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#34 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sun Mar 3, 2002 10:57 am
Subject: China Trip February 2002 in Photograph
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#33 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Thu Feb 21, 2002 9:08 pm
Subject: China Daily: Japan urged to fork out for wartime abuses
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China Daily -- February 11, 2002
URL  
http://www1.chinadaily.com.cn/cndy/2002-02-11/56469.html

Japan urged to fork out for wartime abuses
(XU XIAOMIN)
02/11/2002
    

SHANGHAI:  More than 100 lawyers, non-governmental officials, professors and victims of World War II from Japan, the United States and China attended the International Seminar on Legal Issues Concerning War Compensation in Shanghai over the weekend.

The two-day conference aimed to provide a detailed discussion on war reparation issues between individual victims and the Japanese Government.  Since Chinese victims started to pursue compensation from the Japanese Government over 20 years ago, more and more cases have cropped up.

"But judgments in Japanese courts can hardly be said to be fair," said He Qinhua, president of the East China University of Politics and Law, where the event was held.

Since Chinese people first sued the Japanese Government for compensation in 1995, over 20 cases have been filed in Japan.  But there has been virtually no progress at all, according to Ding Wei, a professor at the university.

According to the Japanese Government, the reason for not giving compensation to individual victims is that there is no specific, foolproof law allowing them to seek compensation from the state.  The government has also said The Hague Convention is not applicable to Japan.

"In a word, whether the victims of World War II have an appeal right for reparation is always a problem in Japan," Ding Wei said.  "What we want to do is to pursue compensation for victims through legal means."

The problem has also been acknowledged in Japan.  "Our government didn't pay compensation for its crimes, it is escaping the responsibility and won't do any good to itself in the long term," said Tsuchiya Koken, former chairman of the Japan Bar Association.  "I feel sorry for such a government."

At the seminar, he called on the Japanese Government to distribute compensation by means of an apology as soon as possible.  He also wants Japanese courts to be open to the public when hearing such cases so that Japanese people can know the truth.

In such circumstances, more people will pursue cases in a third country, according to Ding.

There are now several cases relating to Asian victims seeking reparation from Japan being heard in the United States.  The most famous is the case of the 15 Asian "comfort" women - including four Chinese - who sued the Japanese Government in 2000.

Most cases haven't reached a conclusion yet, according to Barry A. Fisher, a lawyer involved in reparation suits in Germany, Switzerland and Austria.



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#32 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Wed Feb 20, 2002 3:14 am
Subject: Fwd: FW: Stella's Award
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Question:  Could and should there be an attachment to the Stella Award for any judge who would allow such case being heard and awarded?


"Always forgive your enemies; nothing annoys them so much."

- Oscar Wilde

Most of the country has heard of the Darwin Awards given annually to the individuals who do the most for mankind by removing themselves from the gene pool.  Now, we have the Stella Awards given to the individuals who win the most frivolous lawsuits ever.  The Stella Awards are named in honor of 81 year-old Stella Liebeck, the woman who won $2.9 million for spilling a cup of McDonald's coffee on herself.  The following are candidates for the award:

1. January 2000:  Kathleen Robertson of Austin, Texas, was awarded $780,000 by a jury of her peers after breaking her ankle, tripping over a toddler who was running amuck inside a furniture store.  The owners of the store were understandably surprised at the verdict, considering that the misbehaving little fellow was Ms. Robertson's son.

2. June 1998:  19 year-old Carl Truman of Los Angeles won $74,000 and medical expenses when his neighbor ran over his hand with a Honda Accord.  Mr. Truman apparently didn't notice there was someone at the wheel of the car when he was trying to steal his neighbor's hubcaps.

3. October, 1998:  Terrence Dickson of Bristol, Pa., was leaving a house he had just finished robbing by way of the garage.  He was not able to get the garage door to go up, because the automatic door opener was malfunctioning.  He couldn't reenter the house because the door connecting the house and garage locked when he pulled it shut.  The family was on vacation.  Mr. Dickson found himself locked in the garage for eight days.  He subsisted on a case of Pepsi he found in the garage and a large bag of dry dog food.  Mr. Dickson sued the homeowner's insurance claiming the situation caused him undue mental anguish.  The jury agreed to the tune of a half million dollars.

4. October 1999:  Jerry Williams of Little Rock Arkansas was awarded $14,500 and medical expenses after being bitten on the buttocks by his next door neighbor's beagle.  The dog was on a chain in its owner's fenced-in yard at the time.  Mr. Williams was also in the fenced-in yard.  The award was less than sought because the jury felt the dog may have been provoked by Mr. Williams who, at the time, was repeatedly shooting it with a pellet gun.

5. December 1997:  A Philadelphia restaurant was ordered to pay Amber Carson of Lancaster, Pa., $113,500 after she slipped on a soft drink and broke her coccyx.  The beverage was on the floor because Ms. Carson threw it at her boyfriend 30 seconds earlier during an argument.

6. December 1997:  Kara Walton of Clamont, DE., successfully sued the owner of a night club when she fell from the bathroom window to the floor and knocked out her two front teeth.  This occurred while Ms. Walton was trying to sneak through the window in the ladies room to avoid paying the $3.50 cover charge.  She was awarded $12,000 and! dental expenses.



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#31 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Tue Feb 19, 2002 3:54 am
Subject: Re: Fwd: Help
ignatius_ding_2000@...
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Dear Jean,

I will contact you later when I am fully awake.  No problem, I can help you.

Ignatius

Gilbert Chang <smile5900@...> wrote:

Dear Jean:

Ignatius and I were just come back from Shanghai today. We'll have a
report about the trip.

I am forwarding this email to Ignatius. I'm sure he can give you the
info. you need.

Best Regards,
Gilbert

--- Jean Bee Chan wrote:
> Date: Sat, 16 Feb 2002 08:48:54 -0800
> From: Jean Bee Chan
> Reply-to: jbchan1@...
> To: Gilbert Chang
> Subject: Help
>
> Hello Gilbert,
>
> I am happy you can join us on the 2nd Sunday of the month.
>
> By the way, I need your help. Can you please give me names, phone
> numbers and e-mail addresses (if any) of real WWII victims including
> POW's that may be willing to be interviewed? Many thanks for your kind
> help.
>
> Jean Bee Chan



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#30 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sun Feb 3, 2002 8:44 am
Subject: The Times: 'Sorry is not enough'
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FRIDAY FEBRUARY 01 2002
'Sorry is not enough'
BY ANITA MCNAUGHT 
Relatives of more than 300,000 Chinese killed in secret germ warfare are taking the Japanese Government to court. Our correspondent meets them 


Wu Shi-Gen is an old man. Charming and still good-looking, he is warm and he laughs easily. But when he talks about his childhood during the Japanese Occupation, the tears come fast. 

It was October 1940. Wu was a boy of 11 when his nine-year-old brother contracted a mysterious disease that was raging through his village. Terrified that the family would be evicted, Wu¡¯s parents kept his brother¡¯s sickness a secret. Fearing that the boy would infect his siblings, they locked him in a storeroom at the far end of the house. 

His brother had bubonic plague. It is an agonising disease ¡ª glands swell to the size of grapefruit, limbs fill with fluid and whole areas of flesh turn deep purple. Eventually, the body can no longer cope. Victims die screaming. Wu had to be physically restrained by his family from going to the aid of his brother. He has never got over the memory. Despite the family¡¯s desperate quarantine precautions, the plague killed his two-year-old sister, too. 

The Japanese warplanes that had passed over Wu Shi-Gen¡¯s village in Quzhou, southern China, several days earlier had puzzled the inhabitants. The bombs the planes dropped did not explode but fell harmlessly to earth, cracking open like eggs. From them poured a mixture of rice and wheat covered with fleas. The fleas hopped away into the dark corners of people¡¯s houses. It wasn¡¯t until several days later, when many villagers were struck down by sickness, that some of the more astute began to make a connection. 

Bubonic plague was unheard of there. None of the local doctors had any idea how to treat it, let alone the medicines they would have needed. The disease spread, causing fear and panic. Infected families were shunned, even cast out. The same story of unusual mass infections was being repeated all over China. 

At first people were inclined to attribute the extraordinary outbreaks of cholera, typhus, dysentery and anthrax to the chaos of the war against the Japanese. But there were other odd incidents. White-coated Japanese medics claiming to be from a government epidemic-prevention unit would arrive at villages unannounced, saying that they were there to implement hygiene measures or to administer vaccinations. After they left, the village would become sick. Japanese soldiers were spotted disguised as Chinese, dropping mysterious packages into water wells. Chinese children were warned not to eat the tempting sweet buns left by Japanese soldiers, when some became ill after taking them. 

Even more sinister were the rare eyewitness accounts of what had happened to some of the sick Chinese who had been cast out of their villages. Few believed the stories at the time, but it was said that Japanese soldiers took hold of the victims, cut them open while still alive and took samples before disposing of the bodies. 

But none of these horrors came close to what was happening in secret facilities scattered across Manchuria in Japanese-occupied northern China. There, away from the eyes of the Chinese, and unknown to most Japanese civilians, was the world¡¯s largest and most comprehensive biological warfare programme. Unit 731, a special division of the Japanese army, conducted research and human experiments on a scale unlike any in history. 

This scientific and military elite had a huge budget specially authorised by the Emperor to develop weapons of mass destruction that would win the war for Japan. The United States and Germany had their nuclear arms race . . . Japan put its faith in germs. 

More than 10,000 Chinese, Korean and Russian PoWs were slaughtered in these experiments. They were used as human laboratory rats to research, breed and refine biological weapons. They were treated as sub-human and vivisection was common. The products of the research were tested on Chinese civilians. It is estimated that biological weapons killed more than 300,000 between 1938 and 1945. But when the Japanese surrendered and the US moved in to run the country¡¯s affairs, the officers and scientists responsible were never brought to trial. The reason was simple and cynical. The US military cut the Japanese officers a deal; immunity from prosecution for war crimes in return for the experimental data that the Americans could never hope to replicate. 

Locked away in US military archives, classified ¡°top secret¡±, the story was suppressed, but the events lived on in the memories of the victims. Being poor country people, they were not at first listened to. 

W ang Xuan was a talented and arresting young woman in her late teens when Mao Zedong launched the Cultural Revolution. A brilliant student of literature and languages from a family of Shanghai intelligentsia, she was sent out into the countryside of southern China, to Chong Shan, the village of her ancestors, to learn from the peasants. 

There she found out that her province, too, had been plague-bombed. Her uncle had died of disease. ¡°When it happened, they thought it was a curse from God,¡± she says. When the plague broke out, Japanese soldiers moved in and set fire to her village. The locals knew that the occupation forces were behind the epidemics, but not to what extent. In later years, researchers in China, Japan and the West started chipping away at the wall of secrecy surrounding the biological weapons programme. Many documents remain secret, but by the mid-1980s enough had been released to prove the sheer scale of what had happened. 

When neither the Japanese Government nor the US was prepared to admit to either the crimes or the cover-up, a small group of Japanese human rights activists, doctors and lawyers formed an unusual alliance with the Chinese. 

In June 1996, they formed the Association to Reveal the Historical Fact of Germ Warfare by the Japanese Armed Forces. A year later, 108 survivors and family members (including Wang Zuan) filed a lawsuit against the Japanese Government in Tokyo. The action is for 10 million yen (£53,000) per victim. 

This is not the first such case in Japan although it is the first lawsuit against the Government seeking damages committed by the Imperial Army to have made it this far in the Japanese courts; until now, the Japanese Government has refused to acknowledge that Unit 731 even existed. The fact that the case has not been dismissed, like others before it, is due in part to the involvement of senior Japanese lawyers acting for the Chinese, among them Tsuchiya Koken, the former president of the Japanese Lawyers¡¯ Association. 

Keichiro Ichinose is one of those lawyers. His views are controversial in Japan. ¡°The brutality my parents¡¯ generation committed in the name of war has to be resolved and addressed by my generation. The problem cannot be forgotten. If we wish to nurture a better relationship with China there is no way we can ignore what Unit 731 did there.¡± 

The war has left deep-seated antagonism on both sides. When, seven years ago, the team of Japanese human rights campaigners announced that they were to travel to the remote Chinese countryside to gather evidence and record witnesses¡¯ stories, they initially attracted intense suspicion. Their planned visit to Chong Shan made headlines in both countries, and Wang Xuan, by then working in Japan, realised that some form of redress for what her relatives had suffered was possible. She threw herself into the project. 

Now 50, this indomitable woman has made it her life¡¯s work to call the Japanese Government to account. She has played a crucial role in getting the witnesses to trial and collecting detailed evidence. The witnesses are old, some still traumatised by what they suffered in the war. Some don¡¯t have the support of their families ¡ª many young Chinese would rather embrace the modern world than dwell on the wrongs of the past. 

Wang¡¯s empathy with old men such as Wu Shi-Gen is deeply affecting. They had not met before. When research for the law suit began, Wang heard that Wu had a story to tell. But Wu, like many of his generation, couldn¡¯t see how an old man with little education and no experience in public affairs could possibly be any help. Wang talked him round. 

She has held political rallies and organised conferences. She has lobbied and harried government officials on both sides of the China Sea and forged international links between academics in Asia and the US. Tirelessly she has pursued the few surviving Japanese military scientists, and their families, looking for evidence. ¡°I don¡¯t understand,¡± she says tearfully, ¡°why they have that hostility towards the Chinese people.¡± 

Wang Zuan describes the lawsuit as ¡°non-aggressive.¡± She insists that this is a process of self-knowledge for the Chinese and their intention is not to damage Japan. Instead, the villagers hope to prove and emphasise the historical truths of the Japanese biological war and to ensure that events are accurately recorded for the future as well as taught adequately in Japanese schools; many Japanese fundamentalists still deny that these things took place. 

T he efforts of the human rights campaigners will soon reach a conclusion. A civil action was launched which seeks to force the Government to admit the extent of the biological war waged on the Chinese, and then to apologise and make a compensatory payment. ¡°Sorry is not enough,¡± Wang Xuan says. ¡°The Japanese are a very polite people ¡ª they say sorry all the time in their daily lives.¡± The first hearing of the civil action took place in 

1997 before three judges in Tokyo; since then 180 Chinese villagers, including Wu Shi-Gen, have given evidence against the Japanese Government. The verdict is expected early next month. 

The plaintiffs¡¯ task has been made doubly difficult because of the amount of evidence still restricted and hidden. Until recently, senior US military figures were still ordering the destruction of documents relating to the Japanese biological weapons programme. Japanese military scientists killed 12 times the number of civilians as did the Nazis¡¯ Angel of Death, Dr Josef Mengele. 

¡°At the Nuremberg trials, the victors prosecuted the German doctors who committed the medical crimes in the war, but see what they did to Japanese biological warfare criminals? So it¡¯s a double standard. So many Chinese are very hurt by this, are very angry, and I think it¡¯s the reason why so many Chinese still find it very difficult to trust the United States,¡± says Wang Xuan. 

Chinese villagers are looking to sue the US Government too. Official American silence on the issue has allowed the Japanese Government to maintain the fiction that there is not enough evidence to prove that the Chinese are telling the truth. When Japanese journalists and academics have stumbled over crucial validating evidence in government archives, the material has been confiscated and re-classified. 

The court case is politically sensitive in China as well as Japan. Because of its economic relationship with Japan, the Chinese Government has shied away from giving the lawsuit official sanction. There are questions to be asked, too, about why the Chinese Government itself did not prosecute the Japanese biological weapons experts. 

Not all Japanese are in denial. There are a few old soldiers who worked on the biological warfare programme who have come forward to give evidence on behalf of the Chinese. Their stance exposes them to abuse at home and accusations from ultra-nationalists that they are traitors. 

Despite his initial anxieties, Wu Shi-Gen believes that confronting his past has been the right thing to do. After the deaths of his brother and sister, his father was bayoneted to death by a Japanese soldier. 

On her deathbed his mother asked her surviving son to avenge the family. Sixty years on, Wu feels that he has finally honoured that pledge. ¡°I feel like a stone has been lifted from my heart,¡± he says. 

Correspondent, BBC2, 7.15pm, Sunday. 

Copyright 2002 Times Newspapers Ltd. This service is provided on Times Newspapers' standard terms and conditions. To inquire about a licence to reproduce material from The Times, visit the Syndication website



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#29 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sat Jan 26, 2002 8:02 am
Subject: Robert Scheer (L.A. Times) WHL Book Review
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Table of ContentsMedia and SocietyArts and EntertainmentOpinionsThe Financial Observer
| Arts&Entertainment 2001 THE NEW YORK OBSERVER, L.P.
 
The federal judge apologized to Wen Ho Lee; The New York Times did not.
A Trial by Newsprint: The Times’ Suspect Coverage

by Robert Scheer

My Country Versus Me: The First-Hand Account by the Los Alamos Scientist Who Was Falsely Accused of Being a Spy, by Wen Ho Lee, with Helen Zia. Hyperion, 332 pages, $23.95.


The title of this gripping memoir of one scientist’s battle with the system gone awry—which included a torturous nine months in solitary confinement—could also have been called The New York Times Versus Me.

It was the presumed newspaper of record that ran the lurid headline on March 6, 1999, announcing that a Chinese spy had stolen America’s most precious nuclear secrets, and it was The Times again, three days later, that named Wen Ho Lee as that spy based on unnamed sources. Mr. Lee would never actually be charged with spying, however, and the slander of treason still sticks to him in freedom.

As Ed Curran, the ex–F.B.I. agent and Department of Energy officer who for a time led the prosecution of Mr. Lee, put it: “One of the worst things that happened in this whole affair was the press feeding frenzy about Wen Ho Lee, triggered mainly by the coverage in The New York Times.’’

Mr. Lee and Helen Zia, who collaborated on this understated, well-documented account, don’t go that far. And certainly The Times, while a major player, did not author this travesty on its own. But as this book reminds us, the newspaper brought the often erroneous and almost always unsubstantiated claims of Congressional and administration officials who found it extremely useful to single out the Taiwan-born Mr. Lee as a spy for Red China.

The Republican hawks in Congress, led by Representative Christopher Cox, were determined to prove that the Clinton administration traded the nation’s nuclear secrets to the Chinese in return for secret campaign contributions. This patently absurd charge was advanced because it was a much more meaningful basis for impeaching a President than his sex life or a dubious decade-old land investment. (It also played to the racist notion that Asian-Americans are disloyal.)

Whatever the source of its information, The Times failed to do the most elementary checking of the “facts” they had been fed. For example, The Times made Mr. Lee’s infrequent trips to China appear suspicious—forming, in fact, most of the circumstantial case against him. “The suspect had traveled to Hong Kong without reporting the trip as required,” wrote The Times, mistakenly. “In Hong Kong … the [F.B.I.] found records showing that the scientist had obtained $700 from the American Express offices. Investigators suspect that he used it to buy an airline ticket to Shanghai.”

In fact, Mr. Lee’s trips—including this one—were authorized by officials of the Los Alamos National Laboratory, where he worked. “I never made a secret trip to Hong Kong,” writes Mr. Lee in his book. “My trip to the conference in Hong Kong in 1992 had full LANL and D.O.E. approval. I paid the $700 for my hotel room and a tour for [my daughter] Alberta with my credit card—there was no secret trip to Shanghai or anywhere else! New York Times Pulitzer Prize–winning reporters who wrote these lies could have found the facts, had they bothered to question any of the information leaked to them by the lab, the D.O.E. and the F.B.I.” Mr. Lee complains in particular of the “hatchet job” done by Times reporters James Risen and Jeff Gerth.

Mr. Lee writes: “I could not understand how such a powerful and influential newspaper could be so one-sided …. The case against me was built on misleading sensationalism, and this newspaper let itself become a conduit for those lies and leaks about me. Maybe that is how they sell newspapers, but it came at the expense of my family and me. The New York Times ought to have apologized to us, because their article pushed Congress, the D.O.E., the F.B.I. and LANL over the edge. According to their article and the people quoted in it, there was no room for doubt: China got its nuclear technology by spying on America, the spy was from Los Alamos, and I was it. Yet not a single one of those assertions has been proven true.”

The initial fear was that data about the W-88, the most advanced U.S. nuclear warhead, had been pilfered. The scare was apparently based on a crude design drawing of a missile received from a Chinese double agent. (It turns out that this drawing had been distributed to a mailing list of thousands of defense contractors, National Guardsmen and scientists.)

The case against Mr. Lee began to fall apart when leading weapons scientists—including Harold Agnew, a former Los Alamos director who ran the lab until the early 1980’s, when the W-88 was designed—challenged The Times’ and the government’s wild claims about the significance of the codes that Mr. Lee had downloaded to an unsecured computer. No nation would be likely to use those codes, Mr. Agnew pointed out: Most of them were antiquated and nearly worthless without the specific computers and operating systems of the U.S. national laboratories.

But by the time of Mr. Lee’s imprisonment, the government was no longer talking much about W-88 secrets, the focus of those first Times reports. The Justice Department actually admitted late in the day that the original charge leveled by The Times was not even significant to the case the government eventually brought against Mr. Lee.

Mr. Lee faced 59 counts, including 39 violations of the Atomic Energy Act, which carried a life sentence (Mr. Lee was the first person ever to be charged under that act). But he was not charged with espionage or spying—and, when pressed, the government conceded that it had no evidence he had passed secret information to any nation.

Unable to make a case against Mr. Lee—and after the glaring admission in court by Robert Messemer, the lead F.B.I. agent on the case, that he lied in his testimony concerning Mr. Lee’s conversations with another scientist—the feds were left with nothing more serious than the mishandling of coded data, which Mr. Lee had full authority to work on and which was not even classified as secret when he downloaded it.

In fact, the codes—which The Times had described as containing the “crown jewels” of the U.S. nuclear-weapons program—had a lower classification of “Protect as Restricted Data,” or PARD. Lab regulations did not even require locking PARD data in safes—reams of PARD printouts were even used by lab scientists as doorstops—and it could legally be sent to colleagues through the mail.

Mr. Lee writes, “Newsweek magazine described my situation accurately: ‘Though the case against Mr. Lee may be crumbling, the Feds appear determined to get him on something. “I think the case will just linger and keep spiraling down,” says one top F.B.I. official. “Then we’ll find that he spit on the sidewalk, and we’ll charge him with that.”’” The government attempted to squeeze Mr. Lee into some sort of confession by subjecting him to truly abysmal jail conditions—an abuse denounced by virtually every major scientific organization as well as Amnesty International.

In the end, the quite frail 60-year-old Mr. Lee, a colon-cancer survivor, was willing to accept a plea bargain on the most minor charge leveled against him—improperly handling secret data—and went home free for time served.

After evaluating the government’s case, most of it still secret, Judge James Parker (a conservative Reagan appointee) took the unprecedented step of apologizing to Mr. Lee for the way he’d been treated. “What was the government’s motive,” Judge Parker asked, “in insisting on your being jailed pretrial under extraordinarily onerous conditions of confinement, when the Executive Branch agrees that you may be set free essentially unrestricted?”

For its part, The Times ran lengthy re-evaluations of its coverage on both its news and editorial pages, and yet never came close to an apology (in large measure, the same people who had written and edited the original stories produced the evaluation of the paper’s coverage). Evidently, being an investigative reporter for The Times means never having to say you’re sorry.

Robert Scheer, a contributing editor for The Nation, is a syndicated columnist based at the Los Angeles Times and has written over 20 columns on the Wen Ho Lee case.

You may reach Robert Scheer via email at: rscheer@....

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This column ran on page 15 in the 1/28/2002 edition of The New York Observer. 

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ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


#28 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Wed Jan 23, 2002 9:33 am
Subject: Press Release
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Alliance for Preserving the Truth of Sino-Japanese War
Worldwide Web URL -
http://WWW.SJWAR.ORG, e-mail: Info@...
P.O. Box 2066, Cupertino, CA 95015-2066, Phone: (415) 398-7758


Press Release
January 23,2002


An APTSJW delegation will be leaving San Francisco Bay Area for Shanghai, China on February 5th to attend The International Law Conference on WW II Compensation Issues.  The conference is organized by the East China University of Politics and Law (or ECUPL) of Shanghai.  APTSJW is one of the co-sponsoring organizations of the two-day event which will take place on the ECUPL college campus on February 9th and 10th.

The APTSJW team, led by Chairman of the Board of Directors Allen Ho, will include former chairpersons Gilbert Chang and Betty Yuan, APTSJW founding Board member Cathy Tsang and Spokesperson Ignatius Y. Ding.  They will meet legal scholars, lawyers and NGO representatives from China, the U.S. and Japan at the Conference.

American attorney Barry A. Fisher of Los Angeles will also attend the Conference.  Mr. Fisher is a co-consul of many European Holocaust cases since 1995.  The Holocaust case lawyers have collectively won settlements over $1.2 billion dollars for the plaintiffs.  Mr. Fisher is also one of co-consuls representing Korean and Chinese clients filing class action lawsuits in several U.S. state courts seeking compensations from Japanese businesses for wartime slavery and a federal case against the Japanese Government for WW II military sexual slavery.  Three of the cases have won favorable rulings in recent months and more slavery cases are soon to be filed -- while many other cases represented by various law firms have encountered setback in their preliminary hearings and now being appealed in higher courts.  Mr. Fisher will share his view and experience of the litigation with other Conference participants.  The APTSJW delegation will report activities, accomplishments, status, and future plans/proposals on federal and state legislation as well as public education and media campaign.

Nine Japanese lawyers representing various organizations will attend the Conference, including a former president of the Japanese National Bar Association, Kohken Tsuchia, who has been a leading advocate in Japan, among others, on war responsibilities and compensation issues.

The APTSJW team will visit the Nanjing Massacre Memorial Museum, Social Science Academy and Nanjing University prior to the Conference.  After the Conference, they will also visit various sites in Zejiang and Jiangsu provinces where massive civilian population was victimized by the biochemical warfare attacks (e.g. anthrax and bubonic plague) by the Japanese Imperial Army in the 1940's.

The delegation will conclude its mission and returned to the U.S. on February 18th after meeting a number of victims (or next of kin) of Japanese atrocities who the APTSJW has actively supported their pursuit of justice in Japanese and U.S. courts for the past years.



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#27 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Tue Jan 22, 2002 1:47 am
Subject: Fwd: The International Conference
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wang xuan <wangxuan@...> wrote:

Subject: The International Conference
Date: Mon, 21 Jan 2002 13:57:36 +0900

ANNOUNCEMENT

The International Conference on War Compensation to Vicitms as Individuals will be held at Jiao Yi Building, on campus of the East China University of Political Science and Law.
 
For further information, please contact the organiser. A brief schedule of the conference in both English and Chinese are in the attachment files. One of the attachment files contains a list of the Japanese attorneys who are coming to participate. 
 
Some vicitms of BW and slave labor, including Hanaoka who refuse to accept the settlement reached by Kojima, the Japanese construction company and some of the vicitms,  will also participate.   
 
Barry Fisher, the American attorney, is heading a group of NGO activists on the issue from the U.S. to attend the conference. Barry Fisher is representing Chinese and Korean slave labor vicitms for their law suits in the U.S, which are making progress. For further information. please contact Ignatius Ding, the spokesperson of the NGO: ignatius_ding_2000@... .
 
We would like to extend our great thanks to all of you for your concern for the war victims.
 
Wang Xuan
Plaintiff representative of the BW victims in China



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#26 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sat Jan 19, 2002 9:45 am
Subject: Wen Ho Lee Speaks out
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http://www.santacruzsentinel.com/archive/2002/January/18/local/stories/03local.htm

Santa Cruz Sentinel -- January 18, 2002

Wen Ho Lee appearing at bookshop

By JEANENE HARLICK
Sentinel staff writer

Area residents might consider camping out at Bookshop Santa Cruz today
if they want to hear Wen Ho Lee
discuss his new memoir at 7:30 p.m.

Kelsey Ramage, the bookshop’s events coordinator, expects a "huge"
turnout for the former Los Alamos scientist
who was prosecuted for espionage because he downloaded computer codes
associated with nuclear-weapons
design.

In his book, co-written by journalist Helen Zia, Lee maintains he was
prosecuted out of prejudice rather than hard
proof of spying. Lee says he downloaded the codes to protect his files
and make a back-up copy.

Rather than risk imprisonment, Lee pleaded guilty to one count of
mishandling classified information. Originally, he
was indicted on 39 counts of mishandling classified information, 10
counts of unlawfully obtaining defense
information and 10 counts of willfully retaining defense information.

Ramage said Bookshop Santa Cruz is fortunate to bring Lee to town.

"We’re one of the few bookstores in the country to have him (visit),"
Ramage said. "His experiences have a lot of
parallels to the kind of racial profiling that’s being done today in
the
guise of anti- terrorism."

After his arrest in 1999, Lee was put in solitary confinement for nine
months in a jail in New Mexico. He was
shackled whenever he went out, and his family was allowed to visit just
one hour a week.

Lee and Zia will discuss the book tonight, followed by a short
question-and-answer session. Book signings will
conclude the event.

Bookshop Santa Cruz is located at 1520 Pacific Ave., in downtown Santa
Cruz.

Contact Jeanene Harlick at
jharlick@....



                          Copyright © Santa Cruz Sentinel. All rights
reserved.

################################

http://www0.mercurycenter.com/front/docs1/lee011802.htm

  Former suspect in spy case promotes book

  Posted at 10:21 p.m. PST Thursday, Jan. 17, 2002
  BY SARAH LUBMAN

  Mercury News (San Jose)


  In his first Bay Area book-signing appearance Thursday, former spy
suspect Wen Ho Lee praised the American system but
  warned it can make life ``miserable'' when mishandled.

  ``I do believe the American system is the best system in the whole
world,'' Lee told a standing-room-only audience at
  Stacey's, a San Francisco bookstore. ``We are lucky to have a system
so good, but I want to say that if the system is
  handled by the wrong people, your life and my life can be very
miserable.''

  Lee was in town to promote his newly published book, ``My Country
Versus Me,'' ghost-written by Helen Zia. It is Lee's
  account of a multiyear FBI investigation and his nine months of
imprisonment on charges that he took classified nuclear
  codes from the Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico, where
Lee
worked as a code writer for more than 20
  years.

  The scientist was fired in March 1999 and arrested nine months later.
He pleaded guilty in September 2000 to one felony
  count of mishandling classified information and was released -- with
an apology from the judge -- after 278 days in jail.
  Supporters assert that Lee, a Taiwan-born U.S. citizen, became the
target of a bungled espionage investigation mainly
  because of his ethnicity.

  Lee is giving a few interviews, but isn't talking much to bookstore
audiences or taking many questions partly because of
  pending litigation. His spokeswoman declined an interview request by
the Mercury News.

  ``The ordeal for Wen Ho Lee is not over yet,'' Zia told the crowd of
more than 100 people who came to hear Lee. ``He's
  facing lawsuits by some of the people who accused him of being a spy
in the first place. That's the reason for continuing
  caution.''

  Lee is suing three government agencies, accusing them of invading his
privacy. He is also being sued for defamation by
  Notra Trulock, the former Energy Department official who launched the
investigation of Lee.

  Lee spoke to the audience and read from his book for a few minutes.
He
also answered four questions submitted on index
  cards. The first went to the heart of the government's case against
Lee: Did he think he was following the rules at Los
  Alamos with the information entrusted to him?

  The question was a reference to the still-unsolved mystery of why Lee
downloaded computer codes associated with
  nuclear weapons designs in 1993-94, and again in 1997. As he has said
in previous interviews and his book, Lee told the
  audience he downloaded the codes to data tapes to protect and back up
his files.

  ``The reason is I wanted to protect my work,'' said Lee, a small,
soft-spoken man dressed in a neat dark suit. ``I had some
  bad experiences when Los Alamos changed systems and I lost some
files.
That's why I downloaded, for safety reasons.''

  Another newly published book about Lee, ``A Convenient Spy,'' finds
that explanation unconvincing. The authors, Mercury
  News reporter Dan Stober and former Albuquerque Journal reporter Ian
Hoffman, note that most of the codes Lee
  downloaded weren't his to begin with. They also point out that he
began moving weapons files from a secure network to an
  open one eight months before a disk crash temporarily wiped out data
for a number of scientists in Lee's division.

  One person who came to hear Lee said he wanted to ask him why the
government suspected a connection to China, even
  though Lee is from rival Taiwan.

  ``Working for the government, I sense a fantasy on the part of the
people down there in the trenches,'' said Frank Snitz, an
  environmental chemist with the Army Corps of Engineers in San
Francisco.




  Contact Sarah Lubman at
slubman@... or (408) 920-5740.


                                               # # #
                                                                                    
###############################

Wall Street Journal
January 16, 2002

Bookshelf

A Long Ordeal And Little To Show For It

A Convenient Spy, By Dan Stober and Ian Hoffman, Simon & Schuster, 384
pages, $26

By Edward Jay Epstein

If anyone needs more evidence of the vulnerability of U.S. intelligence
after the Cold War, "A Convenient Spy" (Simon & Schuster, 384 pages,
$26) offers it in abundance. The title, in its irony, is somewhat
misleading, since the book is not about a spy, convenient or otherwise,
but about an investigation that failed to find one. The failure itself
is instructive.

Dan Stober, a reporter for the San Jose Mercury-News, and Ian Hoffman,
a
reporter for the Albuquerque Journal, brilliantly unravel the curious
case of Wen Ho Lee, a weapon-code designer at the Los Alamos (N.M.)
National Laboratory. After being investigated by the FBI in the 1990s,
and even threatened with a death sentence, he was imprisoned for eight
months to await a trial that never took place.

The occasion for such zealousness, however ineffective, was real
enough:
China's breakthrough in nuclear weaponry. The effort to find out how
the
breakthrough came about -- in Messrs. Stober and Hoffman's account --
amounts to three vivid stories: the good, the bad and the ugly.

The good story shows the CIA finding critical pieces of the puzzle in
the 1980s. Before then, the U.S. had few means of learning about
Chinese
nuclear bombs, except for "technical intelligence," which consisted of
measuring the seismic waves from bomb tests and analyzing the chemistry
of debris.

While such data gave important clues, it left American intelligence
officials in the dark about the intent of China's weapons designers and
their technological prowess. Much of the weapon work in China was then
done in Mianyang, a science city few outsiders had visited. Not even
the
names of key scientists were known.

The solution was to use U.S. nuclear scientists. The CIA encouraged
them
to accept invitations to Chinese conferences and to establish personal
relationships with their Chinese counterparts. American scientists who
were ethnically Chinese proved to be, naturally, more useful in this
regard, since they knew the language.

Thus American scientists visited Chinese labs, testing grounds and
sites. And, if they were lucky, they learned about "targeted"
information. It was understood, by American intelligence officials,
that
this gambit might involve some reverse leakage, since U.S. scientists
would themselves have to answer some questions. But the CIA deemed the
trade-off worth the risk. What they got was a vital look at the minds
and techniques of Chinese weapon planners.

One of the dozens of Los Alamos scientists gleaning information for the
CIA in China in the 1980s was Wen Ho Lee.

The bad story involves the ensuing counterespionage fiasco. In 1995,
the
U.S. learned that, three years before, China had tested a miniaturized
warhead that had design characteristics similar to America's own W-88
warhead. Then Taiwan got hold of documents revealing that the Chinese
had a crude sketch of the W-88 and the W-87.

Had the Chinese stolen such designs? A blue-ribbon panel of weapons
designers, scientists and intelligence experts studied the question and
arrived at, well, an inconclusive conclusion: It was possible that the
Chinese got help from a spy, but it was also possible that they made
the
breakthrough themselves, with supercomputers.

Undaunted by such ambivalence, the Energy Department's intelligence
chief, Notra Trulock, decided to find the (presumed) spy. His first
mistake was narrowing the hunt to Los Alamos. As the authors show, the
W-88 design could have been stolen from a half-dozen other facilities,
and the W-87 could not have been stolen from Los Alamos. His second was
to narrow the hunt to an ethnic Chinese scientist who had made trips to
China: After all, espionage of this sort could have been done by
someone
of any race and ethnicity. Espionage is an equal-opportunity employer.
In any case, Wen Ho Lee became the prime suspect -- for a crime that
may
not have been committed in the first place.

When the FBI could find no solid evidence against Mr. Lee and grew
disenchanted with the investigation, a frustrated Mr. Trulock managed
to
convince a Senate committee in 1998 that China had tested a copy of the
W-88. (It had only tested a device that had common design features.) He
also announced that the FBI was about to arrest a spy at Los Alamos
(which it had no plan to do).

The ugly story was the aftermath. Once the FBI failed to turn up
espionage by its usual means -- false flag stings, surveillance,
interrogations -- a search of Mr. Lee's office showed him to be guilty
of something else: the unauthorized copying of data onto an
unclassified
computer.

As it happens, this copying was done well after China miniaturized its
warhead. Still, it was said to be a terrible breach of security. (The
data included computer simulations of nuclear explosions.) The Justice
Department indicted Mr. Lee on 59 counts of copying and retaining
information with intent to injure the U.S. and aid a foreign country.

The government argued that such data amounted to the "crown jewels" of
our nuclear establishment. Thus Mr. Lee was denied bail and kept in
solitary confinement. It then turned out that the government had
exaggerated the value of what Mr. Lee had copied. It had not even been
classified secret! Its security designation -- PARD, for "protect as
restricted data" -- was a twilight rating that Los Alamos employees
treated to mean, in essence, unclassified. In short order, the
government's case fell apart. Mr. Lee pleaded guilty to one count of
unauthorized copying and was released. The judge apologized to him for
"the unfair manner" in which he had been treated, and rightly so.

But then: Why did Mr. Lee do his copying? The authors of "A Convenient
Spy" do not attempt an answer, though they find implausible Mr. Lee's
claim that he wanted to protect the data from computer failure. So a
mystery remains. Perhaps we shouldn't count on the FBI or Energy
Department to solve it any time soon.

Mr. Epstein is the author of "Deception: The Secret War Between the KGB
and the CIA" and many other books.



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#25 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Fri Jan 4, 2002 8:27 am
Subject: NY Times: Prisoners of Japan
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Included is a rebuttal by Linda Goetz Holmes to the ignorant comment on Iris Chang's 12/24/01 Ed-Op in the New York Times.  Both references are also attached FYI.



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New York Times Opinion
The New York Times

January 4, 2002

Prisoners of Japan

To the Editor: 

Re "Why Suing Japan Is Not a Good Idea" (letters, Dec. 29): 

Japan's former prisoners of war, including some 5,300 surviving Americans, deserve compensation from the corporations of Japan. This is not a "reparations" issue; it is a wage compensation issue between Japanese companies and their former "employees." 

Japan's government ordered those corporations that asked for the use of white prisoners of war as laborers to pay the prisoners a specific wage: Japanese soldiers' pay according to rank. The companies filed reports saying they were doing so, when in fact they were not. Sample "pay sheets" were attached to these reports, signed by selected prisoners under pain of death. 

Their betrayal began right after liberation, when some ex-prisoners on their way home were ordered by our military (on directive from Washington) to sign a "gag order" about not discussing their treatment in captivity. 

That betrayal, and Washington's puzzling double standard, continues to this day. It's time for Washington to inspire the tycoons of Tokyo to do the right thing. 

LINDA GOETZ HOLMES
Shelter Island, N.Y., Dec. 29, 2001
The writer is a Pacific War historian.

New York Times Opinion
The New York Times
 

December 29, 2001

Why Suing Japan Is Not a Good Idea

the Editor:

While I sympathize with Iris Chang ("Betrayed by the White House," Op-Ed, Dec. 24), I fear that she overlooks a more insidious explanation for the White House's blocking of a Congressional bill that would have prevented federal agencies from opposing civil lawsuits by former prisoners of war against Japanese individuals or corporations. 

If the United States allows lawsuits by Americans used as slave labor in Japan to go forward, what will stop Japan from allowing lawsuits against the United States to be brought by survivors of the atomic explosions at Hiroshima and Nagasaki? 

Damages from the Hiroshima and Nagasaki cases would far exceed damages from the slave-labor cases, making this decision an easy cost- benefit analysis.

DANI SCHWARTZ
Baltimore, Dec. 24, 2001

To the Editor:

Re "Betrayed by the White House," by Iris Chang (Op-Ed, Dec. 24):

It is not just former American prisoners of war but also other Japanese wartime victims who are being betrayed by the State Department.

In April of this year, the Bush administration intervened on the side of the Japanese government in asking for a dismissal of the legal claims of the women victims of military sexual slavery who had filed a class action against Japan in the federal district court.

Such a policy not only undermines fundamental American values but also destroys the credibility of United States human rights policy in general. Congress and federal courts should overrule this misguided policy and provide a helping hand to all victims of Japan's war crimes, including American prisoners of war.

JOHN H. KIM
New York, Dec. 26, 2001
The writer is the president of the New York Coalition on Comfort Women Issues.

 
* * * * * * Editorial/Ed-Op * * * * * *
* * * * * * New York Times * * * * * *

URL: http://www.nytimes.com/2001/12/24/opinion/24CHAN.html

December 24, 2001

“Betrayed By the White House”

By IRIS CHANG

SAN JOSE, Calif. -- Last month, Congress overwhelmingly approved a provision, added to a spending bill, that would have prevented federal agencies from opposing civil lawsuits by former prisoners of war against Japanese individuals or corporations. The White House succeeded in having the provision struck in a conference committee; the Bush administration feared it might interfere with gathering international support for the war on terrorism. A week later, on the 60th anniversary of the bombing of Pearl Harbor, President Bush and his father paid glowing tribute to the memory of World War II veterans. The president compared the Sept. 11 tragedy to Japan's surprise attack on Dec. 7, 1941, while his father announced that "duty, honor, country" still prevail.

This behavior reveals a stunning double standard. The United States government aggressively supported claims of European victims of wartime forced labor. The end result was a $5.2 billion fund to settle claims. But for American victims in the Pacific Theater the United States has taken the side of Japanese companies -- including Mitsubishi, Mitsui and Nippon Steel -- against the roughly 5,000 Americans still alive of the 36,000 servicemen used as slave labor during World War II.

A California Superior Court judge, Peter Lichtman, made note of this when he permitted a slave labor lawsuit to go forward under California law. Mr. Lichtman wrote that he was "greatly troubled" by this "uneven" treatment: "This policy, if it is a policy, appears to be legally unsupportable."

There is an alternative to the Bush policy. In March 2001, two California congressmen -- Republican Dana Rohrabacher and Democrat Michael Honda -- introduced the Justice for United States Prisoners of War Act of 2001 to permit American veterans to invoke Article 26 of the 1951 peace treaty between Japan and the Allied nations. This bill now enjoys strong bipartisan support and, if passed, will permit former prisoners to pursue reparations against Japanese individuals and companies in American courts without interference from the American government.

Article 26 of the peace treaty states: "Should Japan make a peace settlement or war claims settlement with any State granting that State greater advantages than those provided by the present Treaty, those same advantages shall be extended to the parties to the present Treaty." Because Japan has paid reparations to several other countries, including Switzerland and the Netherlands, it is now responsible for making equal settlements with the United States. Above all, human rights attorneys argue that the 1951 treaty cannot block private litigation even if it was intended to waive reparations between governments.

The decision of the Bush administration to wage a legal fight against its own veterans is shortsighted as well as morally insupportable. A sustained assault against terrorism will require men and women who believe their country and their commander in chief stand behind them. Americans should be ashamed that the government is now prepared to sacrifice the interests of a previous generation of soldiers in order to woo their former enemy.

Our leaders in Washington must not be permitted to sell out the men who gave so much in the fight for freedom. Otherwise, what shall live in infamy will be not only Pearl Harbor and Sept. 11, but this unjust betrayal. If we are to have another "greatest generation" we must duly honor the rights of the first one.



Iris Chang is author of “The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II.”

Copyright 2001 The New York Times Company | Privacy Information

#24 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Thu Jan 3, 2002 11:38 am
Subject: Far East Economic Review: Seeking Comfort
ignatius_ding_2000@...
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Issue cover-dated January 10, 2002
 
* THE REGION: Tug Of War In India And Pakistan
* CHINA: The Two Sides Of The Orchid King
* INNOVATION: Diabetes—Asia's Next Epidemic
* MONEY: Asia's Economies—Ready To Run
* CURRENTS: Final Rest For Comfort Women
 

 

SOUTH KOREA

Seeking Comfort

The House of Sharing is part nursing home, part goldfish bowl for a group of wartime comfort women who battle against old age to tell a younger generation of their hardships


Images and text by Brian Mockenhaupt/SEOUL

Issue cover-dated January 10, 2002


Photographs in this picture essay appear in only the print version of the Far Eastern Economic Review

THE BARS OF SUNLIGHT filtering into Lee Ok Sun's tiny room gather at her feet, around the pile of pistachios spread out before her. She reaches for each nut slowly, cracks off the shell, drops it in a pile and reaches for another. A spider's web of wrinkles creases her face as she squints into the light and then returns to her busy work. 

Here there is a moment of quiet, which Lee appreciates. But the troubles of her life, which date back now more than half a century, crowd her waking hours. Beatings left her scarred and partially deaf. Infections from countless sexual encounters with soldiers left her barren.

"They treated us like pigs, so I suffer now. I've had to have surgery all over my body, all because of the Japanese," she says. "How can I forget? I have to think about it every day." And when her body doesn't remind her, the questions do. Rare are the days when there is no one asking Lee and the eight women she lives with to share their memories, asking if they are sad they can't have children or whether they can forgive.

The nine were all so-called "comfort women," a few of the estimated 200,000 Asian women who served as sex slaves for the Japanese army in the 1930s and 1940s. Now they have taken refuge in the hills north of Seoul at the House of Sharing, which is part nursing home and part advocacy centre. But it is also part goldfish bowl--a place where the women's lives are on display for scores of visitors who come each year to see one of the last great living reminders of Japan's darkest hours in Asia.

The story of the comfort women is certainly better known and better understood today than a decade ago, when only a handful of the women had spoken publicly about their lives during the war. But the flag-bearers of the movement, the former comfort women like Lee, are dying. They are old and weak and tired of telling stories kept well hidden for so long.

"I want to be in peace now, because I'm old. But the Japanese don't want to apologize, so how can I be at peace?" says Lee, who is 75.

The House of Sharing, founded 10 years ago by a Buddhist women's group, is a final refuge for a few. Here they have the camaraderie and commiseration of shared experience, and they live in relative comfort. The women each have a room with a television and refrigerator. A cook prepares their meals and a nurse watches their health. There are weekly trips for shopping and sightseeing and the surrounding hills and farmland are fine for afternoon walks.

But still, the past is never far away. Some of the women travel around Korea and abroad talking about their experiences, and they join other comfort women each Wednesday for a protest outside the Japanese embassy in Seoul, now in its 10th year. And even at home they are not alone. Last year 5,000 people--half of them Japanese--came to meet the women and tour a museum in the grounds that displays their own artwork depicting their time as sex slaves.

Lee moved to the House of Sharing last year from China, where she had lived since she was taken from Korea at the age of 16. A devout Christian, she rises at 4 a.m. to pray for two hours before the rest of the house wakes up. Later in the day she will meet--a little reluctantly--some of the day's visitors. "It's difficult for us because sometimes we don't have the strength to talk and we get tired of telling our stories over and over," she says. But it's important to talk, especially to the young people. "We have to teach them well because when we die, that's it, that's the end. And no one else will be able to tell them what happened."

On this Sunday, 78-year-old Kang Il Chul is spending time with 30 students from a sexual-history class at Seoul's Hanyang University. "I don't like to talk about it, but I have to because I'm one of the few grandmas who's willing to speak out," she says away from the students. "I was too embarrassed so I buried it deep, so it makes it hard to talk about what happened because I have to think about the past and it all comes back." She adds, "If I had enough money, I'd get my own house."

She tells the students of her time during the war, the hunger and the beatings, and life in China until she returned to live in Korea last year. But mostly she implores the students to protect their country, to ensure that the Korean people are never again dominated. For Kang, and many other former comfort women, Japan is a real threat. "The future of our country is up to you. You can live without a house, but you can't live without a country," she tells the students.

"You don't understand this and you don't take this into your hearts," she says, her voice trembling with emotion. "I would be so happy if all of you really listened to my story of hardship." Later, one student tells her he will be enlisting in the army soon, and will tell his friends about the importance of protecting Korea. A Japanese exchange student says she has taken Kang's words to heart. "If I had my wish," Kang says, "I would not want to tell you bad things like this. I would like to tell you happy things."

But there hasn't been a lot of that in the women's lives. Most of them grew up poor, and were duped into serving the army with promises of well-paid jobs overseas. Instead they were moved to the comfort stations, and ended the war having lost their chastity, a prized asset in a society that views sex before marriage as a source of humiliation. Some women never returned home. Most who did claimed that they had been working as labourers, waiting until family members had died before talking about what really happened. Unfit for traditional marriage, some became mistresses or second wives, caring for another woman's children, or simply lived alone.

"They have this painful stone in their heart," says Yun Chung Ok, a retired professor who has been researching comfort women since the 1970s and who helped found the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan. "They became ashamed, for their family. They hid themselves. And they could not say anything about their past. They thought their existence was shameful."

Now, having found a network of support, the women have put voice to their anger at being cheated of their lives. "I hate all the Japanese people," Lee says. "They tried to kill all of us. What kind of people are they? How bad can somebody be?" Still, she hasn't given up her hopes of communicating her pain to her country's former enemies, and she is relearning Japanese: "How can we make them understand if we don't speak the same language?" she asks.

For others, though, the will to keep on fighting is fading with the years. Pak Du Ri sits in the doorway to her room, puffing on a cigarette and swatting flies. "We've been doing this for 10 years and it hasn't brought us anything," she says. "I'm tired of telling my story. What difference does it make?"



Copyright ©2001 Review Publishing Company Limited, Hong Kong. All rights reserved.

#23 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Thu Jan 3, 2002 9:10 am
Subject: Fwd: Note from Steve Clemons re Tokyo Trip and FCCJ Talk
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"B.C. ALPHA" <bcalpha@...> wrote:

Dear friends,

Please inform your friends in Japan about the PUBLIC AFFAIRS LUNCHEON to be held in FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS CLUB OF JAPAN in Tokyo on January 23, 2002.  Please refer to the email below for details of the event.

Thekla Lit
President of B.C. ALPHA, Co-chair of Canada ALPHA &
Executive Vice-President of Global Alliance for Preserving the History of WW II in Asia
www.vcn.bc.ca/alpha & www.GAinfo.org

----- Original Message -----
From: "Steve Clemons"
Subject: Note from Steve Clemons re Tokyo Trip and FCCJ Talk


***************************************************
FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS CLUB OF JAPAN PUBLIC AFFAIRS LUNCHEON

The POW Enslavement Cases: America's Complicity in Japan's Historical Memory Problem

with

Steven C. Clemons
Executive Vice President, New America Foundation
Washington, D.C.
and
Director, Japan Policy Research Institute

Wednesday, 23 January 2002
12:00 noon - 1:30 p.m.
Foreign Correspondents Club
Yurakucho Denki North Building 2F, Yurakucho 1-7-1
Fee for lunch and program, 3150 yen
RSVP to 03-3211-3161 FCCJ Reception

See Steven Clemons, "Recovering Japan's Wartime Past -- and Ours," New York Times, 4 September 2001.

Steven Clemons is Executive Vice President of the New America Foundation, a centrist public policy think tank in Washington, D.C. The
New America Foundation, whose Chairman is James Fallows, now ranks first among Washington think tanks for the number of op-eds it has published in the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and Washington Post. Before joining New America, Clemons served as Executive Vice President of the Economic Strategy Institute and before that as Senior Policy Advisor to Senator Jeff Bingaman (D-NM). Clemons also served as the first Executive Director of the Nixon Center, Executive Director of the Japan America Society of Southern California for six years, and was co-founder and remains director of the Japan Policy Research Institute.



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#22 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Wed Jan 2, 2002 9:47 am
Subject: The Japan Times: Japan hopes 'people exchanges' will improve ties
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The Japan Times Online  

CLOSE NEIGHBORS?

Japan hopes 'people exchanges' will improve ties
Relations with neighbors remain poisoned by a history that is recalled in two different ways

By JUNKO TAKAHASHI
Staff writer

This year, Japan cohosts the World Cup soccer finals with South Korea and marks the 30th anniversary of normalizing diplomatic ties with China. In 2001, however, bilateral relations were overshadowed by issues related to Japan's wartime past. This is the first article in an occasional series that will assess Japan's prospects of building truly close relationships with its northeast Asian neighbors.

Japan's past came back to haunt it in 2001, leaving the nation to deal with soured relations with northeast Asian neighbors South Korea and China and placing Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi on the defensive as he jetted abroad in an effort to make amends.

On Oct. 8, Koizumi made a one-day trip to Beijing to make a "heartfelt apology" for Japan's wartime aggression against China. A week later, he was in Seoul, apologizing for the suffering Japan caused during its 1910-1945 colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula.

Koizumi's trips were in response to the angry reactions from China and South Korea to his Aug. 13 visit to Yasukuni Shrine, where Japan's war dead, including Class-A war criminals, are enshrined.

Relations were further damaged by the government's approval of a controversial history textbook that has been criticized for whitewashing Japan's wartime atrocities.

To Chinese and Koreans, the prime minister's Yasukuni visit and the government's approval of the controversial textbook had the appearance of an attempt to glorify Japan's past militarism.

Japan's government, hoping to move on from the past, has dubbed 2002 "the year of people's exchange," celebrating the 30th anniversary of normalizing diplomatic relations with China and cohosting the World Cup soccer games with South Korea.

Koizumi's efforts weren't in vain. Chinese President Jiang Zemin said Koizumi's October visit was the first step toward mending soured relations between the countries, and South Korean President Kim Dae Jung welcomed Koizumi's apology.

However, experts believe Japan faces a long, hard road ahead in rebuilding relations with its northeast Asian neighbors.

Had relations with South Korea developed smoothly, a long-anticipated Emperor's visit to South Korea might have been possible on the occasion of the World Cup opening ceremony in Seoul. But such a prospect has diminished following last year's tiffs, officials say.

"Speaking from common sense, the Emperor's visit will not happen this year," a senior Foreign Ministry official said.

At the same time, the experts also point out that perception is changing among young people in both countries. They also said China, in particular, is keen on improving ties with Japan as it tries to cope with the wave of globalization.

"I don't think the one-day visit (to Beijing) solved all the problems," said Koichi Kato, a veteran Liberal Democratic Party lawmaker who has close ties with China. "The visit marked one step forward, but the achievement was largely limited to confirming joint efforts in fighting against terrorism" after the Sept. 11 attacks in the United States.

Kato and LDP Secretary General Taku Yamasaki persuaded Koizumi to abandon his initial plan to visit Yasukuni on Aug. 15, the anniversary of Japan's World War II surrender.

"Had he visited on Aug. 15, it would have done even greater damage to bilateral relations," Kato said. "Having troubled relations with China would also undermine Japan's position vis-a-vis the United States as it cannot play the role of intermediary between China and the U.S."

In April, Japan's relations with China were strained when Tokyo granted an entry visa to former Taiwanese President Lee Teng-hui. Relations soured further when Japan imposed import curbs on cheap farm products from China, triggering a trade row between the two countries.

Relations between Tokyo and Seoul were hurt when South Korean boats gained permission from Russia to fish for saury in waters around the Russian-held islands off Hokkaido that are claimed by Japan.

Despite this ongoing animosity, China's reactions to recent wartime history-related issues have been relatively restrained, according to Ryosei Kokubun, a political science professor at Keio University and an expert on China.

Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni did not trigger a major protest demonstration by Chinese students -- like the 1985 visit to the shrine by then Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone -- and the Chinese government's criticism over the textbook and Yasukuni issues was not as strident as criticism from South Korea.

According to Kokubun, China does not want relations with Japan to further deteriorate while China's ties with Washington remain shaky.

"It is true that China-U.S. relations have improved after (Beijing supported the U.S.-led antiterrorism campaign following) the Sept. 11 attacks . . . but China still sees the Bush administration as a potential threat," Kokubun said. Unlike his predecessor Bill Clinton, President George W. Bush has taken a tough stance against China, calling it a "strategic rival."

China's rapid economic growth and its quest to join the World Trade Organization were the reason for its subdued response to disputes with Japan, Kokubun said.

"The biggest interest of Chinese young people now is how to live through the age of globalization," he said. "They are realistic. They want to learn English and computers, and want to make money abroad."

Zhu Jianrong, a professor of Chinese studies at Toyogakuen University, said China has grown more confident since hosting a series of major events over the past year, such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit, obtaining WTO membership and winning the right to host the 2008 Olympics Games.

"China used to push hard on war-related issues because it lacked confidence and was truly afraid of Japan," Zhu said. "But people's perception of Japan is becoming more objective and flexible as (China) is gaining economic and diplomatic power."

The rapid expansion of the Internet and the growing reach of the mass media are also changing the perception of the public, he said.

"Until a few years ago, there were only about 70 newspapers published in China, but the number exceeds 1,000 now," Zhu said. "It's impossible for the government to check all of them, and authorities cannot control Internet transactions."

The Internet is an important tool for improving understanding between Chinese and Japanese people, he said.

Since 2000, Zhu has been a guest on an online forum held Aug. 15 each year by the People's Daily newspaper. He uses the forum to directly answer questions from Chinese people about Japan.

During the exchanges with the Chinese citizens, critical messages eventually turn to words of understanding, according to Zhu.

"This is just one example, but it's very important that Chinese who have a good understanding of Japan give objective views to ordinary Chinese citizens," he said, adding that he hopes Japanese experts on China will also engage in similar activities.

Grassroots exchanges, such as soccer games among high school students and joint calligraphy workshops for elementary school children, are the most basic and important way to improve ties, according to the LDP's Kato.

Events planned for this year include junior high school pingpong tournaments, exchanges of Japanese and Chinese language teachers, an exhibition of Japanese comic books, classical and rock music concerts in China, and Chinese performing art and ancient art exhibitions in Japan.

"Through people-to-people exchanges, Chinese people will learn that the Japanese are not militants, while Japanese would feel familiar with Chinese if they learn that young people in China also like (Japanese pop groups) X Japan and SMAP," Kato said.

In addition to citizen-level exchanges, building a stronger network of lawmakers and conducting regular exchanges of defense officials would beef up bilateral relations, he said.

Perception toward Japan is also changing among young people in South Korea, according to Yi Ju Heum, a counselor for political affairs at the South Korean Embassy in Tokyo.

"My son is a college student, and he doesn't make any distinction between Europeans, Americans and Japanese," Yi said, suggesting that to his son's generation, Japan is just another foreign country. "Young people see today's Japan as it is, without the prejudices often held by older generations."

Yi said he is optimistic about future bilateral relations and believes that 2002 will be a year to boost interactions through the World Cup soccer games and other events.

"The World Cup will be a very important opportunity for the two countries to work together in the global stage," he said.

Negotiating visa requirements between the two countries was also an important step toward increasing exchanges, he said. South Koreans must have a visa to visit Japan and, until today, were only allowed to stay in Japan for 15 days. Japanese citizens visiting South Korea, however, could travel visa-free and stay for up to 30 days.

In late December, Japan gave in to demands from South Korea and decided to extend the term of stay to 90 days per visit starting today. South Koreans will be permitted to visit Japan without a visa only during the World Cup period, and such visits will be restricted to 30 days. 

Fuji Kamiya, a professor of international relations at Toyo Eiwa University and an expert on Korean issues, believes younger generations will enhance bilateral ties.

Kamiya was a judge on a radio-based award program that looked at Japan-related publications and other works created by people from other Asian countries. The program, which ran for 15 years, ended in 1999.

The award winner the final year was a South Korean man in his early 30s who wrote a book that welcomed a recent boom in Japanese comic books and cartoons in his home country.

"He told me that young people do not see Korea-Japan relations as that of resentment and bitterness, and that it's time for Japanese culture to go into South Korea and Korean culture to come into Japan," Kamiya said. "Bilateral relations may not improve overnight, but it will eventually move for the better as generations change."

Back in 1998, President Kim took a bold step during his visit to Japan, declaring his intentions to put the past behind and foster "future-oriented" relations. Kim also lifted South Korea's decades-old ban on Japanese cultural products.

With history being the main cause of friction between Japan and its neighbors throughout the last year, Japan must face up to its past before it can move forward.

"What we see as a problem is that Japan is not facing up to its own history," Yi said, adding that building a common understanding about historical facts through joint research is important. "Even if it is difficult to have a common interpretation of the historical facts, it's important to understand how the other side feels about those facts and let the people of each country learn about them."

In October, Koizumi and Kim agreed to establish an expert panel to conduct such a study.

The Japan Times: Jan. 1, 2002
(C) All rights reserved



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#21 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Wed Jan 2, 2002 9:15 am
Subject: Fwd: Massive stores of poison munitions were left behind by Japanese forces - L.A. Times Dec 27, 2001
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"B.C. ALPHA" <bcalpha@...> wrote:

http://www.latimes.com/la-000102448dec27.story

December 27, 2001
L.A. Times

RESPONSE TO TERROR
China Haunted by WWII Chemical Weapons
Toxins: Massive stores of poison munitions were left behind by Japanese forces. Tokyo owned up only in 1995, and a cleanup is in the works.

By HENRY CHU, TIMES STAFF WRITER

NANJING, China -- High on a hill above an abandoned brickyard, a poisonous legacy of war lingers in this placid city.

In February 2000, a road construction team digging on Yellow Beard Mountain stumbled on a stash of chemical weapons left by Japanese forces when they pulled out of China at the end of World War II.

Unbeknown to the residents who went about life in its shadow, about 20,000 metal canisters lay buried atop the hill, full of toxic substances still capable of inducing vomiting in victims, damaging lung tissue and, in extreme instances, causing a painful death by suffocation from excess fluid in the lungs. More than half a century since the munitions were stowed away, work finally wrapped up this month on unearthing and moving them to a special storage site. Eventually, technicians are to neutralize the harmful agents inside.

The size of the cache, experts say, is enough to put Yellow Beard Mountain near the top of the list of places around the world, including sites in England and France, where abandoned chemical weapons have been recovered and disarmed in recent times.

More startling is the fact that the stockpile in Nanjing represents just a tiny fraction of the chemical arms in China left behind by the retreating Japanese army.

The Japanese government, which is bound by international treaty to render harmless the abandoned ordnance, estimates that 700,000 of its chemical munitions are scattered across China; Beijing puts the figure at 2 million.

Either way, China is now home to the world's largest chemical weapons cleanup campaign at a time of new global scrutiny of unconventional warfare and its consequences.

The process of destroying the arms is extremely delicate and shows the challenge that could lie ahead for the U.S. and its allies if Osama bin Laden turns out to have amassed an arsenal of chemical weapons and if U.S.-led forces succeed in getting their hands on it.

The difficulty of the decommissioning project in China is compounded by the leftover weapons' age, condition, mixed content and sheer quantity.

"This is something that has been done before, but not on that scale," said Abu Talib, a chemical weapons expert in the United States. "Most of the chemical weapons around the world, you're talking [in the] hundreds and thousands--not such a huge pile."

Talib works at Mitretek Systems in Falls Church, Va., an organization being consulted by Tokyo in its effort to purge China of one of the more embarrassing, and threatening, reminders of Japan's brutal military occupation of parts of the country in the 1930s and '40s.

Beijing says the weapons have continued to injure and kill since the end of World War II, harming as many as 2,000 Chinese and damaging the environment. Eighteen alleged postwar victims are finally to get a hearing in a Tokyo court in February or March after years of filing suit for compensation.

Japan's agreement to clean up the arms also came after years of contention and negotiation hampered by Tokyo's long refusal to acknowledge formally that such munitions were used, despite the discovery of so many left behind.

Most of the weapons found so far were in the northeast, in what was the puppet state of Manchukuo under the Japanese imperial regime.

Sometime after the war, the Chinese military rounded up all the abandoned weapons it could find--some of the locations were contained in Japanese records--and selected a remote, mountainous area, Haerbaling in Jilin province, to serve as a repository.

"Because of financial and technical reasons, we weren't able to destroy them, so we collected them all together and buried them," said Ge Guangbiao, deputy director of the Chinese government agency overseeing the cleanup project. "This was the only thing we could do."

Shells, Canisters and Drums Fill Pits

In two large pits, Chinese soldiers interred a vast stockpile of munitions: 670,000 artillery and mortar shells, smoke canisters, huge drums of chemicals, perhaps some bombs.

Their payloads were designed to disable and, possibly, kill the enemy, and to control crowds. In addition to numerous vomiting agents, there was a potentially lethal "mustard gas" compound that inflamed and blistered victims' eyes, lungs and skin, and an agent that induced tearing and coughing and made breathing difficult--and that in high doses could also inflict death by suffocation.

The chemicals are not as deadly as the nerve agents found in other parts of the world--just a dab of those can be fatal within minutes--but they are nonetheless hazardous to both humans and the environment.

Few people live in Haerbaling, a forested area near the meandering Songhua River. During fine weather, says someone who has visited the site, it seems "an ideal place for a picnic" but for the fences and the occasional soldier guarding what is considered military property, off limits to civilians.

For decades, Haerbaling's inaccessibility and the cool temperatures below ground, which slow metal corrosion, made it a satisfactory place to store the weapons.

But the inaccessibility and the inability to examine the full extent and condition of the buried weapons have become drawbacks in the effort to extract the munitions--a laborious process that cannot begin until the Chinese finish building a road to the site.

Destroying the arms too will be a complicated task, especially as some, though not all, are still rigged to explode. Japanese scientists are trying to come up with a range of effective technologies, drawing on lessons learned in other parts of the world.

"The U.S. has tons of experience [dealing with] our stockpile of munitions," Talib said. "We've learned a lot, we and the Europeans, over the last 30 years about how to handle these things . . . and the Japanese can learn a lot from the U.S. experience. It's a risky thing, but it's a manageable risk."

Whether such a monumental task can be completed by 2007, the deadline imposed by the international Chemical Weapons Convention, remains to be seen.

Japan and China both signed the convention in 1993, lending impetus to the fitful negotiations over the abandoned weapons that the two had engaged in up to that point.

Although a team of Japanese specialists visited northeastern China in 1991 to examine some of the munitions, progress in dealing with them was stymied by Tokyo's refusal to admit to having deployed such arms.

Only in November 1995, after the U.S. declassified documents pertaining to the weapons, did the Japanese government admit that it had used "lethal gases" during the war, according to a report last year by the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London.

Neither Tokyo nor Beijing sounds optimistic about meeting the 2007 deadline. Construction of a pilot destruction plant is already behind schedule.

The cleanup project's price tag is enormous: Disposing of a single canister is estimated to cost several thousand dollars. A Japanese official associated with the project, who asked not to be identified, said the bill will probably exceed $1 billion.

But both countries say Tokyo is committed to seeing the project through.

"It is not at all easy to achieve this target [date], but we are now making our best effort," a Japanese government official, Seiji Kojima, told an international conference in May. Kojima is director general of the Office for Abandoned Chemical Weapons, a unit of the prime minister's office.

Besides the huge stash in Haerbaling, chemical ordnance in varying amounts has been found in at least a dozen other provinces, Chinese officials say.

Evidence Japan's Forces Used Chemical Arms

In Nanjing, the cache on Yellow Beard Mountain contained some already used weapons, showing for the first time that Japanese forces deployed chemical arms during their invasion of the city in 1937, said a Chinese Defense Ministry expert, Zhao Fujin, in a report released by state-run media last year.

The report quoted a historian as saying that Nanjing, whose wartime suffering included the atrocities known collectively as the Rape of Nanking, was at one time the command post of the Japanese army's chemical weapons division.

During excavations at Yellow Beard Mountain, the report added, experts found that some of the toxic substances had seeped into the soil, causing "serious pollution in neighboring areas" and forcing authorities to move and detoxify more than 60 tons of earth.

But last month, even as Japanese and Chinese teams toiled on the hill overlooking Nanjing's apartments and alleyways, many residents had no idea what was going on.

"The Japanese buried things up there," said the owner of a nearby shop, who shook her head when asked if she knew what the "things" were.

When told that they were abandoned chemical weapons, she shrugged. "They're so old, there shouldn't be a problem," she said.

Unfortunately, accidental encounters with the munitions can indeed prove deadly. The London institute's report cited one case in 1974 in which Chinese workers dredging a river were exposed to poison gas and contracted a series of debilitating illnesses that led to the death of one of the laborers 17 years later.

In another instance, in 1995, road workers accidentally set off an abandoned chemical weapon, killing two people and injuring several others.

The institute also noted that many of the leftover munitions contain arsenic, which, if it leaked out, could contaminate the soil and nearby water sources.

"This is a present problem that needs to be urgently resolved. It doesn't just disappear over time," said Ge, the official with the Chinese agency overseeing the cleanup project.

"If there's just one weapon, [Japan] must take care of it. If there are 3 million, they must take care of it," Ge said emphatically. "There's no limit."

Copyright 2001 Los Angeles Times

#20 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Mon Dec 31, 2001 4:52 pm
Subject: Washington Post: Anthrax Victims of the Axis
ignatius_ding_2000@...
Send Email Send Email
 

The Washington Post Online

     Anthrax Victims of the Axis
     By Daniel I. Barenblatt

     URL: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A43165-2001Dec30.html

     Monday, December 31, 2001; Page A17 

     Chu Chung Wen is a survivor of a severe case of skin anthrax. His infection was caused by laboratory-bred bacteria,
     spread maliciously so as to afflict innocent, unsuspecting people.

     "My mother and I had internal tumors . . . we could not go out to work," reports Chu, who now has recovered from his
     illness. He and his mother developed swollen lymph nodes when the infection spread from the skin to internal tissues.

     Chu is not a U.S. postal worker or a recipient of an anthrax-tainted letter. He is an elderly man living in China, one of
     thousands who suffered anthrax infections caused by Japanese germ warfare against the Chinese during the 1930s and
     '40s, when Japan waged its brutal war of invasion and occupation. The details of this sad history continue to emerge even
     as anthrax assault cases appear in the United States.

     Chu contracted anthrax in 1942 while working with others in his community as a forced laborer for a Japanese-occupied
     airport located in the village of Nan Zi. There, a biological squad of the Japanese military disseminated anthrax germs. The
     action was part of a campaign in which the Japanese military waged bacteriological attacks in the Chinese east-coastal
     provinces of Zhejiang and Jiangxi. At Nan Zi, Chu recalls that "more than half the people repairing the airport" came down
     with the "unknown disease" of anthrax.

     Now a restitution trial for Japanese biological warfare is going forward in a Tokyo court. A civil lawsuit has been filed on
     behalf of 180 Chinese plaintiffs who demand an apology and compensation from the Japanese government for the deaths
     of their relatives from Japanese bio-warfare. 

     Testimony for the trial includes descriptions of anthrax casualties and the breeding of bacteria for use in attacks. Japan's
     secret biological warfare program -- the world's most technically advanced at the time -- was headquartered near Harbin,
     Manchuria, at an enormous human-experiment complex known as the "Unit 731" station. There, led by the infamous Shiro
     Ishii, Japanese cultivated, in human prisoners, pathogens that included anthrax (inducing inhalation, skin and
     gastrointestinal cases of the disease), plague, cholera, typhoid and many other scourges.

     In a prepared statement for the trial, a 78-year-old Japanese veteran, Yoshio Shinozuka, confessed: "From July to
     November 1940, I participated in the production of typhoid, paratyphoid, cholera, plague and anthrax germs" at Unit 731
     headquarters. 

     The prisoners, who were often women, children and infants, then were killed by vivisection in the medical death camps.
     These crimes parallel the coeval work of Joseph Mengele and the Nazi doctors. 

     Japanese army units then quietly disseminated the deadly germs at many areas throughout China from 1939 to 1945.
     Scholars now believe that the toll from Japanese-seeded cholera epidemics in the southern province of Yunnan may reach
     the staggering figure of 200,000 killed. Specially trained bio-warfare teams from Unit 731 and satellite stations in occupied
     Nanking, Peking, Canton and other locations developed the most virulent microbes by testing them on thousands of human
     guinea pigs in the military's biomedical prisons. Among the victims of such experiments were some American prisoners of
     war.

     Cottony material and feathers coated with anthrax bacteria were used to spread the disease in an airborne manner, as such
     fibers had been found to be effective in keeping the bacteria alive long enough to reach the intended human victims.

     Witnesses recall watching Japanese airplanes release small birds on flyovers around their village. These birds had been
     coated with the anthrax organism, and as they flew their feathers brought the germs to people. The previously unknown
     disease of anthrax soon followed, bringing death to many.

     Even today, one hard-hit village in Zhejiang still bears the nickname "rotten-leg village" because so many older residents
     are scarred with the lesion marks of skin anthrax from the 1942 attacks.

     Imperial Japan's biological killing fields are a lost chapter of history that has only recently been exposed and understood in
     all its enormity. Researchers in China, Japan, Korea, Russia and elsewhere are piecing together much new information,
     survivor accounts and the confessions of Japanese perpetrators to reveal, finally, the full story.

     Anyone who has been touched by the anthrax attacks in America should know that he or she has a kinship with the people
     of China.

     The writer is working on a book on Japanese medical experimentation in World War II.


     © 2001 The Washington Post Company



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The Washington Post Online

Anthrax Victims of the Axis
By Daniel I. Barenblatt

URL: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A43165-2001Dec30.html

Monday, December 31, 2001; Page A17 

Chu Chung Wen is a survivor of a severe case of skin anthrax. His infection was caused by laboratory-bred bacteria, spread maliciously so as to afflict innocent, unsuspecting people.

"My mother and I had internal tumors . . . we could not go out to work," reports Chu, who now has recovered from his illness. He and his mother developed swollen lymph nodes when the infection spread from the skin to internal tissues.

Chu is not a U.S. postal worker or a recipient of an anthrax-tainted letter. He is an elderly man living in China, one of thousands who suffered anthrax infections caused by Japanese germ warfare against the Chinese during the 1930s and '40s, when Japan waged its brutal war of invasion and occupation. The details of this sad history continue to emerge even as anthrax assault cases appear in the United States.

Chu contracted anthrax in 1942 while working with others in his community as a forced laborer for a Japanese-occupied airport located in the village of Nan Zi. There, a biological squad of the Japanese military disseminated anthrax germs. The action was part of a campaign in which the Japanese military waged bacteriological attacks in the Chinese east-coastal provinces of Zhejiang and Jiangxi. At Nan Zi, Chu recalls that "more than half the people repairing the airport" came down with the "unknown disease" of anthrax.

Now a restitution trial for Japanese biological warfare is going forward in a Tokyo court. A civil lawsuit has been filed on behalf of 180 Chinese plaintiffs who demand an apology and compensation from the Japanese government for the deaths of their relatives from Japanese bio-warfare. 

Testimony for the trial includes descriptions of anthrax casualties and the breeding of bacteria for use in attacks. Japan's secret biological warfare program -- the world's most technically advanced at the time -- was headquartered near Harbin, Manchuria, at an enormous human-experiment complex known as the "Unit 731" station. There, led by the infamous Shiro Ishii, Japanese cultivated, in human prisoners, pathogens that included anthrax (inducing inhalation, skin and gastrointestinal cases of the disease), plague, cholera, typhoid and many other scourges.

In a prepared statement for the trial, a 78-year-old Japanese veteran, Yoshio Shinozuka, confessed: "From July to November 1940, I participated in the production of typhoid, paratyphoid, cholera, plague and anthrax germs" at Unit 731 headquarters. 

The prisoners, who were often women, children and infants, then were killed by vivisection in the medical death camps. These crimes parallel the coeval work of Joseph Mengele and the Nazi doctors. 

Japanese army units then quietly disseminated the deadly germs at many areas throughout China from 1939 to 1945. Scholars now believe that the toll from Japanese-seeded cholera epidemics in the southern province of Yunnan may reach the staggering figure of 200,000 killed. Specially trained bio-warfare teams from Unit 731 and satellite stations in occupied Nanking, Peking, Canton and other locations developed the most virulent microbes by testing them on thousands of human guinea pigs in the military's biomedical prisons. Among the victims of such experiments were some American prisoners of war.

Cottony material and feathers coated with anthrax bacteria were used to spread the disease in an airborne manner, as such fibers had been found to be effective in keeping the bacteria alive long enough to reach the intended human victims.

Witnesses recall watching Japanese airplanes release small birds on flyovers around their village. These birds had been coated with the anthrax organism, and as they flew their feathers brought the germs to people. The previously unknown disease of anthrax soon followed, bringing death to many.

Even today, one hard-hit village in Zhejiang still bears the nickname "rotten-leg village" because so many older residents are scarred with the lesion marks of skin anthrax from the 1942 attacks.

Imperial Japan's biological killing fields are a lost chapter of history that has only recently been exposed and understood in all its enormity. Researchers in China, Japan, Korea, Russia and elsewhere are piecing together much new information, survivor accounts and the confessions of Japanese perpetrators to reveal, finally, the full story.

Anyone who has been touched by the anthrax attacks in America should know that he or she has a kinship with the people of China.

The writer is working on a book on Japanese medical experimentation in World War II.



© 2001 The Washington Post Company

#19 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sun Dec 30, 2001 9:01 pm
Subject: Fwd: Japanese Public Opinion Favors Settling World War II Claims
ignatius_ding_2000@...
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Jonathan Levy <jlevy1@...> wrote:


For Immediate Release
Jonathan Levy and Tom Easton, Attorneys
Tel. 513-528-0586
E mail:
jlevy1@...
 
 
December 31, 2001
 
Japanese Public Opinion Favors Settling World War II Claims
 
In a study completed earlier this month by University of Cincinnati. Political Science graduate student, James R. Masterson, a review of Japanese public opinion poll data reveals that Japanese citizens overwhelmingly support compensation of W.W.II era victims of Japanese war crimes. Only 15% were opposed.
 
Masterson who translated Japanese public opinion poll data concluded that the Japanese government should take into consideration the sympathy of its populace with war crimes victims which stands in stark contrast to the government’s unwillingness to address the issue more than fifty years after the war.The complete report can be viewed at www.japanesewarcrimes.com/jwr.htm
 
This comes as no surprise to the team of international lawyers headed by Jonathan Levy and Tom Easton who are handling war claims on behalf of Mili Atoll in the Marshall Islands. "All we are asking for is a fair settlement," stated Levy, "the Japanese government has tried every trick in the book to prevent an examination of the issues."
 
According to Levy, "The 1969 US-Japanese Treaty purportedly settling all war claims in Micronesia for a mere $10 million dollars was a sham done without the participation of the Micronesian peoples or the United Nations under whose authority the US held a Trusteeship."
 
The current value of war claims in Micronesia is unknown but damages to Mili Atoll alone, site of some of the fiercest fighting during W.W.II, was estimated at $10 million in 1969.
 
For more information see: www.japanesewarcrimes.com



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#18 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sun Dec 30, 2001 8:57 pm
Subject: Fwd: For your info.: Last victory in the Japanese Court 2001
ignatius_ding_2000@...
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CFRTYO@... wrote:

The following is the very important news from Nagaski and the last info. of 2001 from Japan.
Hope a happy new year 2002 for you!
Thanks a lot.

Ken Arimitsu
cfrtyo@...


The Japan Times: Dec. 27, 2001
Government must pay Korean hibakusha
Court rules A-bomb victim who left Japan is entitled to medical benefits

NAGASAKI (Kyodo) The government was ordered Wednesday to pay a South Korean survivor of the 1945 atomic bombing of Nagasaki a total of 1.03 million yen in health care allowances. The ruling covers allowances the government failed to pay the man after he left Japan following a brief stay for treatment in 1994.The Nagasaki District Court ruled in favor of Lee Kang Young, 74, who claimed that the 1994 Atomic Bomb Victims Relief Law does not stipulate that A-bomb survivors, or hibakusha, living outside Japan are excluded from receiving such benefits. He had demanded 4 million yen in compensation.This is the second time the nation's courts have ruled that medical payouts be awarded to A-bomb victims who have left Japan. In June, the Osaka District Court ordered the prefectural government to pay another South Korean, Kwak Kwi Hun, 77, around 34,000 yen per month from August 1998 to May 2003 in medical allowances.Koichiro Tatsuta, Lee's attorney, said Wednesday's ruling was "totally natural" and at the district court level, at least, a trend has been established toward recognizing medical allowances for A-bomb victims living overseas."The government should swiftly review its inhumane and irrational policies toward hibakusha overseas, and of course, should not appeal this ruling," he said.According to Lee's lawyer, Lee visited Japan in July 1994 to undergo treatment for diabetes and other sicknesses and was given a government certificate confirming his status as an A-bomb survivor. The government also decided to provide him with health benefits for three years.However, the government stopped extending Lee health benefits through the Nagasaki Municipal Government after he returned to his home in Pusan three months later after treatment in Japan.Lee was exposed to radiation while working at a munitions factory in Nagasaki when the United States dropped an atomic bomb on the city Aug. 9, 1945.Lee accuses the Japanese government of not respecting the 1994 law for A-bomb survivors, but instead following a health ministry order to local authorities issued in 1974.The order, issued by the then Health and Welfare Ministry's public health bureau chief, says the law does not apply to A-bomb survivors once they stop living in Japan. The Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry says the law does not apply to overseas A-bomb survivors as it is a social welfare law covering only people residing in Japan.Lee said he is not fighting the Japanese government for money but in defense of the human rights of the more than 5,000 overseas survivors of the atomic bombings -- about 2,300 in South Korea and 3,000 in China, North Korea, the United States and Brazil.Lee has called on the government of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to nullify the 1974 order, paving the way for overseas A-bomb survivors to get the same benefits as survivors in Japan.The ruling came after health minister Chikara Sakaguchi announced Dec. 18 that Japan will help overseas A-bomb survivors visit Japan to undergo treatment beginning in fiscal 2002 with Tokyo earmarking some 500 million yen for the project for the year.But critics say the proposal will not help overseas survivors since most of the survivors are in their 70s and 80s and have to travel to Japan to receive the allowances for treatment.

State told to pay A-bomb victim

The Asahi Shimbun
(12/27)

A South Korean is entitled to the same medical allowance as fellow atom-bomb survivors living in Japan, a court finds. NAGASAKI-The district court here ordered the central government Wednesday to pay about 1 million yen for health allowance it withheld from a South Korean atomic bomb survivor after he left Japan. Lee Kang Young, 74, had demanded the government pay about 4 million yen in compensation. Lee claimed the government was acting unfairly by cutting off the allowance because he had returned to the Republic of Korea (South Korea). Presiding Judge Masanori Kawakubo at the Nagasaki District Court said the state is required under the Atomic Bomb Victims Relief Law to compensate the victims of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki and Hiroshima, adding the fact Lee left the country had no bearing on this responsibility. Lee, who now lives in Pusan, was born in Japan and conscripted by the wartime government. He was exposed to radiation in the Aug. 9, 1945, atomic bombing of Nagasaki, at the age of 17. He moved to South Korea in December 1945, four months after his exposure to radiation. Lee returned to Japan for treatment in 1994 after receiving a certificate entitling him to health allowance based on the relief law, and received a monthly payment of 30,000 yen. That payment was cut off three months later, however, when he moved to South Korea. Following its 1997 rejection of his request to reconsider that move, Lee filed a lawsuit against the government in May 1999. Lee's case is the latest to cast doubt on the government's assertion that the relief law applies only to atomic bomb victims living in Japan. The Osaka District Court last June ruled in favor of Kwak Kwi Hun, another South Korean atomic bombing victim who sued the government for unpaid medical care allowances. In the latest case, an attorney for Lee said atomic bomb survivors should not be discriminated against on the basis of their race, nationality or place of residence. ``Lee's eligibility to receive the health allowance should remain intact, even when he is outside Japan,'' the lawyer said. Although the central government admitted in the court the relief law required it to compensate the victims, one of its attorneys said, ``The law doesn't clearly state the health allowance must be paid to atomic bomb survivors living outside Japan.'' The Osaka District Court in its June ruling, however, said the suspension of Kwak's health allowance constituted an act of discrimination based on place of residence-possibly in violation the Constitution's Article 14, which guarantees the equality of all people before the law. The government appealed that ruling to a higher court. The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, however, set up a study group after that ruling to consider giving assistance to atomic bomb victims living abroad.


--------------------------------------------------------------
                       Ken Arimitsu
E-mail:cfrtyo@... Fax:+813-3237-0287 Tel:+813-3262-4971
Ad:4-5-16-301, Iidabashi, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo, Japan 102-0072
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#17 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sat Dec 29, 2001 7:53 am
Subject: Fwd: Chinese Seek Germ Warfare Reparations.htm
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<P><!-- Yahoo TimeStamp: 1009387027 --><B>Wednesday December 26 12:15
PM ET</B>
<H2>Chinese Seek Germ Warfare Reparations</H2><!-- TextStart -->
<P><FONT size=-1><I>By MARI YAMAGUCHI, Associated Press Writer
</I></FONT>
<P>TOKYO (AP) - Relatives of Chinese victims of alleged World War II
germ attacks wrapped up a court case Wednesday that seeks to force
Japan's government to take responsibility and pay reparations.
<P>Eight plaintiffs, representing a group of 180 people who sued the
Japanese government in 1997, gave their final testimony in Tokyo
District Court. A verdict is expected early next year.
<P>``We lost our houses. We lost people. Our village was destroyed,''
said Wang Jindi, 67, from Chongshan village in China's western province
of Zhejian. ``For nearly 60 years now, I have stayed angry over what
the Japanese military did to us.''
<P>In October 1942, Jindi's younger brother, uncle and five other
relatives died within days of developing plague that China contends was
spread by the Japanese army's germ warfare unit. Two months later,
Japanese soldiers burned the entire village, leaving 700 people
homeless.
<P>The lawsuit contends at least 2,100 Chinese were killed in
biological warfare experiments conducted by Unit 731, a Japanese army
unit based in northern China.
<P>Some Japanese veterans have testified they mass-produced cholera,
dysentery, anthrax and typhoid at the unit's base in Harbin in the
early 1940s.
<P>The Japanese government has refused to confirm those accounts. It
acknowledged the existence of Unit 731 several years ago after decades
of denial, but has yet to disclose its activities.
<P>Historians say Japanese units used biological weapons mostly in
1940-42, before the war started to turn against Japan.
<P>``Crimes committed by Japan's Unit 731 was as serious as the Sept.
11 terror attacks in the United States,'' said plaintiff Gao Mingshun,
57, whose five relatives died of plague in 1941. <!-- TextEnd --><!--
TL -->
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#16 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Mon Dec 24, 2001 7:55 pm
Subject: NYT Op-ed by Iris Chang: Betrayed by the White House
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The New York Times
December 24, 2001

"Betrayed By the White House"

By IRIS CHANG

SAN JOSE, Calif. -- Last month, Congress overwhelmingly approved a provision, added to a spending bill, that would have prevented federal agencies from opposing civil lawsuits by former prisoners of war against Japanese individuals or corporations. The White House succeeded in having the provision struck in a conference committee; the Bush administration feared it might interfere with gathering international support for the war on terrorism. A week later, on the 60th anniversary of the bombing of Pearl Harbor, President Bush and his father paid glowing tribute to the memory of World War II veterans. The president compared the Sept. 11 tragedy to Japan's surprise attack on Dec. 7, 1941, while his father announced that "duty, honor, country" still prevail.  

This behavior reveals a stunning double standard. The United States government aggressively supported claims of European victims of wartime forced labor. The end result was a $5.2 billion fund to settle claims. But for American victims in the Pacific Theater the United States has taken the side of Japanese companies -- including Mitsubishi, Mitsui and Nippon Steel -- against the roughly 5,000 Americans still alive of the 36,000 servicemen used as slave labor during World War II.

A California Superior Court judge, Peter Lichtman, made note of this when he permitted a slave labor lawsuit to go forward under California law. Mr. Lichtman wrote that he was "greatly troubled" by this "uneven" treatment: "This policy, if it is a policy, appears to be legally unsupportable."

There is an alternative to the Bush policy. In March 2001, two California congressmen -- Republican Dana Rohrabacher and Democrat Michael Honda -- introduced the Justice for United States Prisoners of War Act of 2001 to permit American veterans to invoke Article 26 of the 1951 peace treaty between Japan and the Allied nations. This bill now enjoys strong bipartisan support and, if passed, will permit former prisoners to pursue reparations against Japanese individuals and companies in American courts without interference from the American government.

Article 26 of the peace treaty states: "Should Japan make a peace settlement or war claims settlement with any State granting that State greater advantages than those provided by the present Treaty, those same advantages shall be extended to the parties to the present Treaty." Because Japan has paid reparations to several other countries, including Switzerland and the Netherlands, it is now responsible for making equal settlements with the United States. Above all, human rights attorneys argue that the 1951 treaty cannot block private litigation even if it was intended to waive reparations between governments.

The decision of the Bush administration to wage a legal fight against its own veterans is shortsighted as well as morally insupportable. A sustained assault against terrorism will require men and women who believe their country and their commander in chief stand behind them. Americans should be ashamed that the government is now prepared to sacrifice the interests of a previous generation of soldiers in order to woo their former enemy.

Our leaders in Washington must not be permitted to sell out the men who gave so much in the fight for freedom. Otherwise, what shall live in infamy will be not only Pearl Harbor and Sept. 11, but this unjust betrayal. If we are to have another "greatest generation" we must duly honor the rights of the first one.



Iris Chang is author of ``The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II.''



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#15 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Fri Dec 21, 2001 10:17 pm
Subject: Japan [Supreme Court] Judges Don't Need Law Degrees
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URL: http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/international/AP-Japan-Supreme-Court.html

December 21, 2001

Japan Judges Don't Need Law Degrees

By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

Filed at 12:09 p.m. ET

TOKYO (AP) -- Kazuko Yokoo has an excellent resume: She was Japan's ambassador to Ireland, she ran the government's Social Insurance Agency and was a senior bureaucrat in the Labor Ministry.

One thing she doesn't have, however, is legal training. But, no matter -- she will soon be on Japan's Supreme Court.

The appointment of Yokoo this week to the 15-member court highlights one of the crowning oddities of Japan's post-World War II judicial system -- about a third of the justices on its highest bench aren't even legal experts.

Under postwar Japanese law, the Cabinet uses quotas to fill the Supreme Court bench. Ten of the justices are picked for their legal expertise, mostly High Court judges and seasoned attorneys with decades of experience. The emperor's choice for chief justice usually comes from these ranks.

Yokoo, only the second woman to serve on the Supreme Court, is one of the remaining five, who are a public prosecutor, a university professor, a diplomat and two government bureaucrats.

``There's no basic training. And the caseload is heavy -- impossibly so -- even for those justices who have been trained as judges,'' said Itsuo Sonobe, a former member of the court's General Secretariat.

Japan's media have welcomed the appointment of Yokoo as an opportunity to add diversity to the court. The only other woman, Hisako Takahashi, was also a former Labor Ministry official and held the post from 1994-1997.

But experts say Yokoo -- like Takahashi -- will probably have a minimal impact before she is forced to retire at 70. Yokoo, 60, is replacing Takao Ode, 69, a former senior Cabinet official.

``Yokoo is, above all, a showcase item for the Cabinet. She probably won't be able to leave a legacy,'' said Jiro Nomura, a professor at Chiba Industrial University and a former court journalist.

Experts say the court is hamstrung by its huge workload, the lack of experience of its nonlegal members and the general reluctance of judges in Japan to make controversial or politically sensitive rulings.

A major limiting factor on the Supreme Court are Japan's elite central bureaucrats, most of whom are graduates from the country's best universities. They draft laws and set policy.

Their clout encourages the court's traditional servility, a mindset that permeates everything from judge appointments to rulings, which primarily involve punishing offenders and arbitrating disputes.

There's plenty of that to do.

Last year, Japan's courts heard more than 5.5 million cases, with the Supreme Court ruling on some 1,500-2,000. By contrast, the U.S. Supreme Court rules on about 80 cases each term, which runs from October through June or early July.

Kept on a short leash by the bureaucrats, Japan's judiciary rarely flexes its muscle, and critics have long questioned the fairness of trials. There is, for example, a 99 percent conviction rate in criminal trials.

The highest court seldom challenges the bureaucracy, either.

Justices tend to defend long-standing legal precedents rather than stir public debate by reinterpreting laws or overturning past rulings. Only five times in its 54-year history has the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional a law passed by Parliament -- most recently nearly 20 years ago.

First-time justices like Yokoo rely heavily on the court's General Secretariat staff of 30. All former judges, they do the grunt work and draw up court opinions for the justices.

This, Nomura said, compromises the justices' authority, and leaves them powerless to counter the executive and legislative branches as they were designed to do.

``It's a mistake to try to compare Japan's Supreme Court to the United States,''' he said. ``The U.S. court has a long tradition of protecting freedom of speech and expression. It's far more advanced.''



Copyright 2001 The Associated Press | Privacy Information

#14 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Tue Dec 11, 2001 7:18 am
Subject: Japan Film Revives Memories of Wartime Atrocities - Reuters Dec 10
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Monday December 10 8:43 PM ET

Japan Film Revives Memories of Wartime Atrocities

By Tim Large

TOKYO (Reuters) - One Japanese war veteran confesses to 328 murders. A former army sergeant describes throwing babies onto camp fires for laughs. Another says he raped and killed a woman, then carved up her body to feed to his troops.

Those are some of the macabre confessions in a controversial documentary that promises to stir up painful memories of Japan's World War Two aggression and raise tough questions about individual responsibility for wartime atrocities.

Elderly veterans and curious youngsters were among the crowd at Japan's first public showing of ``Japanese Devils,'' a three-hour mea culpa in which 14 former imperial army soldiers recall their brutal role in their country's war against China between 1931 and 1945.

``Once you've killed your second or third, you stop thinking about it,'' Yasuji Kaneko, a former army corporal, tells the camera, describing how he grew numb to slaughter after bayonet drills using live Chinese prisoners tied to stakes.

``It was ultimately about competition,'' another veteran says, reeling off a litany of horrors that included burning Chinese babies just for fun. ``So how many you killed becomes a standard of achievement.''

The documentary has been shown at film festivals around the world, notching up prizes for director Minoru Matsui in Germany and Portugal.

But its screening on home soil threatens to hit a raw nerve in a country where frank discussion about wartime atrocities remains largely taboo, and a backlash from right-wing activists is a real possibility.

The arts cinema in Tokyo's trendy Shibuya district that is showing the film said it received phone threats prior to the opening.

The theater braced for trouble from members of right-wing ''uyoku'' groups, who typically cruise the streets in black vans blaring militarist music or stage noisy kerbside demonstrations from atop flag-draped trucks.

``So far there's been no problem, but who knows what will happen?'' Katsue Tomiyama, the cinema's president, said.

GRUESOME CONFESSIONS

The 14 former soldiers interviewed in the film recount in harrowing detail personal experiences of killing, burning, rape, torture and live vivisection, mostly after Japan plunged into full-scale war against China in 1937.

They also describe a brutal military culture sustained by extreme peer pressure, routine acts of cruelty and a doctrine of racial supremacy that they say turned some ordinary conscripts into merciless butchers.

``If I were in their place, or you were in their place, we might have done the same thing,'' director Matsui told a news conference after a recent press screening.

One former sergeant major, Masayo Enomoto, says he became so inured to murder -- and so steeped in the idea that the Chinese were sub-human -- that he thought nothing of chopping up a rape victim, cooking her flesh and serving it to his hungry troops.

``Killing lots of people also proved your loyalty to the emperor,'' says Yoshio Tsuchiya, a former second lieutenant.

Yoshio Shinozuka, a former corporal with the infamous Unit 731 that conducted gruesome experiments on live prisoners, says: ``We referred to these people as logs.''

``Japanese Devils'' gets its name from the expression coined by the Chinese to describe the Japanese invaders.

Though the veterans' accounts sometimes sound almost clinical, they are underscored by a feeling of remorse that they say has translated into a sense of duty to pass on their stories.

``I will bear witness with as much detail as possible to the young generation,'' one former soldier says, explaining why he took the unprecedented step of confessing all before the camera.

THE 'WHOLE' STORY

Many among the 70 or so people who attended the premier were clearly affected by the film, though responses varied.

``I actually had that kind of experience myself,'' a 77-year-old war veteran said, coming out of the theater with tears in his eyes. ``I was in China, in Nanking. I was wrong.''

Asked if the kinds of atrocities detailed in ``Japanese Devils'' were common, he said: ``They really were. Japan did terrible things.''

Takahiro Suzuki, 23, turned up with his girlfriend because he thought it ``sounded interesting.''

``Other countries have done much worse things than Japan,'' he said. ``Why are the Japanese always singled out as the bad guys?''

That was a message echoed by several audience members. Some simply said: ``War is terrible.''

Matsui said his main reason for making the 10 million yen ($80,300) documentary was to counter what he called Japan's tendency to ``sugarcoat'' history.

``We haven't really gone through the process of reflecting on and recognizing what happened during the war,'' he said.

Japan has long been accused of glossing over its wartime past by its Asian neighbors. Deep-smoldering anger over the issue periodically erupts into full-scale diplomatic rows.

Ties with China and South Korea (news - web sites) were strained earlier this year over the approval of a new history textbook written by nationalist historians that critics say whitewashes Japan's wartime atrocities.

Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi also inflamed emotions by making a controversial visit in August to a shrine that honors convicted war criminals among Japan's war dead.

``Young Japanese know what the atrocities were,'' said Yamanashi Gakuin University historian Nobuko Kosuge, who has written extensively on the question of Japan's responsibility.

``But they don't always know the 'whole history' -- that Japan invaded China and fought with the Chinese Army, or that Japan colonized Korea and the people suffered for so long.

``Because they don't know the past, they can't understand international sensitivities of this kind.''

Those sensitivities have come to the fore in a string of compensation cases, with victims -- forced laborers, sexual slaves and former prisoners of war among them -- demanding that Japan pay for past wrongs.

Nearly all such lawsuits have been dismissed on the grounds that the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty officially resolved all issues relating to compensation.

Pushed by international opinion and prodded by its own conscience, Japan has in the past decade apologized through various formulas for its wartime atrocities and harsh colonial rule of Asia.

The apologies, while dismissed by critics as insincere and insufficient, helped spark a nationalist backlash manifested in the textbook debate, with some voices berating what they see as Japan's ``masochistic'' view of history.

``The biggest reason for making the film was to preserve a record,'' producer Kenichi Oguri said.

``After making it, we held a preview. Some young people said they didn't even know Japan had fought a war with China.''

Oguri said he hoped to persuade television networks to air the documentary, but that all proposals so far had been rejected.



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#13 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sat Dec 8, 2001 11:57 am
Subject: Press Release
ignatius_ding_2000@...
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     Alliance for Preserving the Truth of Sino-Japanese War
 Worldwide Web URL: http://www.sjwar.org, e-mail: info@...
 P.O. Box 2066, Cupertino, CA 95015-2066, Phone: (415) 398-7758


                          Press Release
                        December 8, 2001


                           Nanjing Ji
                     Memorial Service to Honor
       The Victims of Nanjing Massacre & Pearl Harbor Attack

What:  APTSJW will sponsor a memorial service to commemorate the 64th
       anniversary of the   Nanjing Massacre  in which 340,000
       Chinese, mostly civilians, slaugtered by the Japanese invasion
       forces in a six to eight weeks period.  It is also to mark the
       60th anniversary of the unprovoked attack of Pearl Harbor in
       which more than 7,000 died.

Where: In front of the Palo Alto City Hall, University Avenue,
       Palo Alto, California.
       (Between Bryant and Forest Avenues)

When:  12:00Noon, December 8, 2001 (Saturday)


       Alliance for Preserving the Truth of Sino-Japanese War (APTSJW)
will sponsor a memorial service to mark the 64th anniversary of the Rape
of Nanking and the 60th anniversary of the sneak attack of Pearl Harbor
by the Japanese Imperial Naval forces.

       The event, known as the Nanjing Ji, is a coordinated global
effort to hold services in more than 30 cities in the U.S. and many
other countries.  This year s Nanjing Ji is the fifth annual
commemoration created by the international coalition, the Global
Alliance for Preserving the History of World War II in Asia, of which
the APTSJW is a founding member.

       The Nanjing Massacre is one of the most brutal tragedies in this
century.  The death toll caused by the rampage in such a short time
exceeded the total loss of life in the entire European conflict during
WW II, and also far exceeded the casualties in Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
the two Japanese cities devastated by the atomic bombing in August 1945.



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#12 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Fri Dec 7, 2001 4:11 pm
Subject: The reincarnation of a giant defense contractor that built the ZEROES
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<P><BR><FONT face=Arial,Helvetica size=2><STRONG><FONT face="Times New
Roman"><FONT size=5><FONT color=blue>The Reincarnation of&nbsp;A Giant
Defense Contractor that Built the</FONT> <EM><FONT
color=red>ZEROES</FONT></EM></FONT></FONT></STRONG></FONT></P>
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<P><!-- Yahoo TimeStamp: 1007733141 --><B>Friday December 7 8:52 AM
ET</B>
<H2>Japan Presents Biggest Rocket</H2><!-- TextStart -->
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3><I>By HANS GREIMEL, Associated
Press Writer </I></FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>NAGOYA, Japan (AP) - Japan's
troubled space program unveiled its biggest rocket Friday, a towering
eight-engine craft seen as rejuvenating the country's bruised ambition
to become a world leader in the aerospace business. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>The newest H-2A rocket stands
188 feet, slightly taller than a simplified version launched for the
first time in August. The agency hopes that its Jan. 31 test launch
will end any notion that the flawless liftoff of its sister model was a
fluke. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>``The success of the first
launch builds a little confidence, but that is not enough,'' says
Yoichi Fujita, spokesman for the National Space Development Agency of
Japan, or NASDA. ``Launching a rocket is very risky.'' </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>The H-2A would be used
commercially to launch satellites. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>Japan scrapped an earlier series
of rockets, the H-2, when one failed to get its payload into orbit and
another had to be exploded by remote control so it wouldn't veer out of
control. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>At the Mitsubishi factory in the
central city of Nagoya where the new black-and-orange rocket was laid
out in a stadium-sized hangar, blue-suited engineers hustled Friday to
make sure that doesn't happen again. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>``From now until launch, we'll
be double checking everything,'' said rocket scientist Atsushi Matsui,
adding that technicians were on guard for any last minute glitch - from
microscopic welding fissures to dust in the engine valves. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>Next month's space shot is a
make-or-break moment for the $69 million H-2A rocket. It will be the
second and final test flight before Japan embarks on 11 ``operational''
flights scheduled through 2005. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>The first test launch came Aug.
28, when Japan watched in relief as a simplified version of the H-2A
blasted off into a clear blue sky. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>If January's H-2A launch is a
similar success, it will move Japan closer to competing with the United
States and Europe in the satellite launching business. It will also
bolster confidence in a space program battered by bureaucratic
wrangling, cost overruns and technical breakdowns. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>But a successful launch won't be
easy, and developing a viable commercial program is even more
difficult. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>For starters the latest H-2A has
eight engines, not four like its predecessor. That makes it more
complex and prone to glitches. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>The January shot will also try
to launch two probes at the same time - a satellite experimenting on
semiconductors and a probe that's to plunge to earth as re-entry
research. The August mission's only cargo was a mirrored sphere used
for tracking. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>Another question is whether two
test launches are enough. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>The H-2 line had five successful
launches in a row before the sixth misfired and the seventh ended in a
fireball. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>The space shuttle engines needed
four test liftoffs, notes space analyst Joan Johnson-Freese, of the
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>She said Japan may need as many
as six successful back-to-back launches before it gets insurance
coverage for commercial missions. Japan is expected to use it to launch
mostly government satellites at first. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>The H-2 can lift cargo of up to
4.5 tons, in line with Europe's Ariane rockets and the Delta rockets of
the United States. </FONT>
<P><FONT face="Times New Roman" size=3>It will be test launched from
NASDA's southern base, 443 miles from Nagoya. It will be moved there by
ship.</FONT></P>

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#11 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sun Dec 2, 2001 1:33 am
Subject: LA Times: Slave-Labor Suit Against Japanese Firms to Continue
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http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/california/la-000095535dec01.story?coll=la%2Dheadlines%2Dpe%2Dcalifornia

Slave-Labor Suit Against Japanese Firms to Continue

Courts:  Judge refuses to dismiss case, despite federal government's claim that it is unconstitutional.

By K. CONNIE KANG
TIMES STAFF WRITER

December 1 2001

Setting up a conflict between state and federal courts, a Los Angeles Superior Court judge has again refused to dismiss a Koreatown resident's slave-labor lawsuit against Japanese companies.

Judge Peter D. Lichtman, rejecting the federal government's contention that a state law permitting wartime forced-labor victims to seek redress in California is unconstitutional, on Thursday allowed 79-year-old Jae-Won Jeong's case to proceed.

Now a U.S. citizen, Jeong was forcibly taken to a slave labor camp in 1943 for refusing to be drafted into the Japanese Imperial Army.  As a Korean, he was not required to serve in the Japanese army, he said, but his refusal won him hard labor breaking limestone by hand at a quarry for Japan's Onoda Cement Manufacturing Co. in the northeastern tip of the Korean peninsula.  Korea was a Japanese colony from 1910 until the end of World War II in 1945.  Jeong lodged the complaint against Onoda and its successor entities and affiliates in the United States under a 1999 statute that says wartime European and Asian forced-labor victims can bring cases in California until 2010.

In separate cases, U.S. District Judge Vaughn R. Walker in San Francisco recently took an opposite position, holding that the California law "infringes on the federal government's exclusive power over foreign affairs."

Lichtman said the California law does not touch on foreign policy but deals with the state's right "to determine its own timetable for initiating claims for past wrongs.

"Does the state of California have the right to control and/or determine its own statute of limitations?  The answer must be in the affirmative," he wrote.

The judge concluded the state law does not usurp federal authority because it concerns claims by private individuals against private companies doing business in California, not against the government of Japan.

"How is it that adjudicating claims against private Japanese companies for past conduct will cause a diplomatic incident?"  Lichtman asked.  "The courts cannot tailor rulings to accommodate the displeasure of nonparty foreign governments."

In his strongly worded 13-page opinion, Lichtman also said he was struck by the inconsistency in the government's position concerning slave-labor victims from Europe and forced laborers during Japan's wartime expansion.

He observed that the government has not objected to suits seeking compensation for Nazi slave-labor victims but did in the suits against the Japanese companies.

"This policy, if it is a policy, appears to be legally unsupportable," he wrote.

Justice Department spokesman Charles Miller said the agency would not comment on the ruling.

Jeong's Century City attorney, Barry A. Fisher, called the decision a "landmark victory" for slave-labor litigants.

"It's a courageous decision by a judge who correctly rejected the position of the U.S. government and the federal court in San Francisco," Fisher said.

Douglas E. Mirell, one of the attorneys representing the Japanese firms, said he will seek immediate appellate review.

"Like his prior opinion, we believe Judge Lichtman's latest decision is fundamentally flawed," Mirell said.

Ultimately, it may require the U.S. Supreme Court to decide the case.

For now, the state and federal cases will wend their way on appeal by separate routes, lawyers said.

Under the state law, a World War II forced-labor victim is "any person who was a member of the civilian population conquered by the Nazi regime, its allies or sympathizers to perform labor without pay for any period of time between 1929 and 1945, by the Nazi regime, its allies and sympathizers, or enterprises transacting business in any of these areas under the control of the Nazi regime or its allies and sympathizers."



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#10 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sun Dec 2, 2001 1:20 am
Subject: Associated Press: Calif Judge Defies Fedl Crt In Japanese Slave Labor Case
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Dow Jones International News

Saturday, December 1, 2001

Calif Judge Defies Fedl Crt In Japanese Slave Labor Case

LOS ANGELES (AP)--A Superior Court judge has challenged a federal court's ruling by keeping intact a Korean-American man's claims that he was forced to work for a Japanese cement company during World War II.  Judge Peter D. Lichtman's ruling Friday defies a federal court decision in September that nullified the state's slave labor law.

Attorneys for Jae Wong Jeong, 79 years old, praised Lichtman's ruling and said it could lead to reparations for those who were forced to labor for Japanese companies during the war.  "It's a dramatic, historic and really quite courageous ruling," said Barry Fisher, an attorney for Jeong.

Lichtman wrote that it was notable that the U.S. government didn't challenge claims made by Holocaust victims and other Europeans against Germany after World War II.  He said the government was acting in an "uneven manner" by acting to prevent Asian victims from seeking reparations from Japanese companies.  "This policy, if it is a policy, appears to be legally unsupportable," Lichtman wrote.  "This court is greatly troubled by this approach."

The ruling counters a separate decision made by U.S.  District Judge Vaughn Walker in San Francisco.  Walker ruled in September that thousands of Filipino, Chinese and Korean prisoners who claimed they were enslaved by Japanese companies had no legal redress for damages in U.S. courts.  Walker's ruling also nullified a 1999 California law that allows victims of World War II slave labor to sue multinational corporations operating in the state.  Walker made his ruling from the federal bench just days after Lichtman released a decision in the Jeong case in support of the state's slave labor law.

Lichtman, in his Thursday ruling, conceded that it would require review in a court of appeal and gave defendant Onoda Cement Co., which has a Los Angeles- based subsidiary, 21 days to seek a review.

"This latest decision, like Judge Lichtman's prior opinion, is fundamentally flawed and we do indeed intend to seek immediate appellate review," said Douglas Mirell, co-lead counsel for Onoda Cement.  The review will be sought in the state's 2nd District Court of Appeal.

Jeong, a Los Angeles resident for 12 years, is seeking class-action status for his lawsuit.  He claims that as a Korean student at Tokyo's Hosei University he was taken away in 1943 and forced to break limestone for Onoda for more than a year without pay.  He wasn't provided adequate food, water and safety, and about 30 prisoners in his group died, according to the lawsuit.  "I was frequently ignored completely and forced to work hard every day without any payment...just like an animal or dogs," Jeong said Friday.

Lichtman said in his ruling that the federal court erroneously concluded that the state's slave labor law intruded on the federal government's authority over foreign affairs.  He noted that the law doesn't target any particular country, only businesses, and doesn't implicate any foreign policy between the U.S. and Japan.

The ruling also said that state courts are bound to follow U.S.  Supreme Court decisions on federal questions, but decisions in lower federal courts aren't binding.

Lichtman also found fault in a statement of interest filed by federal lawyers in which they argued the state's slave labor law was unconstitutional.  The Justice Department declined to comment on the ruling.

Copyright (c) 2001, Dow Jones & Company, Inc.



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#9 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sat Dec 1, 2001 2:42 am
Subject: Japan Times: Forced-labor provision cut from bill
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http://www.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/getarticle.pl5?nn20011201q1.htm

Saturday, December 1, 2001

Forced-labor provision cut from bill

WASHINGTON (Kyodo) Congress has dropped a provision in a spending bill that would encourage former U.S. prisoners of war to sue Japanese companies for World War II forced labor, congressional staff said Thursday.

Congress agreed to remove the provision in mid-November in response to the government's argument that it could damage the U.S.-led global coalition against terrorism by undermining relations with a key ally, Japan.

The provision would have banned the Justice and State departments from using any public funds to oppose civil actions by U.S. ex-POWs against Japanese nationals or firms to seek redress for forced labor during the war.

President George W. Bush signed the spending bill into law without the provision Wednesday.

Japan has rejected compensation demands from former POWs, saying that all war claims were settled by the 1951 San Francisco peace treaty.  Washington has supported Tokyo's position.

After the provision was attached to the bill earlier this year, former U.S. ambassadors to Japan and some members of Congress had called for its removal for fear of damage to bilateral ties.

The office of Sen.  Daniel Inouye welcomed the action by Congress.  The removal of the provision was the result of an "educational campaign" led by the Hawaii Democrat to help lawmakers understand what was at stake, Inouye aide James Chang said.

Three ex-U.S. ambassadors to Japan -- Michael Armacost, Walter Mondale and Thomas Foley -- joined the campaign with a Sept. 25 opinion piece in the Washington Post newspaper urging lawmakers to seriously re-examine the provision.

"If adopted, this amendment would undermine our relations with Japan, a key ally," they wrote in the Sept. 25 article.

Some 25,000 Allied solders taken prisoner by the Imperial Japanese Army during the war are believed to have been forced to toil for Japanese companies.

Moves to seek reparations from Japanese firms were prompted by a 1999 California statute allowing former POWs held by Germany, Japan and their allies to file damages suits until 2010.

The Japan Times:  Dec. 1, 2001 (C) All rights reserved



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#8 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Fri Nov 30, 2001 5:44 pm
Subject: Fwd: unsung heroes flyer.doc
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Gil Hair <expows@...> wrote:

THE HISTORY CHANNEL

AND

LOU REDA PRODUCTIONS

PRESENTS

 

 

THE UNSUNG HEROES SERIES

Starting December 4th

 

______________________________________________________

 

 

Unsung Heroes: The B-29¡¯s

December 4

9pm and 1am ET/PT

 

 

Unsung Heroes: Navy Corpsmen

December 5

9pm and 1am ET/PT

 

 

Unsung Heroes: Camera Martyrs Vietnam

December 6

9pm and 1am ET/PT

 

 

Unsung Heroes of Pearl Harbor

December 7

9pm and 1am ET/PT

 

 

Any questions?  Contact Lou Reda Productions:

 

Phone: (610) 258-2957                                        Fax: (610) 258-5284                                       E-mail: Reda2@...



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#7 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Fri Nov 30, 2001 5:40 pm
Subject: LA Times: Japanese Government Knew About Sex Slaves, Researchers Say
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http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/front/la-113001slaves.story

Japanese Government Knew About Sex Slaves, Researchers Say

WWII:  System of "comfort women" for soldiers was carried out by the regime, not just the military, conference is told.

By K. CONNIE KANG Times Staff Writer

November 30 2001

The entire Japanese government, not just the military, was involved in the decision to provide sex slaves, euphemistically called "comfort women," for soldiers before and during World War II, Japanese researchers said Thursday at an international conference in Los Angeles on Japan's war crimes.

"The establishment and development of the military 'comfort women' system . . . was not only carried out by the total involvement of every section of the military but also by administrative machinery at every level of the Japanese state," historian Hirofumi Hayashi of Kanto-Gakuin University in Yokohama told the conference on "Japanese Crimes Against Humanity:  Sexual Slavery and Forced Labor."  "In addition, we should not overlook that Japanese companies were their accomplices."

The Japanese military's use of sex slaves was rumored after the end of the war but did not become widely known to the public until 1991.  The research disclosed at the conference provided new, higher estimates of the number of women who were exploited as well as details not previously released in the United States about involvement of broad sectors of the Japanese government and private businesses in the system.

For example, scholars from the Center for Research and Documentation of Japan's War Responsibilities in Yokohama presented research showing that major rubber companies were enlisted by the Japanese government to supply 20 million condoms a year to the armed forces once the decision had been made to provide women to the soldiers.

Because of the military's demand for condoms, the supply for civilians became "almost nil," researcher Rumiko Nishino wrote.  The distribution of condoms within the military was implemented by "high-ranking adjutants" commissioned by Cabinet- and sub-Cabinet-level officials, she wrote.

The research center, established in 1993, is the first nongovernmental organization dedicated to research into war victimization by Japan in Asia.

After Japan invaded Manchuria in 1937, the government created the Imperial Conference, composed of the emperor, the military and the leading Cabinet ministers.  This body made all important decisions for the state, including approving the policy on comfort women, Hayashi said.

Because so many sensitive documents were destroyed by the Japanese government, Hayashi said he cannot ascertain whether Emperor Hirohito personally signed off on the sex slave system.

But as the head of state, the emperor was the "supreme commander" of the government, Hayashi said.  "He certainly had the power to stop it."

Other research presented at the conference indicates that the actual number of sex slaves may have been closer to 400,000 than the 200,000 previously estimated by a United Nations human rights agency.

Su Zhi Liang, a history professor from Shanghai Teachers University, noted that the U.N. estimate did not take into account China, because China came into the research picture much later than some of its Asian neighbors.

In Shanghai alone, the Japanese military set up 90 sex stations, with about 500 women serving soldiers at each station, Su said.

Based on his research, Su believes Chinese women constituted the largest number conscripted by the Japanese, followed by Koreans, then other Asian and Dutch women from countries that Japan occupied during the war.

"[The comfort women system] was one of the greatest crimes committed against humanity during World War II," he said.  "It is a chapter . . . that should not be allowed to be forgotten."

As scholars presented their research papers, Ok-Seon Lee, a 75-year-old former sex slave who traveled from Seoul to attend the conference, said she was grateful for their work.

"I cannot thank them enough," she said.

Lee, who was abducted in 1942 at age 16 by agents of the Japanese government, said she was taken to China, where she was forced to serve Japanese soldiers until the end of the war.

"I am filled with han," she said, using the Korean word for "unrequited woe."  "Nothing--not even the deaths of every Japanese soldier--can bring back my lost life."

Most of the sex slaves died during the war, many at the hands of soldiers.  Survivors and human rights activists have demanded that Japan provide compensation and a formal apology.  The Japanese government has resisted, arranging only for a privately funded organization to pay limited sums to the surviving women to avoid admitting official responsibility.  Many of the women have refused to take money from the private group.

Ken Arimitsu, coordinator for the International Campaign for Redress, said nothing less than international pressure--especially from the United States--can change the government's position.

"We [advocates] are a minority of Japanese society, so we need strong support from outside Japan," Arimitsu said.

Edward T. Chang, professor of ethnic studies at UC Riverside and organizer of the conference, said he hopes the international gathering, which concludes today, will help inform the American public and create an international network of researchers and scholars to do joint research.

"Americans know much about the Nazi atrocities against the Jews, but they know very little of the atrocities committed against Asians by the Japanese military," he said.



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#6 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Fri Nov 30, 2001 5:45 am
Subject: Fwd: Slave Labor Court Decision
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                         FLEISHMAN & FISHER

 

                               LAWYERS

 

STANLEY FLEISHMAN_                                                                                                                                                                                                                                     *PROFESSIONAL CORPORATIONS

 

                                                                                  1888 CENTURY PARK EAST, SUITE 1750

 

BARRY A. FISHER*                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  _OF COUNSEL

 

                                                                                                                         LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90067

 

DAVID GROSZ_                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                 CABLE ADDRESS: ARJUNA

 

 

MICHAEL B. WEISZ_

 

HENRY W. McGEE, JR._

 

                                                                                                                       (310) 557-1077    TELECOPIER (310) 557-0770

 

WILLIAM M. KRAMER_

 

                                                                                                                       

 

 

                                                 FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

 

                                                           PRESS CONFERENCE

 

DATE  :           FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 30, 2001

 

TIME   :           11:30 A.M.

 

PLACE:           J.J. Grand Hotel, 2nd Floor

620 S. Harvard Avenue

Los Angeles, CA 90005

 

FROM :           Barry A. Fisher

 

CONTACTS:

 

·                                                                                              Barry A. Fisher, Esq.   (310) 557-1077

·                                                                                              Haewon Shin, Esq.      (213) 251-5401

·                                                                                              Kenneth Haan, Esq.    (213) 639-2900

·                                                                                              Jean Chung                 (213) 446-6462

 

This afternoon, November 29, 2001, as scholars and non-governmental organizations (“NGO’s”) from China, Korea, Japan, and the U.S. met in Los Angeles to coordinate their work on Japanese wartime slave labor and “comfort women” cases,  Judge Peter Lichtman of the Los Angeles Superior Court, ruling in a case brought by Mr. Jae Won Jeong, denied the Japanese company Onoda Cement’s motion to hold the California Slave Labor law unconstitutional.  It is a landmark decision that rejects the official position of United States Government and a recent ruling of the Federal District Court in San Francisco. 

 


The Court pointed out that the U.S. Government did not seek dismissal of earlier lawsuits by European wartime victims of slave labor but did do so with regard to victims in the Pacific Theater.  The Court was “greatly troubled” by this “uneven” treatment of victims by the U.S.

 

Present at the press conference to discuss the decision and answer questions will be Mr. Jeong, the lawyers on the case, Bongtai Choi, a lawyer from Korea on slave labor cases, and key international leaders working on Japan wartime victim issues, including Ken Arimitsu of Toyko, the NGO coordinator of all of the slave labor and “comfort women” cases in Japan.

 

Mr. Arimitsu is, along with scholars from China, Korea, Japan, and the U.S., presently in Los Angeles attending the “International Conference on Japanese Crimes Against Humanity: Sexual Slavery and Forced Labor,” organized by UC Riverside and UCLA.  Mr. Arimitsu is a civil rights activist and a leader of Japanese post-war reparation movements.  He has worked on behalf of victims in the Phillippines, Korea, Taiwan, and the Netherlands to resolve the “comfort women” issue at an international level.

                                                                            -30-

 



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#5 From: "Ignatius Y. Ding" <ignatius_ding_2000@...>
Date: Sun Nov 25, 2001 8:33 pm
Subject: Kyoto: Kamei says China should reflect on its role in war [i.e. it's its own fault]
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http://www.japantoday.com/e/?content=news&cat=9&id=169600

japantoday > politics 011125

Kamei says China should reflect on its role in war

Sunday, November 25, 2001 at 17:45 JST

KOBE ¡X Shizuka Kamei, a former policy chief of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, said Friday that China, and not just Japan, should engage in self-examination about the 1937-1945 Sino-Japan War. Kamei said that while Japan must "reflect" on the role it played in the war, the country could not have carried out the war by itself.

Kamei, calling the 1840-1842 Opium War that Britain waged with China "an outright invasion," noted that Beijing has not protested against Britain for not inserting an apology for the war in British school textbooks. (Kyodo News)



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