South Asia Citizens Wire
2 August 2001
[Interruption Notice: Please note that the SACW posts would be
interrupted from period 6th August 2001 and are expected to resume
on the 20th August 2001. ]
[1.] University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka
[2.] Sri Lanka: Cat's Eye - Checkpoint - ll
[3.] Press Release/Action Alert - Bangladesh
[4.] India: Academics flay 'saffronisation'
[5.] India: Beware of the loony brigade
[6.] India: Sanctified Vandalism as a Political Tool
[7.] India: All unquiet in Asind, VHP warns of more trouble if mosque
[8.] RSS peddles Hindu Heritage to Indian diaspora
[9.] India: Bangalore meet on victimisation of 2 Lucknow
organisations working on HIV/AIDS issues among MSM (Men who have sex
with men) communities
Date: Wed, 1 Aug 2001 08:38:57 -0400
University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka.
The University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) (UTHR(J)) was
formed in 1988 at the University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka, as part of the
national organization University Teachers for Human Rights.
The UTHR(J) began publishing reports on human rights violations in
1988 from the University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka by documenting
violations by all forces, the Sri Lankan state, Indian Peace Keeping
force and the armed groups. Its decision to make armed groups also
accountable was a unprecedented step in an armed conflict situation
by a local organization. Its public activities as a constituent part
of university life came to a standstill following the murder of Dr.
Rajani Thiranagama, a key founding member, on 21st September 1989.
During the course of 1990 the others who identified openly with the
UTHR(J) were forced to leave Jaffna.
It continues to function as an organization upholding the founding
spirit of the UTHR(J) with it original aims:
To challenge the external and internal terror engulfing the Tamil
community as a whole through making the perpetrators accountable, and
to create space for humanizing the social & political spheres
relating to the life of our community.
The UTHR(J) is not at present functioning in the University of Jaffna
in the manner it did in its early life for reasons well understood.
It has so far published 13 reports, 12 Special Reports, 25 Bulletins
and 3 Briefings, covering all aspects of human right violation by
state and non-state forces related to the Ethnic conflict.
All the above documents and the background to the activities of the
UTHR(J) could be found in the web site:
The Island (Colombo)
Wednesday August 1 2001
Checkpoint - ll
It was heartening to see that many trade unions as well as political parties
-both Tamil and Muslim- took the initiative in protesting the alleged rape
at the Maradana checkpoint, which we commented on recently as well. Our
disillusionment with all political parties in Sri Lanka today -which seem to
be primarily motivated by political interest and profit- make us sincerely
hope that these demonstrations about the alleged rape sought to express a
sincere concern for the violated woman and to prevent further such abuses
rather than to merely get political mileage.
We also trust that these parties will be similarly vigilant about protesting
the abuses and sexual violations that are perpetrated by the LTTE against
women of all ethnicities -Tamil, Muslim and Sinhala. However, we are still
waiting to hear a word of protest about the cold-blooded killing of four
unarmed women home guards attached to the Siddambarapuram refugee camp, by
the LTTE. The ICRC keeps trying to educate the LTTE and SLA about ethical
rules of combat but neither side seems to be listening and most of us
citizens are condoning these atrocities with our silence.
We publish below (in its entirety) a statement on the Maradana checkpoint
alleged rape issued by the most dynamic and inspiring feminist organization
located in Batticaloa, Suriya Women's Development Centre. It is rather sad
that only one English weekly published Suriya's statement in its entirety
-though it was sent to all the newspapers- while a few Tamil and Sinhala
newspapers only excerpted certain sections which coincided with their
There has been an alarming escalation of war-time violence against women.
Marginalised women are subject to violence by those who are in power that is
further entrenched by patriarchy and the culture of violence.
In addition to the recent incidents that happened at Mannar and Kaluthawalai,
now what has allegedly happened in Maradana explicates the attitude that one
can evade punishment if the violation is forced on a powerless and
marginalised woman. The major factor that contributes to the persistence and
the increase of war-time violence against women is that the violators always
belong to the forces of the state. The state, with its accumulated power,
always tries to safeguard its forces. However the state is expected to be
considered responsible for the violations of human rights committed by its
forces. We urge that state and its administrative and judicial sector should
not defend and protect the violators.
We seriously feel that the activism regarding wartime violence against women
is inadequate. We are in a situation where we all women, by accumulating our
strength with the help of individuals and social institutions that advocate
social justice have to create a corresponding activism to enforce changes at
the level of civil society and the state. In this regard, we, Suriya Women's
Development Center calls for the strengthening of women's activism against
war, militarisation and the culture of violence.
Rape in Meesalai
It is shocking that despite the great deal of public protest that was raised
regarding the alleged rape at the Maradana checkpoint, the Sri Lanka army
allegedly had the audacity to commit several more rapes in the Jaffna
district (3 in two weeks according to the BBC) and even try to cover it up.
We commend the government for finally arresting two soldiers in connection
with the rape that was perpetrated near Meesalai.
The raped woman alleged that a group of armed men in military fatigues had
come into her home, verbally abused her in both Sinhala and Tamil, dragged
her out of her home and gang raped her. They had also beaten up her 82-year
old mother who had tried to prevent the attack.
The Ministry of Defense initially sought to deny the woman's charges on the
grounds that since the perpetrators spoke in Tamil, they must have been LTTE
cadre seeking to discredit the armed forces of the state.
The fact that the rape was first publicized through the pro-LTTE website,
Tamilnet, was seen to further concretise this accusation. We find such
knee-jerk reactions of the Sri Lankan armed forces particularly problematic
-a similar reaction was engendered by the Sri Lankan Navy in the context of
the two rapes that occurred in Mannar, earlier this year.
Since one cannot assign blame until guilt has been proven, it does not cost
the armed forces of the state anything to follow standard procedure in such
situations which is to acknowledge that accusations have been made and to
assure the general public that every effort is being made to investigate the
However, such statements should not be mere rhetorical ploys and evasions but
should be followed by actions, as promised.
Needless to say, such arrests only address the tip of the iceberg of
extensive human rights violations that are carried out by warring parties in
Sri Lanka -be they of the state, para-military groups or the LTTE.
As the Suriya Women's Development Centre has pointed out, the larger task
ahead for all of us is to eradicate war, militarization and the culture of
violence which we have become accustomed so quickly to accept as our everyday
PRESS RELEASE/ACTION ALERT - BANGLADESH
30 July 2001
Journalist's house target of bomb attack
SOURCE: Media Watch, Dhaka
(Media Watch/IFEX) - The following is a Media Watch press release:
Bomb attack on journalist's house
At midday on 29 July, assailants attacked the house of Al Amin
Shahrior, correspondent for the daily "Manavjamin", in Bhola (a
district town in southern Bangladesh), with a hand-made bomb. No one
was injured as a result of the blast, although Al Amin's father was
injured as he was trying to escape from the attack.
Al Amin's family members said that supporters of the local Awami
League were annoyed with Al Amin because of some of his recent
reports on their party's activities. During the last few days, Al
Amin received threats from workers of the Bangladesh Chattra League
(BCL, the Awami League student wing), advising him to not publish any
negative news on Awami League activities, which might affect them in
the forthcoming election.
Police stated that the bomb used in the attack was very powerful.
After the attack, Al Amin's family members had to leave the house for
their safety. Thus far, nobody has been arrested in connection with
Send appeals to authorities:
- expressing concern over the attack and urging them to take action
Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed
Fax: +880 2 96 566 242
Justice Latifur Rahman
Chief Advisor of the caretaker government
Fax: +880 2 8 113 244
Please copy appeals to the source if possible.
For further information, contact BulBul Monjurul-Ahsan, Executive
Director, Media Watch, Street Address: 2/3/A, PuranaPaltan, Gr. Fl.
Dhaka-1000, Mailing Address: GPO Box 3521, Dhaka, Bangladesh, tel:
+880 2 956 7070/880 18 22 3309, fax: +880 2 956 7070, e-mail:
The information contained in this press release/action alert is the
sole responsibility of Media Watch. In citing this material for
broadcast or publication, please credit Media Watch.
Drik Picture Library
August 2, 2001
Academics flay 'saffronisation'
New Delhi, August 1
THE SAFDAR Hashmi Memorial Trust (SAHMAT) today hit out at the
BJP-led NDA government's alleged agenda of `communalisation' of
At a press conference, SAHMAT representatives, Professor Arjun Dev
and Prabhat Patnaik said: "The communal agenda has become apparent in
the recent past with instances like the sacking of the ICSSR chairman
and the introduction of Vedic astrology and Vedic sciences in the
Despite the fact that school education is a state subject and higher
education a concurrent subject, the Centre is consulting neither the
state governments nor the Central Advisory Board of education while
introducing far-reaching changes in these areas, alleges SAHMAT.
Recent developments such as the introduction of Vedic astrology in
institutions of higher learning is "symptomatic of the shrinking of
rational discourse," said Prof Patnaik. In fact, he added, the recent
statement by the UGC chairman, Dr Hari Gautam that astrology was a
science like the social sciences, `devalues the social sciences.'
Prof Dev further contended that there are no Vedas that make use of
astrology for their hypotheses. "In fact, a large part of astrology
as we know it today has been imported," he said.
According to Prof Patnaik, the effort was to pass off theology as
history. There is a difference, he said, in teaching subjects like
astrology as a vocational course by training institutes and their
being taught as disciplines in universities - there would be
little objection to the former, he added.
2 August 2001
Beware of the loony brigade
TO NO one's surprise, the VHP has had no qualms in acknowledging its
role in the demolition of a disused 500-year old Kalandari mosque at
Asind near Bhilwara in Rajasthan and 'converting' it into a 'temple'.
Reportedly, the RSS also made its contribution to keeping the flag of
'Hinduism' flying. This particular act is a crazy one even by VHP
standards. In Ayodhya at least, the RSS and its affiliates could
claim to have operated in pursuit of an undefinable religious
sentiment since they said that Ram was born where the Babri mosque
stood. But at Asind, there was no excuse at all for demolishing a
place of worship, except that it belonged to non-Hindus.
This act of vandalism was calculated to injure and inflame Muslim
sentiment. It is unlikely that a secret centre of the loony brigade
of the Hindu Right guides activities of this kind. It is undeniable,
however, that the VHP and other RSS affiliates have succeeded in
spreading a venomous message, according to which it is perfectly
legitimate to target the minority communities. There is an underlying
political purpose behind such a thought process.
For quite some time after Ayodhya, the Hindutva lobby seemed to
abjure destructive activity, possibly because the courts were on
their tail. Of course, there was no let-up in their trident-waving
bravado. Nor were they completely inactive, as the murder of Graham
Staines and his two sons in Orissa and attacks against Christians in
Gujarat and elsewhere showed. The most glaring aspect of these
incidents has been the perceived reluctance on the part of the Centre
to go for the criminals. There is also a worry that with the decline
of the BJP's popularity graph, the extremists in the Hindutva ranks
may become more active in a bid to recover lost political ground
before the UP elections. All governments have to be on guard,
therefore, especially the one at the Centre.
Date: Wed, 01 Aug 2001 11:37:40 +0000
Sanctified Vandalism as a Political Tool
by Yoginder Sikand
The recent destruction of a centuries-old mosque in a small town in
Rajasthan and the construction of a temple in its place points to a
recurring theme in India history--the use of sanctified vandalism as
a political tool. In recent years, ever since the campaign to destroy
the Babri Masjid was launched, we have been fed with constant
propaganda that the destruction of places of worship was a fine art
that Muslims, fired with an irrepressible iconoclastic zeal, had
mastered. Yet, as the recent Rajasthani case so clearly suggests,
others have been, and continue to be, guilty of the sin as well.
It is true that, as the historical records show, that some
Muslim kings did indeed destroy Hindu temples. This even Muslims
themselves would hardly dispute. In assessing the historical record,
however, certain precautions are necessary. Most importantly, a
distinction must be made between Islamic commandments, on the one
hand, and the acts of individual Muslims on the other. The Quran in
no way sanctions the destruction of the places of worship of people
of other faiths. For the most part, Muslims have abided by the
Quranic injunction that there is no compulsion in religion. Thus,
for instance, after Muhammad bin Qasim, leading the first Muslim army
to India, had subdued Sind, he granted the local Hindus and Buddhists
full religious freedom and guaranteed the protection of their
shrines. Or, for that matter, when Sultan Sikander of Kashmir, egged
on by his Brahmin Prime Minister, Suha Bhat, set about pulling down
temples on a large scale, the leading Kashmiri Muslim Sufi , Hazrat
Nuruddin Nurani, bitterly protested, arguing that Islam did not
sanction this. This opinion was shared by several other Muslim ulama
and Sufis as well. Thus, the Tabaqat-e-Akbari tells us that when they
heard that Sultan Sikander Lodi (r. 1489-1517) was planning to
destroy some temples, a group of high-ranking 'ulama protested'
saying that, 'It is not lawful to lay waste ancient idol temples'.
Caution must be exercised in accepting the narratives
provided by medieval writers about the exploits of kings, including
their 'feats' of temple destruction. Most historians were employees
of the royal courts, and they tended to exaggerate the 'exploits' of
the kings in order to present them as great champions of Islam, an
image that hardly fits the facts that we know about them. Thus, for
instance, the author of the late eighteenth century 'Riyaz-ul
Salatin' claimed that Muhammad Bakhtiyar demolished several temples
in Bengal when he captured the province in 1204, although there is no
evidence to suggest that this had indeed be the case. In his recent
book, "Essays on Islam and Indian History" the well-known historian
Richard Eaton points out that of the sixty thousand-odd cases of
temple destruction by Muslim rulers cited by contemporary Hindutva
sources one may identify only eighty instances whose historicity
appears to be reasonably certain.
Eaton clearly shows that cases of destruction of places of
worship were not restricted to Muslim rulers alone. He recounts
numerous instances of Hindu kings having torn down Hindu temples, in
addition to Jaina and Buddhist shrines. He says that these must be
seen as, above all, powerful politically symbolic acts. Typically,
cases of shrine destruction are reported in the wake of the overthrow
of a powerful enemy and the annexation of his territory. The royal
temple of the enemy was often pulled down to symbolise the enemy's
defeat. Thus, for instance, the historical records speak of the
seventh century Hindu Pallava king Narasimhavarman I, who looted an
idol of Ganesha from the Chalukyan capital of Vatapi. Fifty years
later, the Hindu Chalukyan army brought back with them idols of Ganga
and Jamuna, looted from temples of their fellow Hindu enemies to the
north. In the eighth century, a Bengali Hindu army is said to have
destroyed an idol of Vishnu belonging to their imperial foe, the
Hindu king Lalitaditya of Kashmir. In the tenth century, the Hindu
Pratihara king Herambapala defeated the Hindu Shahi king of Kangra
and looted a solid gold idol of Vishnu from the Kangra royal temple.
In the eleventh century, the Chola ruler Rajendra I furnished his
capital with idols of Hindu deities that he had captured from his
enemies, the Chalukyas, the Palas and the Kalingas. The sixteenth
century Vijaynagara ruler, Krishna Deva Raya, is reported to have
looted an idol of Krishna from Udaygiri after inflicting on it a
crushing defeat. He is also said to have looted a Vittala idol from
the famous Pandharpur temple. Besides looting idols from the temples
of their fellow Hindu enemies, several Hindu kings are reported to
have destroyed the royal temples of their vanquished foes to signal
their victory. Thus, the tenth century Rashtrakuta king Indra III
destroyed the temple of Kalapriya at Kalpa, after defeating his
dreaded enemies, the Rashtrakutas. Likewise, Kapilendra, the founder
of the Suryavanshi Gajapati dynasty in Orissa is said to have sacked
several Hindu temples in the course of his military campaigns in the
Tamil country. These are instances of Hindu kings looting Hindu
idols and destroying Hindu temples for political purposes. The number
of Jaina and Buddhist shrines destroyed by Hindu kings must certainly
be much greater.
Because royal temples served as powerful political symbols
and centreswhere often kings were worshipped as forms of the
deitiesthey seem to have been the particular object of attack by
invaders, irrespective of religion. As Eaton remarks, 'It is clear
that temples had been the natural sites for the contestation of
kingly authority well before the coming of Muslim Turks to India. Not
surprisingly, Turkish invaders, when attempting to plant their own
rule in early medieval India' followed and continued established
patterns. He further adds that 'Whatever form they took' acts of
temple desecration were never directed at the people, but at the
enemy king and the image that incarnated and displayed his
state-deity. Like in the case of Hindu rulers attacks on temples,
Eaton says that almost all instances of Muslim rulers destroying
Hindu shrines were recorded in the wake of their capture of enemy
territory. Once these territories were fully integrated into their
dominions, few temples were targetted. This itself clearly shows
that these acts were motivated, above all, by political concerns and
not by a religious impulse to extirpate idolatry. The essentially
political, as opposed to religious or communal, nature of these acts
is clearly suggested in the details that the historical chronicles
provide. Thus, for instance, we hear of the army of the Golconda
Muslim Sultans, led by the Marathi Hindu Brahmin general, Murahari
Rao, which conquered a large swathe of territory up to the Krishna
river. Rao is said to have sacked the famous Ahobilam temple, and
looted its ruby-studded idol, which he presented to the Sultan as a
war trophy. Likewise, we are told that Sultan Sulaiman Karrani of
Bengal dispatched an army to Orissa against the Hindu Gajapati Raja
to punish him for entering into a pact with the enemies of the
Sultan, the Mughal Emperor Akbar and the Pathan Ibrahim Sur. The
army, after defeating the Raja, then set about looting the Jagannath
temple, the main royal shrine. As Eaton shows, it was usually the
large royal temples that were targetted, for not only were they
symbols of political power, but were also richly endowed with jewels,
gold and other precious metals.
In the wake of these attacks on enemy power, ordinary people were
rarely targetted. Thus, for instance, when a Mughal army attacked
Kuch Bihar in northern Bengal and destroyed the idol of the
state-deity of Raja Bhim Narayan, the chief Mughal qazi of Bengal,
Sayyed Muhammad Sadiq, issued an order to the Mughal soldiers that,
"nobody should touch the cash and property of the people" laying down
that those who infringed this order would have their hands, ears or
noses lopped off.
If the destruction of temples were, above all, powerful
political acts, so too were instances of patronage extended to
temples by rulers. Thus, in addition to Hindu rulers, many Muslim
kings endowed temples with large land grants. A fourteenth century
Sanskrit inscription records that thirteen years after his annexation
of the northern Deccan, Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq appointed a
Muslim official to repair a Shiva temple at Kalyana. The
much-maligned Aurangzeb, who is said to have destroyed some Hindu
temples, is also known to have made extensive grants to other Hindu
shrines. Thus, in 1659 in a royal order issued to his officers in
Benaras, he wrote:
'In these days' information has reached our court that
several people have, out of spite and rancour, harassed the Hindu
residents of Benaras and nearby places, including a group of Brahmans
who are in charge of ancient temples there. These people want to
remove those Brahmans from their charge of temple-keeping, which has
caused them considerable distress. Therefore, upon receiving this
order, you must see that nobody unlawfully disturbs the Brahmans or
other Hindus of that region, so that they might remain in their
traditional place and pray for the continuance of the Empire
Aurangzeb further added that, 'According to the Holy law
[shariat] and the exalted creed' it has been established that
ancient temples should not be torn down.
Eaton, after closely examining the historical record, shows
that the temples whose destruction Aurangzeb had ordered had been
associated with his political rivals. If temples belonging to Hindu
political rivals were targetted by Muslim kings, they did not desist
from similarly brutally attacking their fellow Muslim foes and
rebels. The history of Muslim rule in India is replete with stories
of Muslim kings fighting among themselves. Muslim rebels were treated
with equal severity as their Hindu counterparts. Thus, Isami writes
in his 'Futuh us Salatin' that when the Muslim general Bahauddin
Gurhasp joined hands with the Hindu Raja of Kampila and rose in
revolt against Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq, his own first cousin, he
was flayed alive, after which his skin was stuffed with straw and
paraded through the streets, after which his body was filled with
rice and fed to the royal elephants.
Hindus and Muslims alike, then, have been equally guilty of
destroying places of worship, and, in this regard, as in any other,
neither has a monopoly of virtue or vice. The destruction of the
mosque in Rajasthan and building a temple in its place, like the
tearing down of the Babri Masjid by Hindutva zealots or the vandalism
of the Bamiyan Buddhas by the Taliban, shows how sanctified vandalism
and medieval notions of the politics of revenge are still alive and
thriving in our part of the world.
Wednesday, August 1, 2001
All unquiet in Asind, VHP warns of more trouble if mosque is rebuilt
BHILWARA, JULY 31: UNTIL last Friday,
there was a 16th century single walled
Kalandari style mosque with three
minarets in Asind, 55 kms from Bhilwara.
Today, after a smooth and swift
demolition job by a 300-strong mob of Gurjars,
assisted by activists of the Vishwa Hindu
Parishad (VHP) and RSS, there's a
marble platform with a Hanuman statue in
its place. The structure even has a
name: 'Mandir Peer Pachar Hanumanji': the
god who defeated the Muslim peer
(Badiawale Baba who's buried in the nearby dargah).
A police cordon rings the 'temple' whose
sudden appearance last Friday has
fanned communal tension in an otherwise
peaceful district. Muslims number 5,000
in a 20,000-strong population in Asind.
Though two FIRs were lodged against the
Gurjars, no arrests have been made so
far, since, says Bhilwara's SP K C Bhagat,
the police haven't been able to identify
more than four people, all of whom are
absconding. The main accused is one
Mansukh Singh, a member of the Rajesh
Both the mosque and neighbouring Sawai
Bhoj temple were built over 70 bighas
of land by Emperor Akbar's army on its
return from a battle in Chittorgarh. Police
say the first seed of trouble was sown at
the annual three-day Urs festival in Asind
The entrance to the dargah, which is in
the rear of the premises, was blocked by a
boundary wall built by the Gurjars around
their temple. The Gurjars wield a great
deal of power here - the BJP MLA from the
area is Ramlal Gurjar.
Then, when some Muslims set up tents in
the compound to house qawwals, the
Gurjars protested. Claiming that the
tents had occupied more space than was
permitted, they burnt
them down. Even as angry Muslim youth
were looting shops in the nearby market
in retaliation, a mob armed with swords
and lathis speedily tore down the mosque
and built the temple last Friday.
The police have been typically slow to
react to the turn of events. According to SP
Bhagat, ''Only five or six policemen were
outside the premises when this
happened. But when the tents were being
burnt, around 20 policemen prevented
the mob from burning down the adjoining
dargah.'' The IGP (Intelligence) M K
Devarajan has also visited Asind, as
three-member team from the Congress
VHP district president Amrit Lal Khemka
has no qualms in admitting the Sangh
outfit's hand in the demolition. ''Around
10-12 activists of the VHP and our RSS
friends were in Asind and helped the
Gurjars in the demolition. The mosque was
an illegal structure like the Babri
Masjid and it deserved to be knocked down. All
illegal structures like this one should
be demolished, aisa hona chahiye.''
Though the chairperson of the Rajasthan
Wakf Board, Nasir Ali Naqvi, today met
Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot and
demanded that the demolished
mosque be rebuilt, Khemka threatened to
oppose any reconstruction. ''What has
been built should be left there,'' he said.
This is the second such demolition in
Bhilwara district in the past two weeks. On
the night of August 16, two ancient
mazars of Hazrat Sayyid Baba and Mithal Ali
Baba were damaged in Jahazpur 90 kms from
Bhilwara, as a suspected reaction to
the failed Indo-Pak talks. Here too, the
Muslim community is in a minority.
© 2001: Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd.
Lessons in faith for overseas Hindus
By Imran Qureshi, Indo-Asian News Service
Bangalore, July 31 (IANS) Why is a sari worn, what is a Hindu's heritage,
what is yoga, how can Hindus face up to ethnic strife?
To learn all this and much more, almost 100 second generation Hindus from 10
countries have gathered at an annual training camp organized here by the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), India's most influential Hindu group.
With traditional sports, lectures, discussions, slide shows and
question-answer sessions, the 21-day camp is part of the RSS program to give
overseas Hindus a taste of their roots.
"Unlike here, where the gap between one Hindu and another is just a wall, in
other countries it could be hundreds of miles. Parents have a problem to
maintain Hindu identity," said RSS spokesman Sripathi Sastry.
Sastry also said the camp was an attempt to answer questions of Hindu
children born abroad about their faith.
A day at the camp begins at 4.30 a.m. with lessons in traditional martial
arts and drill followed by academic lessons and discussions. Indian games
like "kho-kho" and "kabaddi" are also taught.
The camp seems to be making an impact on its visitors. "I can get ideas
about my dharma, about yoga. It's more a refresher course for me," said
Sanjay Mangalal Dhorajia, a software engineer from Britain. "Now I can go
back to Birmingham and improve the 'shakhas' (branches) there."
The RSS has over 400 branches around the world.
It was an ethnic strife between Hindus and Christians in Surinam that
prompted 15-year-old Amaris Reame to take a 56-hour flight to Bangalore to
"I have come here to gain more knowledge," said Reame, a member of the Hindu
Swayamsevak Sangh, the overseas version of the RSS.
"The training camp would help them (the participants) to work for the Hindu
community more intensely," said Ravi Kumar, a "pracharak" or RSS regional
head from Sydney.
"The art of living in an alien culture and the art of organization is being
taught here. Questions like why a 'bindi' (ornamental dot) is applied on the
forehead or why a sari is worn are explained.
"It gives them a new dimension in life," added Kumar.
--Indo-Asian News Service
Date: Wed, 1 Aug 2001 08:47:19 +0530
Subject: MEETING ON LUCKNOW ISSUE - 2ND AUG
You may have already heard about the arrest of employees of 2 NGOs
(Bharosa and Naz Foundation International) in Lucknow on 7th July. Both
organisations work on HIV/AIDS issues among MSM (Men who have sex
with men) communities. All the arrested people were charged with
conspiring to commit "unnatural sexual acts" under Section 377 among
other charges. All the arrested people are still in Jail.
We invite you to a meeting, where we can discuss and plan a joint
response to this outrage. Mr. Anand Grover (of the Lawyers Collective),
who will be taking up the case in the High Court will also be present.
DATE: Thursday, 2ND AUGUST 2001
TIME: 5:30 PM
VENUE: CED (Centre for Education and Documentation), No. 7, 8th Main,
3rd Phase, Domlur 2nd Stage, Bangalore - 560 071. Ph: 5353397
DIRECTIONS: While travelling on the Airport road take the road bang
opposite New Shanthi Sagar Restaurant. You will have Domlur Bus Depot
to your right. After 500 meters the road will curve to the left. 100 meters
after this curve you will find a 3 storied red brick (un-plastered) building
with green windows. CED is located on the ground floor of this building.
Alternative Law Forum (ALF), AIDS Forum Karnataka (AFK)
Centre for Education and Documentation (CED), Manasa
Narmada Solidarity Forum (NSF), Nisarga Srishti
People's Union of Civil Liberties - Karnatata (PUCL-K)
SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex)
since 1996. Dispatch
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