Multi Functional Logistics Services (MFLS) contractors,"
the U.N.'s EOI notice reads, "for the provision of a wide range of
services at headquarters, logistic bases, military and police camps,
airfields and water resources at various locations in any or all of
the following: the Darfur Region of Sudan, Chad/Central African
Republic (CAR), and Somalia."
Inner City Press reported that the EOI solicitation, made after the
rules had already been waived to allow the transfer of $250 million to
Lockheed Martin for six months in Darfur, is intended to try to clean
up the process after-the-fact.
Another multinational aerospace and defense corporation directly
benefiting from this regional U.S. war is Boeing Aircraft Corporation.
The U.S. military used Boeing Chinook helicopters in the U.S. invasion
of Somalia in 2006. Tom Pickering, former U.S. Under Secretary of
State for Political Affairs, is senior vice president for
International Relations and a member of the Boeing Executive Council
since January 2001. Pickering played a decisive role in the Clinton
Administration overthrow of Rwanda (1990-1994) and Congo (1996-1997).
He is a leading advocate for the "Save Darfur" propaganda. He is also
a member of the Africa Society of the National Summit on Africa along
with Ed Royce (R-CA), former U.S. Senator Nancy Kassebaum Baker
(R-KS), Donald Payne (D-NJ), and Andrew Young.
While the New York Times reported in December 2006 that the Ethiopian
invasion of Somalia began in late December, military involvement of
U.S. covert forces had been ongoing, and was heightened significantly
in the early spring of 2006 when the U.S. Department of Defense and
the Central Intelligence Agency openly complained about cross purposes
in Somalia. Ethiopian troops began deploying to protect the US.-backed
Transitional Government early in 2006. Private military companies were
all over Somalia, as were known international arms syndicates,
including of course the criminal networks of John Bredenkamp, one of
Britain's fifty richest tycoons and one of the primary financial
backers behind the rise and fall of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe.
John Bredenkamp reportedly acquired three SRAM missiles with nuclear
warheads jettisoned in shallow water off the coast of Somalia by a
U.S.A.F. B-52 that soon after crashed into the Indian Ocean near the
U.S. military base on the island of Diego Garcia. The U.S. invasion of
Somalia is believed to have been partly an aborted attempt to recover
the lost nukescalled "broken arrows" in Pentagon speak. While the
story of the dumped nukes "lost" by Dick Cheney has received some
attention, no one has publicly identified John Bredenkamp as the
likely weapons dealer involved.
COVERT OPERATIONS IN SOMALIA
The war in Somalia dates back to deep U.S. involvement in the 1980's,
where major oil concessions were awarded to four Western multinational
petroleum giants: Conoco, Amoco, Chevron and Philips petroleum. The
infusion of Western "AID" provoked destabilization of Somalia, leading
to the U.S. military invasion that culminated in the 1993 mission
where eighteen U.S. Special Operations Forces were killed when their
Blackhawk helicopter was shot down over the capital city, Mogadishu. 
The mythology of U.S. involvement was indelibly inscribed in the
popular consciousness through the Hollywood/Pentagon film Blackhawk
Down, a film that has played all over the world even while a covert
U.S. war in Somalia has continued.
Blackhawk helicopters are produced by United Technologies Corporation
(UTC), which counts as directors General Richard B. Myers. General
Alexander Haig was director and senior adviser to UTC for years and
his consulting firm, Worldwide Associates, counts UTC and Boeing as
clients. Haig was also a director with MGM, producers of the fictional
Hotel Rwanda film that peddles the establishment Rwanda narrative.
Hollywood's subordination to Pentagon interests involves moviemakers
gaining access to expensive weaponry while the military basks in an
heroic glow that buffs its image and boosts recruitment. About
forty of the actors who were portraying Special Operations Rangers in
Blackhawk Down were sent to Fort Benning (Georgia)home of the School
of the Americas, the premier U.S. torture and terror academyto attend
courses in becoming Special Forces. All "Black Hawks" used during the
filming were from the 16th Special Operations Aviation Regiment (SOAR)
and most of the pilots in the film were involved in the actual battle.
 At least hundredssome accounts indicate thousandsof Somali
people died during the two days of fighting on October 3-4, 1993.
Part of the consistent propaganda on Africa is that "the U.S. does not
want to get involved and potentially face another Somalia." But the
U.S. pullout of Somalia occurred in perfect synchronicity with the
heightened military involvement in Rwanda in 1994.
U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) did not cease Special Ops
deployments in Somalia with the U.S. withdrawal and covert operations
have proceeded on and off, with heightened activity through the late
1990's. Numerous private military companies have received contracts to
work in Somalia. In 2005 the U.S.-based Top Cat Marine Security won
$50 million dollar contract to "fight piracy, theft of natural
resources and terrorism within Somali borders and its territorial
waters;" the contract awarded by Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf's
transitional federal governmentfounded with U.N. backing in
2004includes special forces training and helicopter reconnaissance.
The private military companies Select Armor (VA, USA) and ATS
Worldwide (FL, USA) were all over Somali by June 2006, if not much
sooner. Select Armor started its operation planning in Kampala,
Uganda, with Ugandan government pledges of weapons and logistics
support. ATS uses former British and U.S. Special Forces. Officials of
the U.S and British governments, the CIA and MI-6 were reportedly
informed and clandestine elite interests that can dictate U.S.
Department of Defense involvement orchestrated the operation. While
the involvement breached United Nations embargoes on Somalia, top U.N.
officials were reportedly involved.
The Pentagon confirmed in November 2006 that SOCOM forces were in
Somalia as of October "providing military advice to Ethiopian and
Somali forces on the ground." The U.S. Navy moved "additional forces"
into waters off the Somali coast, where the Pentagon said they
"conducted security missions, monitoring maritime traffic and
intercepting and interrogating crew on suspicious ships." These
included the USS Ramage guided missile destroyer, the USS Dwight D.
Eisenhower aircraft carrier, the USS Bunker Hill and USS Anzio guided
missile cruisers, and the USS Ashland amphibious landing ship. On
June 2, 2007, a U.S. Navy destroyer shelled northern Somalia. Somali
news media reported that the strikes destroyed farms, flattened
hilltops and killed or injured an unknown number of villagers.
The British Navy's newest warship HMS Bulwark was also stationed off
the Somali coast in early 2006. The HMS Bulwark deployed to the Indian
Ocean on 9 January 2006 for the first live operation of this "unique
Commando Assault ship" (as it is described by the British Navy).
At least three U.S. Navy guided missile destroyers were operating off
Somalia in October and November 2007. The U.S.S. Porter, U.S.S.
Arleigh Burke and U.S.S. James E. Williams were operatingsinking
"pirate ships" and "terrorist" vesselsas part of the Combined
Maritime Forces Task Force headquartered in Bahrain.
The U.S. Department of Defense Central Command (CENTCOM) and European
Command (EUCOM) initiated the "Golden Spear" anti-terrorism
program initiated in 2000 to "address issues of terrorism,
crises, natural disasters, drugs trafficking and
refugees in the greater horn of Africa." The "Golden Spear" member
countries include Ethiopia, Kenya, Eritrea, Djibouti, Rwanda, Burundi,
Tanzania, Jordan, Seychelles, Comoros, Egypt, Democratic Republic of
Congo and Uganda. Golden Spear military meetings occurred in Ethiopia,
Seychelles and Tampa, Florida. Amongst the many military officials
attending one 2005 "Golden Spear" meeting in Nairobi, Kenya were
General Marcel Gatsinzi, Rwanda Minister of Defense, and Uganda's Lt.
General Moses Ali. USCENTCOM representatives from Canada and
Australia also attended. There were forty-five delegates in attendance
from the United States: forty-two U.S. military commanders, special
agents, defense attachés or government and security officials, and
three executives from Northrup Grumman aerospace and defense
The establishment narrative on Somalia is that Ethiopia invaded
Somalia to displace Al-Qaeda terrorists and check the spread of
Islamic fundamentalism, both of which are propaganda themes that
misrepresent the reality of U.S. and allied military interventions.
Ethiopia is considered an essential partner of the U.S. in its "War on
Terrorism" and Ethiopian bases have been used for attacks on Somalia.
In 2003, the U.S. Army's 10th Mountain Division (SOCOM) completed a
three-month program to train an Ethiopian army division in
"counter-terrorism tactics"code language for covert operations.
Operations are coordinated through the Combined Joint Task Forces-Horn
of Africa (CJTF-HOA) base in Djibouti. In January 2004, SOCOM forces
from the 3rd U.S. Infantry Regiment replaced the 10th Mountain
Division forces at a new base "Camp United" established at Hurso,
northwest of Dire Dawa, near the border with Somalia. Since 2003,
under the U.S. State Department-sponsored Africa Contingency
Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) program, CJTF-HOA provided
instruction to thousands of Ethiopian soldiers at a base in Legedadi.
CJTF-HOA forces from the U.S Army's 478th Civil Affairs Battalion also
operated in Ethiopia (Somalia) in and around Dire Dawa, Galadi and
Dolo Odo, among other areas.
Recent CJTF-HOA training exercises in Djibouti involved U.S. and
French Special Forces at an undisclosed French Special Operations base
in Djibouti. The Pentagon's CJTF-HOA program has operated out of a
Camp Lemonier, in Djibouti, since at least 2001. The October 22, 2007
joint exercises involved French naval Special Forces and the U.S.
Marine Heavy Helicopter Squadron 464. According to the CJTF-HOA
report, "[t]he Marines and Sailors are a part of the CJTF-HOA mission
involving more than 1,800 U.S. and coalition forces serving in the
operational effort to prevent conflict, promote regional stability,
and protect coalition interest in order to prevail against extremism."
Female service members from the U.S. CJTF-HOA also participated in
joint Yemen-U.S. exercises educating some 40 Yemeni herdswomen how to
inoculate goats. As part of a community relations event, U.S.
Central Command Air Forces Expeditionary Band and Marines from the 3rd
Low Altitude Air Defense Battalion entertained and handed out school
supplies, toys and shoes to local villagers Oct. 9 at Damerjog,
Following the U.S.-backed Ethiopian invasion of Somalia, sources in
Kenya and Eritrea have consistently reported "snatch and grab"
terrorist operations involving massacres and torture that were run by
SOCOM forces inside Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya. This is not some
veterinary program involving U.S. Special Forces in inoculation
programs for nomadic herdswomen and their goats.
There are at least 52,000 U.S. special operations forces on active
duty and reserve military worldwide, including SEALs, Green Berets and
commando-style troops from the 10th Mountain Division and others.
Ethiopia seeks to control Somalia to gain access to a much-needed
deepwater seaport. Ethiopia's oil concessions are contiguous with the
oil reserves in Sudan, Somalia, Kenya and Yemen. Hunt Oil, the Chinese
National Petroleum Company and many others are active in Ethiopia.
Hunt's $18-million refinery across the waters in Yemen was officially
dedicated by then U.S. Vice-President G.H.W. Bush in April, 1986. In
remarks during the event, Bush emphasized the critical value of
supporting U.S. corporate efforts to develop and safeguard potential
oil reserves in the region.
The U.S. military used and uses Ethiopian air bases modernized by
infusions of millions of dollars of "AID" funds to launch attacks
against Somalia. Ethiopia now has the largest standing army on the
continent and this was achieved through the conversions of millions of
dollars in "AID" to weapons and militarization; even "debt
forgiveness"where foreign "debt" was canceledbenefited the
militarization of Ethiopia, and the same occurred in Uganda. U.S.
spy satellites were used provide intelligence to Ethiopian troops as
they swept across the Oganden basin and Somalia. Presidents Bush and
Zenawi both denied that the invasion was coordinated and well planned,
and both denied the involvement of the U.S.
The Ethiopian government retained former U.S. Republican house
majority leader Dick Armey as a lobbyist in Washington to whitewash
the Ethiopian regimes' crimes.
The Ogaden, Oromo and Anuak regions of Ethiopia have seen massive
military occupation and state repression. The Ethiopian government of
Meles Zenawi has perpetrated mass starvation and scorched earth policy
in the region. There has been very little international media coverage
and most is favorable the Zenawi regime or pressing the upside-down
stories about "relief" and "starvation" that serve the Western
"humanitarian" business sector. The Ogaden basin is a bloodbath today.
Applying the same legal standards as in Darfur, all three Ethiopian
regions qualify as ongoing genocides against indigenous people.
Failure to apply the genocide standards constitutes genocide denial.
The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1778 (2007) on 25
September 2007 established the United Nations Mission in the Central
African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT). According to the U.N.'s October
2007 Expression Of Interest, "[i]n it's Presidential Statement of 30
April 2007, the Security Council requested the Secretary General to
`immediately begin appropriate contingency planning for a United
Nations mission to Somalia'. At this early stage it is planned to have
a U.N. logistics base at Mombassa, Kenya to support the main supply
line from Mombassa to Kismayo, Mogadishu and Hobyo, which will serve
as secondary logistics bases in Somalia. At this early stage the
number and location of these sites is unknown, but it is envisaged
that approximately 24,000 personnel may be required."
Ethiopia's war in Somalia has taxed the government drawing widespread
criticism. The U.S. is pressing for an African Union mission as a
proxy force to replace the Ethiopian troops and further U.S.
interests. Mombasa, Kenya is a U.S. military port. The U.S. war in
Somalia is ongoing. More than 100 U.S. military "trainers" supervised
"combat training" of two Burundian "African Union" battalions (1700
troops) in Bujumbura, Burundi, in advance of their deployment in
Somalia expected in November 2007. French military also provided
training, while the U.S. and France both are providing logistical and
telecommunications support. Burundian troops are also in Darfur.
On November 28, 2004, the Bush White House issued a document
announcing a cooperative agreement with Burundi, Guyana and Liberia
preventing the International Criminal Court from proceeding against
U.S. personnel operating in these countries.
In March 2007 the Pentagon deployed an additional 150 SOCOM Forces in
Uganda. The troops were part of the Combined Joint Task Force
Horn-of-Africa, an "anti-terrorist naval force" deployed around the
Horn of Africa with support points in Bahrain and Djibouti. Ugandan
sources divulged that the SOCOM troops would be dispersed "around the
country" to "support UPDF troops" and "provide support to distribute
humanitarian aid." It was openly reported that the SOCOM are "possibly
training the South Sudanese army, which has just signed an agreement
for this with its Ugandan counterpart, strengthening Ugandan capacity
to fight terrorism." The U.S. military has also modernized the old
Entebbe airport for UPDF operations, and the Entebbe airport supports
a small but permanent U.S. military contingent. 
It is believed that U.S. SOCOM troops are operating in blood-drenched
Eastern Congo. Ugandan opposition sources have reported that SOCOM
forces in UPDF uniforms have joined the more than 2000
Pentagon-trained UPDF forces sent by Museveni to Somalia. The UPDF
troops operating in Somalia behind a "peacekeeping" propaganda front
have been accused of widespread atrocities. More than 1000 people die
daily in Eastern Congo where fighting since 1996 has claimed at least
7 million lives. The Democratic Republic of Congo has seen multiple
genocide campaigns, and multiple genocide denials are ongoing.
SOCOM forces have been openly reported in Niger, where operations are
billed as "humanitarian" and "human rights" training of Nigerien
troops. But the insurgency and "rebellion" by the Tuareg and
Toubou nomads has always been about uranium and depopulation: Canadian
and Chinese companies have recently gotten involved but Esso (Exxon),
Japan and French corporations were exploiting the Agadez and Air
regions in the 1970's and 1980's (at least), dumping radioactive
sickness and social devastation on another indigenous population.
Niger is the poorest country in the world. Yet another genocide?
Exxon, Elf and Hunt Oil are in Niger for oil. Barrick Gold is also in
Niger, and in Guniea, Burkina Faso, Tanzania, Madagascar and Mali;
through their partnership with Anglo-Ashanti, Barrick is responsible
for atrocities and plunder in eastern Congo. Directors of the G.H.W.
Bush-connected Barrick Gold include former U.S. Senator Howard Baker
(R-TN), whose wife, Nancy Kassebaum Baker, has been an outspoken
advocate for immediate action on Darfur.
"I was in the Senate at the time of Rwanda," said Kassebaum Baker at a
speech in 2006 where discussed Darfur. Kassebaum Baker served as
chairwoman of the Foreign Relation Committee's Subcommittee on African
Affairs. "We were all aghast at what was taking place there [Rwanda],
but I must say no one really knew what to do about it," Kassebaum
The Bakers are on the advisory board for the nationalist think-tank
Partnership for a Secure Americaanother
policy-formulating-perception-management-force behind the "Save
Darfur" movementalong with a stellar cast of corporate executives
involved in war and plunder in Africa. Most notable of these are
Frank G. Wisner, Richard Holbroke, Anthony Lake, Thomas Pickering,
Carla Hills and Sam Nunn. Wisner was also on the National Security
Council under Clinton, along with the International Crisis Group (ICG)
Special Advisor and ENOUGH co-chair John Prendergast. Wisner's
co-directors of the American International Group include: Marshall
Cohen, a director of the Bush-connected Barrick Gold Corporation;
Clinton Cabinet members William Cohen and Richard Holbrooke; and Carla
Hills, NAFTA negotiator and director of Chevron-Texaco and the ICG.
Partnership for a Secure America advisory board members Zbigniew
Brzezinski, Pickering, Hills, and Kassebaum Baker are all on the Board
of Trustees for the ICGInternational Crisis Groupthe leading flak
organization pressing the "Save Darfur" and Lord's Resistance Army
George Soros founded the International Crisis Group in 1995 and serves
on the ICG executive committee, another who's who of establishment
people entrenched in the production of militant establishment
narratives and structural violence. The Crisis Group think-tank is
funded by Soros' philanthropy think-tank the Open Society Institute,
and it pushes the rhetoric of "peace" and "democracy" through
hegemonic policy instruments advocating direct "humanitarian" [read:
military] intervention. The Crisis Group executives have numerous
interlocking ties with the International Rescue Committee, a
Kissinger-connected flak organization. Other Crisis Group executives
include Zbigniew Brzezinski, Wesley K. Clark, who led the NATO
deconstructive bombing of Yugoslavia, and Joanne Leedom-Ackermana
director of Human Rights
George Soros is also an emeritus director of Refugees International,
another "humanitarian" NGO behind the massive suffering in Africa.
Other Refugees International directors emeritus include Judy Mayotte,
an executive boardmember of the International Rescue Committee, Frank
G. Wisner, and Richard Holbrooke. The current president of Refugees
International is Kenneth H. Bacon, who, prior to his appointment in
2001, had worked for seven years as assistant secretary for public
affairs at the U.S Department of Defense. Beyond the global presence
of RI in hot spots like Afghanistan and Iraq are their permanent
missions in Somalia, Central Africa Republic, Rwanda, Uganda, Dem.
Rep. of Congo, Ethiopia, Somalia, Chad, South Sudan and Darfur.
Refugees International profited from the RPF/A forced exodus of
refugees from Rwanda in 1994, and their involvement in the
international war crimes behind the destruction of the Hutu refugee
camps in Eastern Zaire, shelled by the RPF/A in 1996 as the U.S.
opened its war there, or the subsequent genocidal massacres of Hutus,
have never been investigated.
Refugees International joined the Save Darfur Coalition in April to
rally against the genocide in Darfur. According to the RI Annual
report for 2006, "[o]ur supporters joined the tens of thousands of
human rights activists, movie stars, athletes and politicians who
converged on the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, to show the world
that we will not stand idly by while genocide unfolds." 
The Darfur region of western Sudan has been a hotbed of clandestine
activities, gunrunning and indiscriminate violence for decades. The
Cold War era saw countless insurgencies launched from the remote
deserts of Darfur. Throughout the 1990's factions allied with or
against Chad, Uganda, Ethiopia, Congo, Libya, Eritrea and the Central
African Republic operated from bases in Darfur, and it was a regular
landing strip for foreign military transport planes of mysterious origin.
In 1990, Chad's President Idriss Déby launched a military blitzkrieg
from Darfur and overthrew President Hissan Habre; Déby then allied
with his own tribe against the Sudan government. Sudanese rebels today
have bases in Chad, and Chadian rebels have bases in Darfur, with
Khartoum's backing.[GN1] When the regime of Ange-Félix Patassé
collapsed in the Central African Republic in March 2003, soldiers fled
to Darfur with their military equipment. Khartoum supported the West
Nile Bank Front, a rebel army operating against Uganda from Eastern
Congo, commanded by Taban Amin, the son of the infamous Ugandan
dictator, Idi Amin, who heads Uganda's dreaded Internal Security
France is deeply involved in covert operations and genocide in Africa.
Central Africa Republic (C.A.R.), run by General François Bozizé, is a
major base of French defense and intelligence operations linked to
security regimes in the bloody dictatorships of Republic of Congo,
Togo, Cameroon and Gabon, and France backs guerilla groups committing
atrocities in Chad, Sudan, DR-Congo, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi.
C.A.R. is also a conduit for blood diamonds, and the back-up for
France's nuclear policy, today heavily reliant on uranium exploitation
in Niger: C.A.R. reportedly has massive uranium reserves. Like
oil-cursed Equatorial Guinea, C.A.R. is also a bloodbath, completely
off the international media screen.
Darfur is another epicenter of the modern-day international
geopolitical scramble for Africa's resources. Conflict in Darfur
escalated in 2003 in parallel with negotiations "ending" the south
Sudan war. The U.S.-backed insurgency by the Sudan People's Liberation
Army (SPLA), the guerilla force that fought the northern Khartoum
government for 20 years, shifted to Darfur, even as the G.W. Bush
government allied with Khartoum in the U.S. led "War on Terrorism."
The Sudan Liberation Army (SLA)one of some twenty-seven rebel
factions mushrooming in Darfuris allied with the SPLA and supported
from Uganda. Andrew Natsios, former USAID chief and now U.S. envoy to
Sudan, said on October 6, 2007 that the atmosphere between the
governments of north and south Sudan "had become poisonous." This is
no surprise given the magnitude of the resource war in Sudan and the
involvement of international interests, but the investigation should
center on the involvement and activities of USAID officials Andrew
Natsios, Roger Winter and Jendayi Frazer.
Roger Winter, USAID chief in Khartoum today, is directly linked to the
Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army and U.S. military campaign that
destabilized Rwanda and decapitated the leadership of Rwanda and
Burundi. USAID's affiliations with the Department of Defense are now
openly advertised with the propaganda peddling AFRICOMthe Pentagon's
new Africa Command. AFRICOM combines U.S. CENTCOM, PACIFICOM and EUCOM
operations in Africa; it is nothing new, merely the consolidation and
expansion of widespread and ongoing involvement.
Darfur is reported to have the fourth largest copper and third largest
uranium deposits in the world. Darfur produces two-thirds of the
world's best quality gum Arabica major ingredient in Coke and Pepsi.
Contiguous petroleum reserves are driving warfare from the Red Sea,
through Darfur, to the Great Lakes of Central Africa. Private military
companies operate alongside petroleum contractors and "humanitarian"
agencies. Sudan is China's fourth biggest supplier of imported oil,
and U.S. companies controlling the pipelines in Chad and Uganda seek
to displace China through the U.S. military alliance with "frontline"
states hostile to Sudan: Uganda, Chad and Ethiopia.
There are claims in the Arab community that Israel provides military
training to Darfur rebels from bases in Eritrea, but insiders in
Eritrea dispute this. However, Israel has a deep history of
intelligence and military relations with both Eritrea and Ethiopia,
and Israel reportedly has a naval and air base on Eritrea's Dahlak and
Fatma islands, from which German-made Dolphin-class submarines patrol
the Red Sea with long-range nuclear cruise missiles. Eritrea
reportedly serves as Israel's outpost for spying on enemies Saudi
Arabia, Yemen, and Sudan.
Africa Research Bulletin in 1998 reported that Israel had military
bases in Eritrea on the Dahlak islands and in the Mahal Agar Mountains
near Sudan. They also reported a communications listening station and
that Mossad, the Israeli secret service, "is operating a string of
previously top secret outposts in the Horn of Africa" used to monitor
hostile states and service Israeli submarines operating in the area. 
One source in Eritrea claims that reports about Dahlak Island and
Israeli training bases are "old, dried-up bullshit. No foreign bases
in Eritrea, not now, not ever, especially Israel. We have normal
relations with Israel, but even trade matters have decreased
dramatically. The charges of a base in Dahlak are old, going back over
ten years. There are remnants of an old U.S., then soviet base in
Dahlak, but Dahlak these days is a marine preserve.
An intelligence insider in Washington D.C. reports that a journalist
who wrote an article for Vanity Fair on the Israeli subs with nuclear
cruise missiles had confirmed the base in Dahlak; the journalist wrote
Jane's Intelligence Weekly, "so he had good sources." The source
reports that Vanity Fair killed the story so as to not upset its
Jewish advertisers, Bergdorf, Goodman and Saks.
In May 2003, the Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA)
hosted an Eritrean delegation aboard the CJTF-HOA amphibious Joint
Command ship the U.S.S. Mount Whitney. The Eritrean delegation
included President Asaias Afwerki, Minister of Defense, Gen. Sebhat
Ephraim, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Ali Said Abdell, top
commanders of Eritrean ground, naval and air for
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