Skip to search.

Breaking News Visit Yahoo! News for the latest.

×Close this window

ujeni · This mailing list will serve as a means of communication between Malawi RPCVs from the mid-1990s, and any other interested part

The Yahoo! Groups Product Blog

Check it out!

Group Information

  • Members: 148
  • Category: Peace Corps
  • Founded: Dec 29, 1998
  • Language: English
? Already a member? Sign in to Yahoo!

Yahoo! Groups Tips

Did you know...
Message search is now enhanced, find messages faster. Take it for a spin.

Messages

Advanced
Messages Help
Messages 3835 - 3864 of 5535   Oldest  |  < Older  |  Newer >  |  Newest
Messages: Show Message Summaries Sort by Date ^  
#3835 From: "Bell, Elizabeth" <eib6@...>
Date: Wed Jul 2, 2003 2:26 pm
Subject: Malawi news
eib6@...
Send Email Send Email
 
"Irish Scientist Discovers New Strain of AIDS Virus"
Reuters (www.reuters.com) (06/30/03)

Grace McCormack, a lecturer at the National University of Ireland, has
discovered a new strain of HIV while researching blood samples from Malawi
that date back to the early 1980s. Because the strain seems to have died
out, it could help scientists find a vaccine for HIV. There are nine known
strains of HIV, but this strain has not been seen in blood samples from the
1990s. McCormick says that the researchers have applied for funding to learn
more about the new HIV strain.

Elizabeth Bell, MPH
STOP Activity Unit
Polio Eradication Branch
Global Immunization Division
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

#3836 From: "Bell, Elizabeth" <eib6@...>
Date: Wed Jul 2, 2003 5:44 pm
Subject: FW: Public Health Advisor GS-0685 -12/13 Atlanta
eib6@...
Send Email Send Email
 
Please circulate.
 
Liz
 

Elizabeth Bell, MPH

STOP Activity Unit

Polio Eradication Branch

Global Immunization Division

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

 

-----Original Message-----
From: Robertson, Lyndon
Sent: Wednesday, July 02, 2003 1:25 PM
To: Bell, Elizabeth
Subject: Public Health Advisor GS-0685 -12/13 Atlanta

 

 

 



    Vacancy Announcement


POSITION:

Public Health Advisor     GS-0685 -12/13

OPENING DATE:

7/2/03

 

 

CLOSING DATE:

7/15/03

 

 

(Applications must be received or postmarked by the closing date; however, postmarked applications must be received in Human Resources Management Office within 5 days of the closing date.)

 

 

 

If filled at the GS-12 level, position has promotion potential to GS-13.) Please indicate the grade(s) for which you wish to be considered. You will only be considered for the grade(s) for which you indicate an interest.

SALARY:

GS-12, $57,096 - 74,226 per annum GS-13, $67,896 - 88,268 per annum

TYPE OF APPOINTMENT:

Permanent / Full-time

LOCATION:

National Immunization Program, Global Immunization Division, Atlanta, GA.

 

 

 

WHO MAY APPLY: ***
U.S. Citizens; no previous Federal experience or tenure required.

Apply for:   DE1-03-1132


SPECIAL NOTES:
MOVING EXPENSES ARE AUTHORIZED.
THIS IS NOT A BARGAINING UNIT POSITION.

If selected for this position, a financial disclosure form MAY be required.    However, it is NOT required as part of your application.    Click here for information regarding conflict of interests/standards of conduct for prospective employees.



DUTIES:
Assists WHO and country Ministry of Health officials in polio and measles endemic countries to plan, implement, and evaluate activities for Expanded Programme on Immunizations (EPI) disease surveillance and disease control and eradication initiatives, with an emphasis on activities to eradicate poliomyelitis and measles. Assists in the day-to-day management of the Branch by serving as a desk employee responsible for overseeing and providing support for overseas assignees of the Branch. Serves as an expert on the vaccine cold chain, logistics, and safe injection practices. Participates in the planning, initiating, developing, coordinating, and evaluating immunization activities associated with WHO's Expanded Programme on Immunizations (EPI) and its effort to control or eliminate six target diseases (diphtheria, measles, pertussis, poliomyelitis, tetanus, and tuberculosis). In fulfillment of these duties, the incumbent will visit countries, agencies, and WHO's regional offices, as required.

QUALIFICATION REQUIREMENTS:
Applicants must meet the basic qualification requirements outlined in OPM Qualification Standards Handbook. In addition, applicants must have one year of specialized experience at a level equivalent to the next lower grade in the Federal service.

Specialized experience   is that which is directly related to the position and which has equipped the applicant with the particular knowledge, skills, and abilities (KSAs) to successfully perform the duties of the position, such as participating with staff of WHO and with leaders from international programs on policy formulation and application, and providing program leadership in the administration of immunization programs.

KNOWLEDGE, SKILLS AND ABILITIES (KSAs):   KSAs are the specific characteristics that applicants should possess in order to perform the major duties of the position.   Applications should address the specific KSAs on a separate sheet of paper as an attachment to your application.   KSAs identified as (M) are considered critical to the position and are considered to be mandatory for qualifications.   KSAs identified as (D) are considered to be desirable.
   FAILURE TO ADDRESS KSAs MAY RESULT IN A LOWER RATING.

1. Knowledge of Vaccine Preventable Disease Eradication Program.     (M)
2. Experience working in developing countries.     (M)
3. Experience working with international agencies.     (M)
4. Skill in public health program operations.     (D)
5. Ability to communicate in writing.     (D)
6. Ability to communicate orally.     (D)

For each of the above, give examples of how you gained the knowledge, skill, or ability and the dates of such experience and education.    Click here for instruction on how to respond to KSA's.
Applicants who apply for DE announcements must address (M) Mandatory and (D) Desirable KSAs.

BASIS OF RATING:     Applicants will be rated on the basis of education, experience and KSA responses appropriate to this position.     Unpaid or voluntary experience related to the position will be considered in determining qualifications.

 

FORMS REQUIRED TO APPLY:     Applicants may submit one of the following forms: SF-171, OF-612, Curriculum Vitae, a Resume, CDC 0.996 or any other application form.     Here's what your resume must contain (in addition to specific information requested in the position announcement.)

 

APPLICATION INFORMATION: - ** Correct announcement number(s), title and grade(s) of the job you are applying for.

PERSONAL INFORMATION: - Full name, mailing address (with zip code) and day and evening phone number (with area code) - Social Security Number ** By law, any person applying for employment with the Federal government must furnish a social security number (SSN) for accurate record keeping purposes.   If you do not provide this information, we will not be able to process your application.   - Country of citizenship (Most Federal jobs require United States citizenship.) Reinstatement eligibility (if applicable, attach SF 50 proof of your career or career-conditional status.) - Highest Federal civilian grade held (also give job series and dates held). If you are applying under the Program for Persons with Disabilities, send a letter from a State vocational rehabilitation agency or the Veterans Administration stating that you are eligible for a Schedule A appointment.

EDUCATION: ** Colleges, or universities; Name, City, and State (zip code if known), Majors, type and year of any degrees received (if no degrees, show total credits earned and indicate whether semester or quarter hours); High School Name, City, and State (zip code if known), Date of diploma or GED.
** Provide a copy of your academic transcripts when desiring to receive credit for educational achievement.   If selected for the position, applicant must provide an official transcript.   If applicant possesses only a foreign degree and/or college courses, education must be evaluated by an approved foreign credential evaluation service.   Click here to see a list of agencies.   This list, which may not be all inclusive, is for informational purposes only and does not imply any endorsement of any specific agency.

MILITARY SERVICE: All military service must be documented with a DD214, a Certificate of Release or Discharge from Active Duty, or other proof of eligibility.     An SF-15 (Application for 10-point Veterans Preference) and written verification must accompany application in order to receive 10-point preference.

WORK EXPERIENCE: - Give the following information for your paid and nonpaid work experience related to the job you are applying for. (Do not send job descriptions.)

Job titles ** Duties and accomplishments -

Employer's name and address, Supervisor's name and phone number, starting and ending dates (month and year) - ** Hours per week (** Month and Years), salary; - Indicate if we may contact your current supervisor.

OTHER QUALIFICATIONs: - Job-related training courses (title and year); Job-related skills, for example, ** typing speed, other languages, computer software/hardware, tools, machinery; - Job-related certificates and licenses (current only); - Job-related honors, awards, and special accomplishments, for example, publications, memberships in professional or honor societies, leadership activities, public speaking, and performance awards (give dates but do not send documents unless requested)

 

** FAILURE TO FURNISH THE STARRED ITEMS MAY RESULT IN YOUR BEING DETERMINED INELIGIBLE OR NOT QUALIFIED OR CAUSING YOUR APPLICATION TO NOT BE PROCESSED.

 

MAIL FORMS TO:

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, HRMO
Announcement No. DE1-03-1132
4770 Buford Highway, N.E., Mailstop K-76
Atlanta, Ga 30341-3724
Fax: (770) 488-1979 TDD: (770) 488-1821
For additional information contact (770) 488-1750


*** Applicants with a disability who need a reasonable accommodation for any part of the application or hiring process, please notify the Disabilities Program Manager at (770) 488-1725.   The decision on granting reasonable accommodation will be made on a case-by-case basis.

Applicants are requested to complete an Applicant Background Survey (OMB 0990-0208) and send it with the application. Visit the website http://www.cdc.gov/hrmo/OMB_Form.htm   for the survey. A written Receipt of Application will be sent to the address on the application. For Interagency Career Transition Assistance Program (ICTAP) criteria, please visit the website http://www.cdc.gov/hrmo/ictap~2.htm

A SEPARATE APPLICATION MUST BE SUBMITTED FOR EACH ANNOUNCED POSITION AND NO EXTENSIONS WILL BE GRANTED.
Please allow five (5) workdays for an acknowledgement of receipt of your application

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES

- The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention/ATSDR maintains a smoke-free work environment -

All applicants will receive equal consideration without regard to race, religion, color, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, political affiliation, age, disability, status as a parent or any other nonmerit factor.

 


#3837 From: "Vyrle Owens" <vyrle@...>
Date: Sat Jul 5, 2003 10:43 pm
Subject: May be worth reading
vyrle@...
Send Email Send Email
 
6 July 2003

Dear all,

I am not much of a fan of Rush Limbaugh but if this is true (the Social
Security exemption of members of Congress) he may be onto something
about how to fix the system.  I am also not sure about how much is his
words and what was added or edited by the forwarders.

Christine was out to stir some action with the HRH message.  What does
HRH mean?  Not much action, life is just too busy.

More later,

Vyrle


Quote from the persons who forwarded this to me:  "I wonder how many
people are aware of this information. Love him or loath him, he nailed
this one right on the head ..."



By Rush Limbaugh:

I think the vast differences in compensation between victims of the
September 11 casualty and those who die serving the country in Uniform
are profound. No one is really talking about it either, because you just
don't criticize anything having to do with September 11.

Well, I just can't let the numbers pass by because it says something
really disturbing about the entitlement mentality of this country.

If you lost a family member in the September 11 attack, you're going to
get an average of $1,185,000. The range is a minimum guarantee of
$250,000, all the way up to $4.7 million.

If you are a surviving family member of an American soldier killed in
action, the first check you get is a $6,000 direct death benefit, half
of which is taxable. Next, you get $1,750 for burial costs. If you are
the surviving spouse, you get $833 a month until you remarry.

And there's a payment of $211 per month for each child under 18.  When
the child hits 18, those payments come to a screeching halt.

Keep in mind that some of the people who are getting an average of
$1.185 million up to $4.7 million are complaining that it's not enough.
Their deaths were tragic, but for most, they were simply in the wrong
place at the wrong time. Soldiers put themselves in harms way FOR ALL OF
US, and they and their families know the dangers.

We also learned over the weekend that some of the victims from the
Oklahoma City bombing have started an organization asking for the same
deal that the September 11 families are getting. In addition to that,
some of the families of those bombed in the embassies are now asking for
compensation as well.

You see where this is going, don't you? Folks, this is part and parcel
of over 50 years of entitlement politics in this country. It's just
really sad.

Every time a pay raise comes up for the military, they usually receive
next to nothing of a raise. Now the green machine is in combat in the
Middle East while their families have to survive on food stamps and live
in low-rent housing. Make sense?

However, our own U.S. Congress just voted themselves a raise, and many
of you don't know that they only have to be in Congress one time to
receive a pension that is more than $15,000 per month, and most are now
equal to being millionaires plus. They also do not receive Social
Security on retirement because they didn't have to pay into the system.

If some of the military people stay in for 20 years and get out as an
E-7, you may receive a pension of $1,000 per month, and the very people
who placed you in harm's way receive a pension of $15,000 per month. I
would like to see our elected officials pick up a weapon and join ranks
before they start cutting out benefits and lowering pay for our sons and
daughters who are now fighting.

"When do we finally do something about this?" If this doesn't seem fair
to you, it is time to forward this to as many people as you can.

If your interested there is more............


This must be a campaign issue in 2004. Keep it going. SOCIAL SECURITY:

(This is worth the read. It's short and to the point.)

Perhaps we are asking the wrong questions during election years.  Our
Senators and Congressmen do not pay into Social Security. Many years ago
they voted in their own benefit plan. In more recent years, no
congressperson has felt the need to change it. For all practical
purposes their plan works like this:

When they retire, they continue to draw the same pay until they die,
except it may increase from time-to-time for cost of living adjustments.
For example, former Senator Byrd and Congressman White and their wives
may expect to draw $7,800,000 - that's Seven Million, Eight Hundred
Thousand), with their wives drawing $275,000.00 during the last years of
their lives.

This is calculated on an average life span for each.

Their cost for this excellent plan is $00.00. These little perks they
voted for themselves is free to them. You and I pick up the tab for this
plan. The funds for this fine retirement plan come directly from the
General Fund--our tax dollars at work! From our own Social Security
Plan, which you and I pay (or have paid) into --every payday until we
retire (which amount is matched by our employer) --we can expect to get
an average $1,000 per month after retirement. Or, in other words, we
would have to collect our average of $1,000 monthly benefits for 68
years and one month to equal Senator Bill Bradley's benefits!

Social Security could be very good if only one small change were made.
And that change would be to jerk the Golden Fleece Retirement Plan from
under the Senators and Congressmen. Put them into the Social Security
plan with the rest of us and then watch how fast they would fix it.

If enough people receive this, maybe a seed of awareness will be planted
and maybe good changes will evolve. WE, each one of us... can make a
difference..

How many people can YOU send this to?

IN GOD I TRUST.
Evil prevails when good men do nothing.
GOD SAID IT, I BELIEVE IT, AND THAT DOES IT.

#3838 From: "Vyrle Owens" <vyrle@...>
Date: Sat Jul 5, 2003 11:12 pm
Subject: RE: HRH
vyrle@...
Send Email Send Email
 
6 July 2003

Dear Christine,

Interesting piece on PC Director visits abroad.  Actually not a lot
different from the past.  The wording is a bit demanding and direct but
not really unusual.  Nevertheless, I would think the director of an
agency which expects its key personnel (the Volunteers) to be flexible
and adjust to local conditions would also exemplify flexibility.  But I
think the current administration is much more ego-centric than some in
the past.

I have experienced a PC Director visit and a Vice President visit (VP
Gore), as Country Director.  Both were much easier than this appears to
be but the VP visit was very strictly managed as one might imagine for
security concerns.  The PC Director wanted to visit volunteers which I
thought was great.  The Regional Director and I made the official
visits.  I did prepare a detailed itinerary (in 15 minute increments)
for the PC Director visit.  It fell apart because of lost luggage and
spontaneous shopping activities, but for the most part was useful as a
planning tool.

Most Host Country officials are very sensitive to protocol and
appreciate knowing as much as possible about the preferences, (food,
transport, security, meetings, etc.) of the visitor.  So while the memo
is stated in rather demanding terms much of the information is very
useful.

Preparing the briefing book is a lot of work, but reasonably simple if
the information is kept up to date.  All staff and volunteer resumes are
on file and usually available at the County Desk.  Photographs should be
much easier now with digital imaging and e-mail.  Passport photos were
the norm in the past, but we all know how flattering and descriptive
they can be.

I also prefer round tables, but certainly do not expect anyone to make a
special purchase just to gratify my preference.  I think a little bit of
humility and recognition of the "sovereignty" of the Host Country would
go a long ways toward "world peace and friendship."

I guess it is the arrogance of the directive that bothers me more than
anything.  The practical aspects are actually quite useful.

Y'all be good,

Vyrle

-----Original Message-----
From: Christine Chumbler [mailto:cchumble@...]
Sent: Tuesday, 01 July, 2003 06:13
To: ujeni@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [ujeni] HRH

Just to stir up a little controversy, I got this from a PCHQ source.
It's apparently country desk guidance for when the PC director goes on
country visits.  Sounds pretty darn demanding, and pretty unflexible to
me...

#3839 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Mon Jul 7, 2003 1:01 pm
Subject: RE: HRH
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Thanks for your perspective on this, Vyrle.  I, too, was most bothered
by the tone, and the need to stay in a different part of the hotel from
other PC staff (?!).  This is just one of many stories I've heard about
Gaddi, including that he always has to have someone carry his briefcase
for him.  HRH, by the way, stands for His Royal Highness.

>>> vyrle@... 7/5/03 7:12 PM >>>
6 July 2003

Dear Christine,

Interesting piece on PC Director visits abroad.  Actually not a lot
different from the past.  The wording is a bit demanding and direct
but
not really unusual.  Nevertheless, I would think the director of an
agency which expects its key personnel (the Volunteers) to be flexible
and adjust to local conditions would also exemplify flexibility.  But
I
think the current administration is much more ego-centric than some in
the past.

I have experienced a PC Director visit and a Vice President visit (VP
Gore), as Country Director.  Both were much easier than this appears
to
be but the VP visit was very strictly managed as one might imagine for
security concerns.  The PC Director wanted to visit volunteers which I
thought was great.  The Regional Director and I made the official
visits.  I did prepare a detailed itinerary (in 15 minute increments)
for the PC Director visit.  It fell apart because of lost luggage and
spontaneous shopping activities, but for the most part was useful as a
planning tool.

Most Host Country officials are very sensitive to protocol and
appreciate knowing as much as possible about the preferences, (food,
transport, security, meetings, etc.) of the visitor.  So while the
memo
is stated in rather demanding terms much of the information is very
useful.

Preparing the briefing book is a lot of work, but reasonably simple if
the information is kept up to date.  All staff and volunteer resumes
are
on file and usually available at the County Desk.  Photographs should
be
much easier now with digital imaging and e-mail.  Passport photos were
the norm in the past, but we all know how flattering and descriptive
they can be.

I also prefer round tables, but certainly do not expect anyone to make
a
special purchase just to gratify my preference.  I think a little bit
of
humility and recognition of the "sovereignty" of the Host Country
would
go a long ways toward "world peace and friendship."

I guess it is the arrogance of the directive that bothers me more than
anything.  The practical aspects are actually quite useful.

Y'all be good,

Vyrle

-----Original Message-----
From: Christine Chumbler [mailto:cchumble@...]
Sent: Tuesday, 01 July, 2003 06:13
To: ujeni@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [ujeni] HRH

Just to stir up a little controversy, I got this from a PCHQ source.
It's apparently country desk guidance for when the PC director goes on
country visits.  Sounds pretty darn demanding, and pretty unflexible
to
me...





------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor



Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

#3840 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Mon Jul 7, 2003 5:27 pm
Subject: non-Malawi news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Tsvangirai's trial drags on

Harare

07 July 2003 12:59

An application by Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and two
senior party officials to have treason charges against them dropped has
been postponed to next week, a newspaper reported on Monday.

The government-run Herald reported state lawyer Joseph Musakwa as
saying the court would not be sitting on Monday as scheduled as they
were still preparing their response to the defence's application.

Last month the state closed its case against Tsvangirai and two senior
officials charged with plotting to "eliminate" President Robert Mugabe
ahead of the 2002 presidential poll, which Mugabe won.

The three deny the charges, which carry a death sentence on
conviction.

At the close of the state's case Tsvangirai's lawyers announced that
they would make an application for the court to drop the charges against
the MDC trio because it said the state had not proved a case against
them.

The marathon trial started in February and has continued almost
uninterrupted since.

The evidence against Tsvangirai hinges on an unclear and partly
inaudible videotape made in late 2001, in which he allegedly requests
the assistance of Canada-based political consultant Ari Ben Menashe to
eliminate Mugabe.

Tsvangirai and his co-accused say they were set up.

Meanwhile Zimbabwe police arrested the opposition mayor of Harare on
Monday
at his offices in the capital, a residents' association official said.

It was not immediately clear on what charges Mayor Elias Mudzuri was
arrested, but he had gone back to work on Monday after several weeks'
leave despite having been suspending from his duties by the government.

"He [Mudzuri] has been arrested. We're not sure on what charges," said
Mike Davies, the chair of the Combined Harare Residents Association.

Mudzuri was suspended in April by Local Minister Ignatius Chombo for
alleged misconduct and supporting two anti-government strikes.-
Sapa-AFP

*****

Mugabe gets pay rise

Zimbabwe has raised the salaries of President Robert Mugabe and senior
government officials by nearly 600%.
The rises - almost double the inflation rate - were first reported by
the official Herald newspaper on Saturday.

The paper said Mr Mugabe's salary would go up to Z$20.2m a year (about
$25,250 at official rates) from Z$3m.

Vice Presidents Joseph Msika and Simon Muzenda will now be paid Z$18.4m
(21,800 dollars) each, up from Z$2.7.

In addition, President Mugabe will receive more than $2m in allowances.


"The president would get a cabinet allowance of Z$1.4m per annum, up
from Z$1m, and a general allowance of Z$840,000, up from Z$672,000 per
year," the Herald said, citing a notice in a government gazette
published on Friday.

Cabinet ministers salaries will rise to Z$16.5m from Z$2.4m.

Grinding economics

Zimbabwe has seen a series of strikes for higher pay - the most recent
by junior doctors - in the face of surging inflation - currently ranking
among the highest rates in the world at 300%.

But struggling companies have failed to increase wages to match rising
costs.

Zimbabwe is in the grips of a severe economic crisis, with 80% of the
country's 11.6 million people estimated to be living in poverty.

Critics say Mr Mugabe has ruined the economy through 23 years of
mismanagement, leading to chronic food and foreign currency shortages.

More than 70% of Zimbabwe's workforce is unemployed.

President Mugabe denies responsibility for the country's economic
problems - which he blames on domestic opponents and foreign sanctions
over allegations of vote rigging in the 2002 elections.

*****

Mugabe tells Bush: Don't interfere

President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has warned US President George W
Bush not to interfere in his country's affairs during a visit to Africa
next week.
Mr Mugabe told supporters that if Mr Bush told African countries how to
run their affairs, he would be spurned.

The American president is due in South Africa on Tuesday as part of a
tour of several African countries, including Botswana, Uganda, Nigeria
and Senegal.

Last week George Bush called on South Africa President's Thabo Mbeki to
insist on fresh elections in Zimbabwe and "insist that the conditions
necessary for that country to become prosperous again are in place".

Commentators say Mr Bush wants to demonstrate that the US is not
neglecting the welfare of the world's poor while waging its war on
terrorism.

Quiet diplomacy

Mr Mugabe told supporters at a rally in southern Zimbabwe that "any
dictating to us will never be heeded by any of us in this region".

"If he is coming to dictate to us to how we should run our countries,
then we will say Go back. Go home Yankee," he said.

Mr Mugabe has said he is not worried about pressure from the US. He has
told members of his ruling Zanu party, President Bush would not dare do
to Zimbabwe what he has done to Iraq.

"We don't have oil or weapons of mass destruction" he said in a
televised speech.

The US and Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
rejected Mr Mugabe's victory in presidential elections last year, saying
the poll was rigged and marred by violence.

The opposition party says it will send a team to lobby American
officials during Mr Bush's visit.

Waiting for change

They blame Mr Mugabe's government for the country's economic turmoil
which has led to food and fuel shortages and 80% of the country's 11.6
million people estimated to be living in poverty.

The official mayor of Harare, Elias Mudzuri, suspended from his post by
the government because he is an MDC member, says Mr Mugabe's government
has a limited time left in power.

He told the BBC: "Definitely change will come - everything is in a
shambles right now.

"The government has demonstrated that there is nothing for the people
of Zimbabwe for the future. You can see from the present policies that
they have nothing.

*****

Z$1 100 for a loaf of bread

Harare

07 July 2003 15:49

The price of bread in Zimbabwe quadrupled at the weekend to Z$1 000
(about $1,25) a loaf, bakers confirmed on Monday.

Five years ago, shortly before the country's inflation began to rise, a
loaf of white bread cost Z$5,10.

The official price of bread, however, remained at Z$250.

A shortage of wheat has made bread scarce, and until now it has been
selling on the black market for Z$350.

The latest bread price increase was at the end of a chain of price
hikes started when the government increased the price for which it buys
wheat from farmers. Last week the government increased its price for
wheat by 1 100%.

The Bakers' Association of Zimbabwe chair Armitage Chikwavira said that
since Friday, millers had put up the price of flour sold to bakers by
868%.

The bakers were passing the increase on to consumers.

However, the government had not responded to an appeal from the Bakers
Association for an increase in the price of bread, he said.

"In the absence of that response, bakers have resolved to effect the
Z$1 000 price."

If the government refused to increase the price, most bakeries would
close and thousands of workers would have to be retrenched.

"It's a life and death issue," he said.

Inflation was officially calculated at 300%at the end of May.
Economists said, however, that the figure was arrived at by using
official prices for basic items, and not the far higher black market
prices which was often the only way ordinary Zimbabweans could buy
them.

Economists estimated that the current inflation rate in Zimbabwe was
around 600%.

A regime of rigorously policed price controls has failed to check
inflation, as manufacturers stopped producing goods at prices that are
not viable, and the black market took over the supply of most basic
commodities.

In order to dodge price controls, bakers altered the baking process
--sometimes adding a few sesame seeds to the crust -- to make loaves
"fancy bread" which were not covered by price laws.

The new bread price was unlikely to make it any more available, as
supplies of locally grown winter wheat were forecast to be 85 000 tonnes
this year, a third down on last year's output.

Last week, President Robert Mugabe lamented that farmers had only
ploughed half of the 78 000ha for wheat growing expected by the
government.

The seizure of many of the country's once thriving commercial farms had
been listed by the United Nations as a major factor in the famine
affecting about half of Zimbabwe's 14-million people.

Before the seizures the farmers regularly produced 400 000 tonnes of
wheat a year.

The government's failure to pay neighbouring countries for imports of
electricity was expected to worsen the already small winter wheat crop,
according to Kuda Ndoro, an economist for the Commercial Farmers'
Union.

Electricity supply by the state-run power utility was down to 30% of
capacity, he said.

"There is no power for irrigation on the farms," he said. "If nothing
is done to augment the supply, this will affect the performance of
winter cereals." - Sapa

*****

Tanzania bans public smoking


By Premy Kibanga
BBC, Dar es Salaam

Smoking in public places has been banned in Tanzania under a new law
that came into effect on 1 July.
Under the Tobacco Products (regulation) Act 2003 it is illegal to smoke
inside public transport, hospitals, schools and many other public
places.

Tobacco is a major foreign exchange earner and tobacco-growers have
condemned the law.

It is also an offence to sell tobacco products to persons under the age
of 18.

The government has called for the setting up of special smoking areas
at places of work.

Tobacco advertising on radio, TV and in newspapers has also been
prohibited.

The government will issue guidelines on sites where tobacco advertising
can be placed.

A statement by the country's health ministry said the aim of the Act is
to reduce the use of tobacco products in the country in order to reduce
the occurrence of diseases that are brought about by smoking.

Non-smokers

The new law will also protect non-smokers and educate smokers on the
importance of quitting smoking.

This, the government says, will help to "create an environment that
will help to make the society a non-smoking one".

From 1 July, cigarettes manufactured in and outside the country will
have to adhere to international standards and will have to carry a
warning in both English and Kiswahili on the negative effects of
cigarette smoking.

The bill was passed by parliament in February.

President Benjamin Mkapa signed it into law in April.

Caution

MPs from the tobacco growing regions cautioned the government against
passing the law, expressing fears that the ruling party might lose votes
from tobacco farmers in the 2005 general election.

However, the Minister for Industry and Trade, Dr Juma Ngasongwa, says
the effects will only be temporary and that the country has to look at
the issue from all angles.

"After all the ban is a universal issue and people will get used to
it".

"We are not worried at all," Dr Ngasongwa said.

#3841 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Mon Jul 7, 2003 8:52 pm
Subject: special series
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
The Albany NY paper did a special series on Malawi in prep for Bush's
trip.  It's an incredible website.

http://www.timesunion.com/fourthworld/

#3842 From: Kristen E Cheney <kcheney@...>
Date: Tue Jul 8, 2003 5:15 am
Subject: Fwd: Development in Practice - Special Issue Call for Papers
kcheney12
Send Email Send Email
 

From: SARA Alerting <sara@...>
To: "kcheney@..." <kcheney@...>
Date: Mon, 07 Jul 2003 22:28:20 "GMT"
X-mailer: AspMail 2.4 (SMTP4E4B79)
Subject:  Development in Practice - Special Issue Call for Papers
X-OriginalArrivalTime: 07 Jul 2003 22:09:04.0390 (UTC) FILETIME=[60C6C260:01C344D4]
X-UCSC-CATS-MailScanner: Found to be clean
X-UCSC-CATS-MailScanner-SpamCheck: not spam, SpamAssassin (score=5.2,
        required 8, CTYPE_JUST_HTML, HTML_50_70, INVALID_DATE,
        LINES_OF_YELLING, MAILTO_LINK, MISSING_MIMEOLE, MISSING_OUTLOOK_NAME,
        SPAM_PHRASE_00_01, TO_ADDRESS_EQ_REAL)
X-UCSC-CATS-MailScanner-SpamScore: sssss
X-arrival-time: 1057615739

aef8f.jpg 
  Monday 7, July  

Development in Practice

SPECIAL ISSUE ON DEVELOPMENT AND THE PRIVATE SECTOR CALL FOR PAPERS

Development in Practice offers practice-based analysis and research concerning the social dimensions of development and humanitarianism, and provides a forum for debate and the exchange of ideas among practitioners, policy makers, academics, and activists worldwide. By challenging current assumptions, the journal seeks to stimulate new thinking and to shape future ways of working. Contributors represent a wide range of cultural and professional backgrounds and experience.

Editor in Chief: Deborah Eade, Oxfam GB
Guest Editor: John Sayer

Background
Corporations are having an increasing impact on the lives of people in developing countries. The power and influence of corporations is growing relative to that of governments as economic systems become globalised.

As well as determining the shape of the international economy, corporations are becoming increasingly involved in the provision of services vital to the livelihoods of poor people. Previously considered the responsibility of governments, services such as health care, education, water, and sanitation are being privatised, or operated through public-private partnerships. Civil society organisations, including NGOs, are also reliant on the private sector for a substantial proportion of their income.

As corporate power grows, pressure on companies to demonstrate more social and environmental responsibility and accountability has grown, whether from shareholders, consumers, or anti-capitalist demonstrators. These changing conditions have brought about an array of initiatives involving corporate citizenship, responsibility, and accountability; many with implications for development. Debates continue as to whether these should remain voluntary, or form part of tighter international regulation of business.

Corporations can clearly contribute to growth in developing countries. At the same time, their practices can have an impact on people s livelihoods in terms of local prices, access to productive assets, local businesses and jobs, the environment, and human rights.

This issue of Development in Practice seeks to examine a range of issues concerned with the impact of the private sector on development, whether this be their core business practices, their corporate responsibility endeavours, or their philanthropic and community programmes. Articles will explore what can be done to confront the negative impact of corporate activity, and what positive roles companies can play to contribute to equitable development.

This special issue will appear in June 2005 and it is planned to publish it in the Development in Practice Readers series later that year.

SUBMISSION PROCEDURES
ABSTRACTS by: 10 September 2003
SELECTED MANUSCRIPTS by: 28 February 2004
FINAL REVISIONS by: 31 July 2004

JOURNAL ISSUE: June 2005
BOOK VERSION: November 2005

Authors should initially submit an abstract (100-300 words) of their proposed submission, stating whether this is intended to be a full-length article (6500 words) or a shorter piece (1500-3000 words). The abstract should include (a) the title of the paper, (b) the names, affiliations, and full contact details of the author(s), and (c) a summary of the paper s content. Abstracts should preferably be sent as an email attachment to editor@developmentinpra ctice.org with Development and the Private Sector in the subject line of the message.

Abstracts and selected manuscripts are accepted in any of our four working languages (English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish). Submission of an abstract is taken to indicate that it describes original, unpublished work, and that the author is committed to publishing it in Development in Practice should s/he be invited to submit a manuscript. Development in Practice is a peer-reviewed journal, so authors should be advised that such an invitation is not a guarantee of acceptance. Final revised manuscripts must follow the presentational requirements outlined in our Notes for Contributors. These are available in four languages and can be downloaded from www.developmentinpractice. org. Alternatively, a print copy can be requested from enquiry@developmentinp ractice.org or from The Editor, Development in Practice, c/o Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ, United Kingdom.

For subscription and other details, visit www.developmentinpractice. org
 


Taylor & Francis Group

London " New York " Oslo " Philadelphia " Singapore " Stockholm
UK Head Office: 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE

Kristen Cheney
Doctoral Candidate in Anthropology
University of California at Santa Cruz
408 Social Sciences I
1156 High Street
Santa Cruz, CA 95064


#3843 From: "Bell, Elizabeth" <eib6@...>
Date: Tue Jul 8, 2003 11:58 am
Subject: FW: PEAK fellowship recruiting African professionals for 2004
eib6@...
Send Email Send Email
 
An interesting fellowship opportunity from umich.  Please respond per
instructions below.

-----Original Message-----


The 2004 cohort application deadline for the Professional Exchange for
Applied Knowledge (PEAK) fellowship is August 25th and the University of
Michigan is recruiting early-career African professionals that work at local
NGOs who would benefit from this opportunity for professional development
and institutional capacity building.

Interested parties can contact the PEAK program directly for further
information or to request an application by e-mailing them at
peak_fellows@...

PEAK aims to build the capacity of developing country professionals and
organizations to offer leadership in the fields of family planning,
reproductive health, and population-environment. The centerpiece of this
initiative is a four to six-month individualized fellowship designed to
build relevant skills among early-career professionals from sub-Saharan
Africa and Latin America. The initiative also supports capacity building
activities for the organizations from which the fellows come, including
workshops and seed grants for applied projects.   The fellowship has
alternated between two regions each year, focusing on either Latin America
(2001, 2003) or Africa (2002, 2004).

You may learn more about the PEAK fellowship's timing, requirements and
profiles of past and current fellows on the website:
http://www.sph.umich.edu/pfps/peak.html

The PEAK newsletter (also on the website) has more detailed profiles of
fellows, their NGOs, as well as articles on how Population and PE fellows
are getting involved:
http://www.sph.umich.edu/pfps/Summer%20%2703%20PEAK%20News.pdf

If you would like hard copies of our newsletters or promotional brochures to
pass along to colleagues or to take to a conference or workshop, we can send
them to you via regular mail.

#3844 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Tue Jul 8, 2003 2:29 pm
Subject: news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Interview With Senior Disaster Preparedness Official Lucius Chikuni,
Part 1

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

July 7, 2003
Posted to the web July 7, 2003

Malawi, like its neighbour Zambia, has staged a remarkable recovery
from the widespread food shortages of the 2002/03 agricultural season.

From a situation where nearly 3 million Malawians needed food aid to
survive at the height of the past year's crisis, aid agencies now
estimate that the need for food aid will peak at about 400,000 people in
January 2004. But experts have warned that the recovery is extremely
fragile.

IRIN recently interviewed Lucius Chikuni, Secretary to the Minister of
State Responsible for Poverty and Disaster Management Affairs and
Commissioner for Disaster Preparedness Relief and Rehabilitation, in the
capital, Lilongwe.

This is the first part of the interview.

What were some of the lessons learned from the 2002/03 food crisis?

I would say the 2002/03 food crisis awakened us to the fact that the
time had come for us to move away from total reliance on rain-fed
agriculture - we realised we have a lot of water here, which we could
use for irrigation. I was once ambassador to Egypt and Israel and the
Israelis in particular were laughing at us, [because Malawi has so much
water not used for irrigation].

So we are saying, never again do we want to face a situation like the
one we faced in 2002/03.

What actions are being taken to avoid a repeat of the food crisis?

We are going to take irrigation more seriously - we have 800,000
hectares of irrigable land which has been surveyed, land where water is
not too far away, yet only 45,000 hectares are under irrigation. Out of
that 45,000 hectares only 8,000 hectares belong to the poor communities
- the rest are tea, tobacco and cane estates.

That's why government has decided that, within two years, working with
the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), we should buy 200,000
treadle pumps which will be strategically placed in communities that
have water nearby.

We will start by tapping the surface water resources, which we have
plenty of, before we even think about [using] underground [water
resources].

One third of the country consists of water (in Lake Malawi). We should
have no excuse [for not increasing irrigation farming].

Also, if we intensified winter cropping we would not lack food in this
country - certain parts of the country have winter showers. There are
communities that have access to wetlands and we should go full throttle
to encourage them to use the wetlands.

We have found that our people believe crops like maize grow from [being
watered by] rain, we want to teach them that crops grow not just from
rain. Some communities have a perennial stream nearby and they will not
use that water for their crops! We want to have them get away from the
myth that it's only rain that makes crops grow.

It's a traditional belief ... our ancestors used to pray for rain, and
if the onset of the rains was late they would go to holy ground to pray
for rain. So it's from that traditional background [that the myth
persists].

We are working on civic education to turn around that thinking. We are
now on a drive with local governments to teach people about water
management. Those communities will receive the treadle pumps from
government.

We are also encouraging civil servants to purchase treadle pumps.
There's a scheme with the Ministry of Agriculture, Irrigation and Food
Security to provide soft loans to civil servants so they can purchase
the pumps, ranging from fuel pumps [for the senior ranks] to treadle
pumps for the junior ranks.

[The hope] is that they give the pumps to relatives ... so that he or
she would be going back to the village every other month to collect food
to eat in town. That scheme [came about] as a result of what happened to
us in 2002/03.

CROP DIVERSIFICATION

Are you looking at crop diversification?

We want to encourage crop diversification and diversification of eating
habits. We should grow other crops, apart from maize - there's sorghum,
millet, cassava and sweet potatoes. Nsima [a dry maize meal porridge] is
the staple. [For Malawians], if they have not eaten that with their
relish, oh, they have not eaten!

Plantains [green-skinned, banana-like fruit, eaten as a staple food in
many tropical regions] for example, are a staple food for the majority
of Africans in the West, the Caribbean etc., but not here.

My sisters and brothers must consider rice as [a staple] food. We are
... teaching diversification of what can be grown and what can be
eaten.

This is what we have learnt in terms of lessons from the 2002/03 food
crisis.

So what is the way forward?

We think the rainy season [for the latest harvest] was a good one - it
has enabled us to produce 1.9 million mt of maize and we have had an
increase of 20 to 35 percent in tubers (cassava, sweet potatoes) in
terms of production. Rice has not done too well - some areas suffered
prolonged dry spells and an early cessation of rains, so we are down on
rice [production].

However, we think the recovery can easily be set back if we are not in
control, in terms of how we exit from the crisis. We must exit properly,
by us putting in place a cushioning mechanism - the safety nets
programme - [which] we want to intensify.

We realised that ... in a country without a social security scheme in
place, safety nets are the answer for the vulnerable groups [such as]:
ailing parents with a high dependency ratio (high number of children);
the aged; orphans, due to HIV/AIDs; child-headed households, again due
to HIV/AIDS; and people with severe disabilities.

For these vulnerable groups we will continue to provide direct welfare
transfers. Whereas, for the marginalised groups, we will target the
able-bodied with food-for-work and/or public works programmes, to enable
them to access or buy food.

INPUTS DISTRIBUTION

We want to provide free agricultural inputs - [such as] fertiliser and
hybrid seed - to vulnerable groups, to enable them to produce enough
food to eat.

That's what we have in place to cushion the recovery period.
Food-for-work programmes are a more effective mitigation methodology.
The beneficiaries will create village access roads, small irrigation
dams, fish ponds to farm fish - which are a source of cheap protein.

The Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Affairs is
targeting 21 of 27 districts in Malawi with fish farming schemes. We
want to encourage communities to farm fish to sell and to eat.

The second part of the IRIN interview with Lucius Chikuni will be
posted on Tuesday. In it Chikuni outlines why he believes the
International Monetary Fund's structural adjustment directives played an
aggravating role in Malawi's food crisis, and what is being done to make
the country's recent agricultural recovery sustainable over the long
term.

*****

Inadequacy of Expert Staff Results in Death of Children

African Church Information Service

July 7, 2003
Posted to the web July 7, 2003

Hobbs Gama
Blantyre

Three children died instantly on June 23, while three others were in
critical condition at Mulanje District Hospital in southern Malawi,
after medical personnel mistakenly injected them with anaesthesia
instead of a prescribed vaccine.

Yusufu Mwawa, the Minister for Health and Population, confirmed the
incident to the press on June 27, and described it as "sad".

"It is sad indeed. It is possible the officers used the wrong drug
because the vials look similar when seen with a naked eye. I'm yet to
get a full report," said Mwawa.

On the fateful day, three health surveillance assistants on duty
allegedly injected six children with a drug mostly used in theatre.

They used Sexamatgnium instead of Dialyn injection drug. Sexamatgnium
is used in theatre treatments.

The government has already interdicted the health surveillance staff,
pending further investigations.

The sad incident comes at a time when reports are rife that patients
undergoing operations endure a lot of problems, due to inexperienced
staff and inadequate hospital equipment.

Patients have generally been complaining of pain during and after
operations, which is said to be a result of inexperienced
anaesthetists.

Dr Rex Mpazanje, Director of Clinical Services in the Ministry of
Health and Population, admitted that the country had very few trained
surgeons, to the extent that some district health institutions had not a
single expert.

He expressed concern that mishandled operational exercise could worsen
a patient's condition, and sometimes lead to death.

"We are lobbying the government over training of more specialists, to
reduce the doctor-patient ratio," said Mpazanje.

*****

Aid Agencies Put Pressure On Churches Over Gender Rights

African Church Information Service

July 7, 2003
Posted to the web July 7, 2003

Hobbs Gama
Mangochi

Church organisations supported by Norwegian Church Aid (NCA) and Danish
Church Aid (DCA), have been asked to "vigorously" advocate gender and
human rights issues.

The two donor agencies have noted that the gross violation of women's
rights in the country, and the unwillingness of society to allow them
participation in national decision-making processes, were denying them
(the women) a chance to uplift their socio-economic status.

The donors have subsequently warned that unless Malawian churches
respect the rights of women and other vulnerable groups, they will
withdraw funding.

At a recently concluded gender workshop in the resort district of
Mangochi in southern Malawi, participants were urged to reflect gender
sensitivity in their programme designs, in order to minimise gender
inequalities in community development.

NCA and DCA argue that gender, being a cross-cutting issue, must be
part of projects and programmes they support.

They maintain that local church organisations should embark on
sensitisation of communities on gender, and ensure that human rights
matters were incorporated in their project activities.

"Unless these issues are addressed, we may consider withdrawing our aid
to the church organisations," says part of a statement by the agencies.

NCA and DCA local partner organisations include Malawi Council of
Churches, Episcopal Conference of Malawi, Evangelical Association of
Malawi, Christian Services Committee, and Christian Health Association
of Malawi.

Others are Church Action in Relief and Development, Association of
Christian Educators, and the Public Affairs Committee (PAC).

The meeting observed that the family, culture, education, media,
financial, political, and religious institutions should influence and
address gender disparities in society.

While promising to abide by human rights requirements, PAC board
chairman, Sheikh Mustahab Ayami, threw the buck to religious
institutions, blaming them for promoting gender inequalities by denying
women positions of leadership.

"If the Church can be in the lead in giving women positions of
leadership, it would go a long way to empower their participation," said
Ayami.

As Malawi prepares for general elections in May next year, women rights
activists have been complaining of rising cases of intimidation of women
indicating interest in high positions.

Women's Lobby, Association for Progressive Women, and Women's Voice,
are among pressure groups pressing leaders of political parties to
review their policies, so that women can climb up the ladder.

"There is a lot of intimidation of women candidates, which is not
favourable for our young democracy," charges Faustace Chirwa, director
for Women's Lobby.

Presently, only the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian (CCAP) has
made headway in anointing women as church ministers in its three
synods.

The Roman Catholic Church is yet to consider the issue, while other
churches are still engulfed in debates over the issue.

Out of the 193 members of parliament, only 17 are women, while the
cabinet of 46 has 8 women.

This places Malawi at the bottom of the list of 14 member countries of
the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), that is targeting a
minimum of 30 percent representation of women in decision making
positions by 2005.

*****

Lawmakers may face fine if they walk out on Mugabe

Harare

08 July 2003 10:59

A new law has been proposed in Zimbabwe which, if passed, would dock
six months' pay from lawmakers who walk out of parliament when the
president is making a speech, a newspaper said on Tuesday.

Walking out while President Robert Mugabe makes a speech has become
routine procedure for opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
lawmakers, who do not recognise Mugabe's legitimacy as president.

According to the state-run Herald newspaper, the bill to amend the
Privileges, Immunities and Powers of Parliament Act is aimed at "putting
to a stop the continued boycott of President Mugabe's addresses to
parliament by MDC legislators".

The MDC and its leader Morgan Tsvangirai have rejected Mugabe's victory
in 2002 elections, which Mugabe won by 400 000 votes, saying the poll
was rigged and marred by intimidation and violence.

Recently all the country's lawmakers received a 600% pay increase, even
as Zimbabwe goes through a serious economic crisis, with 70% of the
workforce unemployed and inflation running at over 300% per year. -
Sapa-AFP

*****

Harare opposition mayor detained again

Harare, Cape Town

08 July 2003 13:43

Zimbabwe police arrested the opposition mayor of Harare, Elias Mudzuri,
for the second time in two days on Tuesday on unspecified charges, he
said.

On Monday Mudzuri, who has been suspended by the government for alleged
misconduct, was arrested when he returned to his office after several
weeks' leave. He was later released without charge.

"They want to lock me up. Maybe they'll come up with a charge," Mudzuri
said via mobile phone from a police station in Harare.

Mudzuri denies the charges that led to his suspension, and has appealed
against it in the courts.

His party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) accuses Local
Government Minister Ignatius Chombo of using his "political muscle" to
hamper Mudzuri's work as the first opposition mayor of the capital.

Mudzuri said on Tuesday his lawyer was with him at the police station
trying to secure his release.

In January Mudzuri was arrested along with 21 councillors, municipal
workers and residents for holding a meeting in a Harare suburb without
police permission, as required under a strict security law.

Earlier today, Zimbabwe riot police broke up an opposition
demonstration in the capital Harare as a petition to US President George
Bush was due to be handed over to the US embassy.

Around 30 supporters of the MDC carrying placards reading "Mugabe step
down" and "We want a transitional government now" ran chanting through
the streets of central Harare.

But they scattered when riot police, wearing helmets and carrying
truncheons, arrived swiftly on the scene.

Meanwhile an MDC official said another group of opposition supporters
was due to hand over a petition to Bush via the US embassy in Harare.

Bush is travelling to neighbouring South Africa on Tuesday as part of a
five-nation African tour that began late Monday. The US embassy in
Harare could not immediately confirm whether it had received the
petition, which labels South African President Thabo Mbeki an
"imperialist" who wants to see Zimbabwe perpetually weak so as not to
pose a threat to his own country.

"President Mbeki has indeed lost the moral authority to mediate in the
Zimbabwean crisis," read part of the petition. "Zimbabwe cannot continue
to suffer because of President Mbeki's imperialist ambitions."

The MDC rejected Mugabe's victory in presidential polls last year, in
which he beat MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai by 400 000 votes.

The opposition and international observers said the election was rigged
and marred by violence and intimidation.

Last week Bush said he wanted Mbeki to put pressure on Mugabe to hold
fresh elections in Zimbabwe.

Mbeki's policy toward Zimbabwe has been one of behind-the-scenes
efforts to reconcile the government and the opposition.

Tuesday's petition signed by "MDC supporters", called on the US
president to impress on his South African counterpart the need to
"advise Mugabe to see sense and retire now."

"We need a transitional government within the next three months leading
to free and fair elections under international supervision," it added.

Police spokesperson Oliver Mandipaka said he could not confirm whether
anyone was arrested in connection with Tuesday's street protest.

An AFP reporter saw some civilians on the back of a police Land Rover
near a central Harare park where a policeman was picking up discarded
placards.

Meanwhile the Democratic Alliance criticised the African Union (AU) as
hypocritical to expect the United States to solve the crisis in Liberia
while ignoring US concerns about Zimbabwe, Democratic Alliance (DA)
acting leader Joe Seremane said on Tuesday.

"The Liberian civil war should certainly feature high up on the agenda
of this week's AU summit in Mozambique, but it is a travesty that the
political and economic meltdown in Zimbabwe is completely absent from
that agenda," he said in a statement.

While the crisis in Zimbabwe was no more important than the conflict in
Liberia, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, or any other trouble spot
on the continent, it had one of the highest international profiles.

"Consequently, it has considerable potential to deter foreign direct
investment in the region and to impact on the success of the New
Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad).

"Solving the crisis in Zimbabwe is a sure way to kick-start Nepad," he
said.

The effectiveness of the AU and the success of Nepad would not be
tested by the simple cases where consensus was easily reached -- such as
the civil war in Liberia, or the military coup in the Central African
Republic.

"They will be tested by the tough cases where the erosion of democracy
is more insidious, and the abuse of human rights is perpetrated by past
liberation struggle brothers-in-arms. Zimbabwe is just such a case,"
Seremane said.

It was a poor rationalisation to say that the issue of Zimbabwe was too
divisive to be addressed by the AU.

If it had the potential to be divisive, that was all the more reason to
have it on the agenda.

"Those AU members that would like to deal with Zimbabwe at the summit
should lobby other members to come round to their point of view.

"As the outgoing chairperson of the AU and leader of the Southern
African Development Community region's biggest economy, President Thabo
Mbeki should lead this campaign," Seremane said. - Sapa , Sapa-AFP

#3845 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Wed Jul 9, 2003 1:29 pm
Subject: news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Interview with Senior Disaster Preparedness Official Lucius Chikuni,
Part 2

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

INTERVIEW
July 8, 2003
Posted to the web July 8, 2003

Malawi, like its neighbour Zambia, has staged a remarkable recovery
from the widespread food shortages of the 2002/03 agricultural season.

From a situation where nearly 3 million Malawians needed food aid to
survive at the height of the past year's crisis, aid agencies now
estimate that the need for food aid will peak at about 400,000 people in
January 2004. But experts have warned that the recovery is extremely
fragile.

IRIN recently interviewed Lucius Chikuni, Secretary to the Minister of
State Responsible for Poverty and Disaster Management Affairs and
Commissioner for Disaster Preparedness Relief and Rehabilitation, in the
capital, Lilongwe.

This is the second part of the interview in which Chikuni outlines why
he believes the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) structural
adjustment directives played an aggravating role in Malawi's food
crisis, and what is being done to make the country's recent agricultural
recovery sustainable over the long term.

MAKING THE RECOVERY SUSTAINABLE

What is the long-term plan?

We have embarked on a compost manure programme, so that people don't
have a total reliance on inorganic soil nutrients - like fertiliser,
which is expensive - because the IMF forced us to remove subsidies [on
agricultural inputs].

We are still bound by that [agreement with the IMF] because balance of
payments support comes from donors, which can only come if the IMF says
we have been going on with the agreed programme. If the IMF says we are
off-track from the agreed programme, the IMF punishes us by withholding
budget support, and balance of payments support, [and] the donors follow
suit.

We want to re-engage the IMF on subsidies, to find out whether there
can be a way around it (cutting subsidies). [But] as I said, we have
embarked on a compost/manure utilisation, and also, crop and soil
husbandry will be intensified, so people will be taught proper methods
of farming. You see, when independence came ... [the government] of
Kamuza Banda never enforced forestry management, trees were just cut ...
we had serious environmental degradation.

ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION

My department is busy right now engaging local government on
contingency plans to try and stop further environmental degradation.
Still, my department has listed Malawi as right on the verge of
[environmental] disaster. It is the same environmental degradation that
has caused heavy siltation in our waterways, to the extent that the
siltation phenomenon is now affecting electric power generation in the
Shire River [the main electricity generation facility in Malawi].

This is causing a lot of serious problems for the economy, [because] of
frequent power cuts ... [the national power utility] is forced to engage
in load-shedding.

Environmental degradation is a very big issue in this country. It will
take a concerted effort to reverse it - all because of wanton cutting
down of trees, even in catchment areas. Streams that were once
perennial, no longer are. When floods occur, it's very bad because
there's no vegetation, [so] water flows freely.

We could prevent up to 60 percent of flooding in Malawi ... [through]
mitigation activities [such as] aforestation of river banks and water
catchment areas. And in some areas, but not on a big scale, through the
construction of dykes.

ECONOMIC POLICY AND FOOD SECURITY

What of plans to privatise the Agricultural Development and Marketing
Corporation (ADMARC), which is seen as a safety net for the vulnerable?


They [ADMARC] have markets throughout the countryside. The concern is,
if it is privatised, would the private owner keep these markets -
maintain and sustain markets which are not profitable? The answer is no.
The private owner would be looking for a return on investment. Some of
these markets are not profitable, [they] are a social service, and
people are concerned about this.


But then again, the IMF and the donors say we must privatise ADMARC,
along with the other parastatals. I believe the Bretton Woods
Institutions are wrong - they don't look at the social aspects of the
parastatals. When these social aspects are removed, misery is brought on
the people. The people become poorer. (The IMF and its sister
organisation, the World Bank, were born in 1944 in Bretton Woods, New
Hampshire, and are commonly referred to as the Bretton Woods
Institutions.)

My own view is - we should be permitted to conduct privatisation at a
comfortable pace, a pace that will not cause a crash for the people of
Malawi.

What happened with government's distributions of agricultural inputs to
communities, the so-called starter-pack programme?

The universal starter-pack programme helped Malawi a lot. In 1999/2000
Malawi produced a surplus of 500,000 mt of maize, a total of 2.5 million
mt.

But in 2000/2001, donor pressure forced us to cut the starter-pack
programme and embark on a targeted inputs programme (TIP). Following
that season, Malawi went into the food crisis. Of course, there were
other factors like the erratic weather but, in the main, it was because
people could not afford [agricultural] inputs.

Because the removal of [agricultural] subsidies happened at the same
time, inputs became unaffordable. (It is estimated that up to 65 percent
of Malawians live below the poverty line - on less than US $1 a day.)

The international community thinks we sold off the strategic grain
reserves (which aggravated the food shortages) but the major factors
contributing to the crisis were: the removal of subsidies for inputs;
and transforming from the universal starter-pack programme to the TIP.

These are the factors that took us into the food crisis we have just
experienced.


*****

MDC asks Bush to 'save Zimbabwe'

Pretoria

09 July 2003 10:16

Supporters of the Zimbabwe opposition Movement for Democratic Change
marched on the United States embassy in Pretoria on Wednesday to bring
the crisis in their country to the attention of visiting US President
George Bush.

The group of about 100 people carried posters urging Bush to
intervene.

"Bush, like Iraq, save Zimbabwe," some placards read. Another said:
"Help us liberate Zimbabwe."

Bush arrived in Pretoria on Tuesday night for a brief official visit to
South Africa.

The MDC protesters were hoping to deliver a letter for Bush to embassy
officials.

Two lanes of Pretorius Street in front of the embassy were closed to
traffic going into the city. Metro police from Pretoria and Johannesburg
were lining the street, keeping a close watch.

A strong police contingent stood guard at the entrance to the embassy.
The demonstration was the first in a series planned by different
groupings at or near the embassy during the day.

By mid-morning, the Anti-War Coalition was expected to protest against
the Bush visit because of the war he initiated against Iraq.

Later in the day the Congress of SA Trade Unions, SA Communist Party
and the African National Congress are to demonstrate against US foreign
policy.

In their letter, the MDC welcomes Bush's pledge to help Africa against
Aids. It also thanks the US for its consistent condemnation of human
rights abuses in Zimbabwe. - Sapa

*****

Malaria vaccine trial begins

Scientists hope they are moving closer to preventing deaths from
malaria with a trial to test a vaccine in children.
Two thousand children aged one to four will be given the vaccine in a
study to measure how effective it is at preventing infection.

About 3,000 African children die of malaria every day.

A number of vaccines are being developed to prevent deaths and illness,
but research into this particular vaccine, created by pharmaceutical
company GlaxoSmithKline, is the most advanced.

Trials in Europe, the US and Gambia and Mozambique have already
suggested the vaccine is safe and effective for adults.

This latest research, which will be carried out in an area where
malaria is endemic, will also check the vaccine is safe for small
children to take.

The children will be monitored for up to 18 months, longer than
previous trials of the vaccine, to see if they develop the disease.

Prevention

In previous short-term trials of the vaccine, its effectiveness has
appeared to wear off after two months. It is hoped that its protection
will last longer in children.

If the trial is successful, further research will be needed.

Researchers estimate it could be between five and eight years until the
vaccine, RTS,S/AS02, is available, even if the trials are successful.

When a mosquito bites, it transmits an early form of the malaria
parasite called the sporozoite into the bloodstream.

From there, it moves to the liver, where the full parasite develops.

Researchers hope that by interrupting the life cycle of the parasite at
the early sporozoite stage, it will be possible to arm the immune system
against infection.

The vaccine is made from a surface protein from the sporozoite.

This is then combined with two substances which will trigger the immune
system to attack.

Delay

Dr Pedro Alonso, who is heading the study in Mozambique, said: "We are
looking at whether it could be delivered early in life in a programme
where it could be delivered to young infants."

"Our team is committed to finding ways to prevent malaria from
remaining the number one killer of Africa's children.

"This trial is an important contribution to that effort and brings us
that much closer to the goal of immunising children against malaria."

Dr Ripley Ballou, of GlaxoSmithKline, who has been involved in the
development of the vaccine, said: "We will be looking to see how many
children become infected, do they develop anaemia, or other
complications of malaria."

Dr Melinda Moree, director of the Malaria Vaccine Initiative which is
backing the Mozambique research said: "For each month of delay, 120,000
children die of malaria.

"Each year, a million more children vanish from the face of the earth
because we don't have a vaccine."

*****

On Goree Island, Bush Visit Sparks Anger
Tue July 8, 2003 12:00 PM ET

By Clar Ni Chonghaile
GOREE ISLAND, Senegal (Reuters) - President Bush made an eloquent
speech but did not win many friends during his brief visit to Goree
Island off Senegal on Tuesday.

"We are very angry. We didn't even see him," said Fatou N'diaye, a
necklace seller watching dignitaries file past to return to the mainland
at the end of Bush's tour.

N'diaye and other residents of Goree, site of a famous slave trading
station, said they had been taken to a football ground on the other side
of the quaint island at 6 a.m. and told to wait there until Bush had
departed, around midday.

Bush came to Goree to tour the red-brick Slave House, where Africans
were kept in shackles before being shipped across a perilous sea to a
lifetime of servitude.

He then gave an eloquent speech about the horrors of slavery, standing
at a podium under a sizzling sun near a red-stone museum, topped by
cannon pointing out to the sea.

The cooped-up residents were not impressed.

"It's slavery all over again," fumed one father-of-four, who did not
want to give his name. "It's humiliating. The island was deserted."

White House officials said the decision to remove the locals was taken
by Senegalese authorities. But there was no doubt who the residents
blamed.

"We never want to see him come here again," said N'diaye, hiking her
loose gown onto her shoulders with a frown.

As the sun rose over Goree before Bush's arrival, the only people to be
seen on the main beach were U.S. officials and secret service agents.
Frogmen swam through the shallows and hoisted themselves up to peer into
brightly painted pirogues.

Normally, the island teems with tourists, Senegal's ubiquitous traders,
hawkers of cheap African art, photographers offering to take pictures
and all the expected trappings of a tourist hot-spot in one of the
world's poorest countries.

On Tuesday, shutters on the yellow and red colonial-style houses
remained shut. The cafes were closed and the narrow pier deserted, apart
from security agents manning a metal detector, near the sandy beach. A
gunship patrolled offshore.

"We understand that you have to have security measures, since September
11, but to dump us in another place...? We had to leave at 6 a.m. I
didn't have time to bathe, and the bread did not arrive," the
father-of-four said.

"We were shut up like sheep," said 15-year-old Mamadou.

Many residents compared Bush's hour-long visit unfavorably to the
island tour by former President Bill Clinton in 1998.

"When Clinton came, he shook hands, people danced," said former Mayor
Urbain Alexandre Diagne.

As the Bush roadtrip moved on, Goree was returning to normal with
children once again diving into the shallows and clambering over the now
inoffensive pirogues.

*****

Congress set to slash Africa aid

    By Steve Schifferes
BBC News Online, Washington

AS US President George W Bush proclaims his commitment to Africa during
this week's five-day trip, his Republicans in Congress are planning on
cutting back the money allocated to his much-vaunted plans to tackle
HIV/Aids and encourage development.

The White House says Bush is underlining his commitment to Africa
At the heart of the president's new focus on Africa are two initiatives
for which the administration has promised a significant increase in
funding.

Mr Bush has pledged $15bn to fight HIV/Aids, primarily in Africa, over
the next five years, and an additional $10bn in additional foreign aid
over the next three years in a new Millennium Challenge Account.

But the House of Representatives Appropriations Committee - which
determines how much money will actually be spent in next year's budget -
looks set to cut back that request when it meets on Thursday.

Representative Jim Kolbe, chairman of the subcommittee on foreign
operations, said that in his view Congress would be unlikely to allocate
the full amount because neither initiative will be fully operational by
the time the fiscal year begins.

The amounts "assume you have full-blown programmes up and running on
October 1, and that's not the case," he said.

Mr Bush has just recently appointed his Global Aids administrator, a
former pharmaceutical executive, Randall Tobias.

In all the Bush administration has requested $18.9bn in foreign aid for
the next fiscal year, but the House appropriations committee has said it
plans to allocate only $17.lbn - a reduction of $1.8bn.

Aid agencies worried

Jamie Drummond, executive director of Data, a pressure group set up to
campaign for debt relief and African aid, said that the two new
programmes together could represent a massive change in America's
commitment to Africa, increasing US aid spending to that region from
$1bn now to $5bn in 2006.

But he warned that the trip "was set up in quite a dramatic way to see
if the president will see through on his promises".

Mr Drummond said it would be ironic that, while Mr Bush was in Africa,
"the House foreign operations subcommittee was actually deciding to
slash those promises, to break them if you like".

And he warned that there should be no cutbacks in other programmes to
fund these new initiatives, nor restrictions on contributions from other
nations.

Aid experts say that it may be difficult for many African countries to
meet the strict conditions that the US has set for receiving funds from
the new Millennium Challenge Account, which requires nations to adhere
to strict standards of openness and democracy.

It may be that as few as four or five African nations would qualify for
the first wave of assistance under this programme.

There are also significant problems of health care delivery in relation
to HIV/Aids, with many African nations lacking the basic public health
infrastructure to deliver improved care.

Trade talks

Meanwhile, experts are concerned about the lack of progress in
negotiations over trade in agricultural products, which could offer more
real benefits to African economies than any aid programme.

Robert Shapiro of the Brookings Institution points out that while many
African countries have a per capita income of $1 per day, in Europe the
agricultural subsidy per cow is $2 per day.

Overall, subsidies by rich countries for agricultural amount to $300bn,
compared to $50bn in foreign aid.

Mr Shapiro said that African income from exports of agricultural
products could triple from $10bn to $30bn if subsidies were reduced.

But with trade talks between the US and the EU over agriculture
deadlocked in the run-up to the crucial Cancun summit in September,
there is little hope that Africa can develop its natural advantage in
the near future.

#3846 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Thu Jul 10, 2003 1:39 pm
Subject: news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Journalist Beaten, Equipment Destroyed Or Stolen

International Freedom of Expression Exchange Clearing House (Toronto)

July 8, 2003
Posted to the web July 9, 2003

Toronto

On 7 July 2003, Daniel Nyirenda, a photojournalist with the daily
newspaper "The Nation", was severely beaten by suspected members of the
ruling United Democratic Front (UDF) youth wing at the party's
mini-convention in the city of Blantyre.

According to another "Nation" journalist, Gedion Munthali, who escaped
unhurt, the youths attacked Nyirenda when he tried to take pictures of a
fight among delegates over control of the main gates to the convention
hall.

Munthali said the youths, who accused "The Nation" of writing
negatively about President Bakili Muluzi's government, beat up Nyirenda
before rolling him in mud. The youths also smashed a digital camera and
stole a professional camera belonging to "The Nation". Nyirenda also
lost his cell phone in the fracas.

MISA's Malawi chapter (NAMISA) has condemned the assault as
"retrogressive" as it comes when the country is celebrating 10 years of
multiparty democracy that embraces media freedom. NAMISA has demanded an
apology from the UDF and compensation for the journalist.

BACKGROUND: The UDF convention aimed to adopt the party's new
constitution, which replaces the post of party president with that of
national chairman. President Muluzi will automatically assume the post
at the end of his term of office in 2004.

On 24 June, President Muluzi threatened to deal with media outlets that
probe into the source of the free maize he gives out to his supporters
during political rallies. The president's outburst followed an article
in "The Weekend Nation" that questioned the source of the maize. Some
analysts claim that Muluzi is distributing the maize to gain political
mileage ahead of next year's general elections.


*****

Harare mayor loses mansion, Benz and bodyguards

Harare

10 July 2003 14:03

The Zimbabwe government has given the opposition mayor of Harare until
Thursday evening to leave his mayoral mansion and give up other perks of
his job, a newspaper said on Thursday.

The official Herald quoted a notice from the local government minister
ordering Mayor Elias Mudzuri, the first opposition mayor of the capital,
to vacate his official residence "not later than end of day on
Thursday".

He has also been ordered to give up his Mercedes Benz and bodyguards.

Mudzuri, who was suspended from office in April for alleged misconduct,
was arrested earlier twice this week while returning to work after he
had been on leave for several weeks.

He was released without charge after both arrests and his party, the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), claimed the arrests were part of
ongoing state harassment.

The Herald quoted Mudzuri as saying he did not go back to his offices
again on Wednesday because police officers were now stationed outside
the main entrance.

Mudzuri is being investigated by a government commission for allegedly
bungling the running of the city and flouting tender procedures. He
denies the charges.

The opposition accuses the government of using "political muscle" to
interfere with Mudzuri's work, and not allocating the town council with
enough fuel and foreign currency to carry out essential service.

The MDC mayor was elected overwhelmingly by Harare residents last year
in polls that coincided with those that returned President Robert Mugabe
to office for another six years. - Sapa-AFP

*****

Critical of U.S. Policies, Africans Are Giving Bush Chilly Reception

By Dana Milbank and Emily Wax
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, July 10, 2003; Page A18


PRETORIA, South Africa, July 9 -- President Bush received a cool
reception today in the capital of Africa's largest economic power, as
opinion leaders here and across the continent complained about his
policies on Iraq, AIDS and the International Criminal Court.

Bush has come to this long-struggling region with the promise of
billions of dollars for development, disease-fighting and
counter-terrorism efforts, and he carries the prestige of making only
the third sub-Saharan Africa tour by a U.S. president. But Africans have
responded with anti-Bush demonstrations, diplomatic snubs and critical
media coverage.

South Africa's revered former president, Nelson Mandela, who sharply
criticized Bush on Iraq and once said Bush "cannot think properly,"
arranged to be out of the country while Bush is here.

The country's dominant political party, the African National Congress,
led a 2,000-person march to the U.S. Embassy today in protest of Bush's
visit. Hundreds more marched in Cape Town. President Thabo Mbeki left
the country after a half-day with Bush to attend the 52-nation African
Union meeting in Mozambique.

At a news conference today, Bush and Mbeki emphasized their common
ground while avoiding differences on such contentious issues as
Zimbabwe's leadership, AIDS and Iraq. Mbeki told Bush in a luncheon
toast that "we would not but receive you as a friend and an honored
guest," adding: "We're greatly strengthened, Mr. President, by the
knowledge that we have you as our partner and friend."

When reporters quizzed Bush and Mbeki about their differences over
Zimbabwe -- Bush has been highly critical of President Robert Mugabe
while Mbeki has sought to negotiate with the authoritarian ruler to end
violence there -- Bush said the reporters were trying to "create
tensions which don't exist."

The Bush administration has called on African states to pressure
Mugabe's oppressive government to install political reforms; Mbeki has
resisted doing so. "We share the same objectives. The president is the
most involved," Bush said, adding that he had no intention of
"second-guessing his tactics." Still, while calling Mbeki an "honest
broker," Bush said he would continue "to speak out" on the subject.

Mbeki avoided any mention of AIDS, an epidemic ravaging his country, in
his opening statement outlining his discussions with Bush. A senior Bush
aide said the two leaders did not discuss the war in Iraq, the
administration's move last week to cut off military funding for South
Africa because of its refusal to exempt U.S. citizens from the
jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court or Mbeki's widely
reported statements disputing the cause of AIDS.

Bush was Mbeki's guest at a luncheon for about 250 people, where he
dined on ostrich consomme and lamb, and he toured the assembly line at a
Ford Motor Co. plant, where he sought to emphasize the company's work
against AIDS during a discussion with employees. Bush had intended to go
to a South African military base, but that was dropped in favor of the
visit to the Ford plant. The Star, a South African newspaper, quoted
South African government sources as saying the Americans were "too
embarrassed" to proceed with the visit to the base, because in recent
days the administration cut military aid to South Africa and other
countries that did not agree to exempt U.S. citizens from prosecution
before an International Criminal Court.

An administration official said Bush "simply decided he wanted to go to
the Ford plant." Senegal and Botswana agreed to the exemptions,
provoking some grumbling here that Bush bought their support with
military aid and a presidential visit.

Despite Mbeki's cordial embrace of Bush, his African National Congress
is protesting the president's visit. According to the Sowetan, a South
African newspaper, a number of members of parliament and other
politicians "snubbed invites" from Mbeki to lunch with Bush.

The reception for Bush in Africa is not as overtly hostile as those he
has received in such places as Germany, where tens of thousands filled
the streets to protest what they called his unilateralist and
militaristic policies. At the same time, however, the reception
contrasted markedly with the large and adoring crowds that greeted
former president Bill Clinton five years ago; some still have photos of
Clinton in their homes.

In Uganda, where Bush will go briefly on Friday, people say they are
proud and happy to have an American president visit. But they see Bush's
interest in Africa as simply part of his war against terrorism. Already,
commentators in newspapers and on the radio in Uganda have accused him
of not caring about Africans.

"Sure, Bush is coming to visit our AIDS clinic -- and he will be here
for a whole four hours," said Wafula Oguttu, editor in chief of The
Monitor, Uganda's well-regarded independent newspaper. "But we all know
it all has to do with fighting terrorism. His AIDS money is trying to
buy Africa. That is what everyone is saying." Sitting in the busy
newsroom in the capital city of Kampala, Oguttu said Africans were also
greeting Bush with suspicion because he acted "tyrannically" in defying
the will of other nations by going to war in Iraq.

In Nairobi, which was scheduled to be part of Bush's trip before it was
postponed in January, Kenyans said they were angry that Bush was not
going to visit the African victims of terrorist attacks in last year's
bombing of a Mombasa hotel or the bombing of the U.S. Embassy in 1998.

"It is true Bush is going to spend a sum of money . . . surpassing any
his predecessors committed to Africa, and yet he will never be liked on
this continent," read an editorial in The Nation, Kenya's influential
daily. "In Kenya especially, America has become a dirty word. . . .
Africans respect power, of course. But there is something they respect
more. Wisdom. They are not sure what they are seeing in the White House
represents anything close to that."

Even in Senegal, a West African country not known for anti-Americanism,
about 50 demonstrators objected to Bush's visit before his arrival
Monday with signs saying "Bush butcher" and "Receiving Bush is like
making a pact with the devil." As the Bush motorcade traveled into the
capital, Dakar, from the airport on Tuesday, hundreds of people lined
the streets -- but they stood still, staring, not cheering.

Much of the criticism is the consequence of a post-Sept. 11 world in
which security makes it difficult for Bush to interact with the masses.
In Uganda, for example, local farmers are annoyed with Bush because they
have been asked by municipal authorities in Entebbe to cut their trees
for security reasons.

Other criticism comes from the nature of Bush's fast-paced sprint
through Africa. Sitting in a cafe in downtown Kampala, Agnes Tiisa, a
station manager at Mama FM, a popular women's radio station, complained
that Bush was "going to come here for only four hours, praise AIDS and
not help with any of our real problems. People feel he is using us to
get reelected in his own country. We Africans care about spending
time."

#3847 From: Eric Bone <bone@...>
Date: Fri Jul 11, 2003 12:13 am
Subject: wanna be a host?
edbone73
Send Email Send Email
 
My wife Jacqui recently got a job (after a few months of searching)
working on a program that brings Russian high school students to the US
for a year.  She started 2 weeks ago, and it turns out they were a bit
behind schedule in finding host families for all the kids.  So if you, or
anyone you know might be interested, contact me or Jacqui.  Feel free to
forward the message below to anyone who might like to get involved.

Thanks,
Eric

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Thu, 10 Jul 2003 18:40:59 -0400
From: Jacqui Ahn <Ahn@...>
Subject: Host Families Needed!

Host Families Needed!

American Councils for International Education is looking for host
families, communities and local coordinators for high school students
from Russia.  Our Secondary School Programs office needs your help in
identifying individuals and organizations willing to host high
school-age participants on our new YUKOS Oil Company-funded Open Russia
Ambassadors Program (ORAP).

Host families and communities are needed by August.  For more
information please contact Catherine Seneviratne at
seneviratne@... or Jacqui Ahn at
ahn@....  You may also contact them by phone at
202/833-7522.

Jacqui Ahn
Open Russia Ambassadors Program
American Councils for International Education: ACTR/ACCELS
1776 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Suite 700
Washington, DC 20036
Tel: (202) 833-7522
Fax: (202) 833-7523
ahn@...
www.americancouncils.org

#3848 From: "balakasue" <sue_clasby@...>
Date: Mon Jul 14, 2003 3:38 pm
Subject: The Pilanes from Balaka
balakasue
Send Email Send Email
 
Hi All,

I hope that everyone is well!  I was lucky enough to just enjoy a
visit from the Pilanes of Balaka, they were my surrogate parents.
They were here in Arlington VA, visiting their niece Aesha (who
married Jeff Brown RPCV).  Anyway, we got to chatting and they asked
if I knew Doug and Diana, or Gretchen Manley, other volunteers from
Balaka.  I told them that I would post a message to see if anyone
know's their whereabouts, they would love to hear from them.  Let me
know if you have any information!

Thanks,
Sue

#3849 From: "varsha ghosh" <varshaghosh@...>
Date: Mon Jul 14, 2003 8:54 pm
Subject: NY Times article on Malawi & famine
vghosh
Send Email Send Email
 
From the Sunday NY Times--- haven't read the whole thing yet but thought others might want to read...

stay well---V

 
July 13, 2003

Why People Still Starve

By BARRY BEARAK

Late one afternoon, during the long melancholia of the hungry months, there was a burst of joyous delirium in Mkulumimba. Children began shouting the word ngumbi, announcing that winged termites were fluttering through the fields. These were not the bigger species of the insect, which can be fried in oil and sold as a delicacy for a good price. Instead, these were the smaller ones, far more wing than torso, which are eaten right away. Suddenly, most everyone was giddily chasing about; villagers were catching ngumbi with their fingers and tossing them onto their tongues, grateful for the unexpected gift of food afloat in the air.

Adilesi Faisoni was able to share in that happiness but not in the cavorting. For several years, old age had been catching up with her, until it had finally pulled even and then ahead. Her walk was unsteady now, her posture stooped, her eyesight dimmed. As the others ran about, she remained seated on the wet ground near the doorstep of her mud-brick hovel. It was the same place I always found her during my weeks in the villages of Malawi, weeks when I was examining the mechanisms of famine. ''There is no way to get used to hunger,'' Adilesi told me once. ''All the time something is moving in your stomach. You feel the emptiness. You feel your intestines moving. They are too empty, and they are searching for something to fill up on.''

Hunger was the main topic of our talks. Most every year, Malawi suffers a food shortage during the so-called hungry months, December through March, the single growing season in a predominantly rural nation. Corn is this country's mainstay, what people mainly grow and what people mainly eat, usually as nsima, a thick porridge. Ideally, the yield from one harvest lasts until the next. But even in good times the food supply is nearing its end while the next crop is still rising from the ground. Families often endure this hungry period on a single meal a day, sometimes nothing more than a foraged handful of greens. Last year's food crisis was the worst in living memory. Hundreds, and probably thousands, of Malawians succumbed to the scythe of a hunger-related death.

Among those who perished were Adilesi's husband, Robert Mkulumimba, and their grown daughter Mdati Robert, herself the mother of four young sons. The two died within a month of each other, unable to subsist on the pumpkin leaves and wild vegetables that had become the family's only nourishment. ''The first symptom was the swollen feet, and then the swelling started to move up his body,'' Adilesi said of her husband's illness.

It was strange the way Robert seemed to fade. Before the start of the hungry months, it had been he who had kept the family going, leaving before dawn each day to sell firewood or tend someone's fields. But then work became impossibly scarce, and Robert seemed to be using himself up in the search for it. ''At the peak of the crisis, there was nothing to do but beg, and you were begging from others who needed to beg.''

As most people visualize it, famine is a doleful spectacle, the aftershock of some calamity that has left thousands of the starving flocked together, emergency food kept from their mouths by the perils of war or the callousness of despots or the impassibility of washed-away roads. But more often, in the nether regions of the developing world, famine is both less obvious and more complicated. Even small jolts to the regular food supply can jar open the trapdoor between what is normal, which is chronic malnutrition, and what is exceptional, which is outright starvation. Hunger and disease then malignly feed off each other, leaving the invisible poor to die in invisible numbers.

Nowhere is this truer than in sub-Saharan Africa, where President Bush was recently scheduled to travel. Each year, most nations in the region grow poorer, hungrier and sicker. Their share of global trade and investment has been collapsing. Average per capita income is lower now than in the 1960's, with half the population surviving on less than 65 cents a day. It is a situation seldom noticed, as wars on poverty are neglected for wars more animate. African countries now hold the 27 lowest places on the human-development index -- a combined measure of health, literacy and income calculated by the United Nations. They occupy 38 spots in the bottom 50.

During the past decade or so, the poorest of Africa's poor have suffered as rarely before. Merely to survive, they have sold off their meager assets -- household goods and farm animals and the tin roofs of their homes. Just now, the most urgent need is in Ethiopia, Eritrea and Zimbabwe. But hunger has become a chronic problem throughout the region, often occurring even under the best of weather conditions. The World Food Program warns that nearly 40 million Africans are struggling against starvation, a ''scale of suffering'' that is ''unprecedented.'' Coincident with the hunger is H.I.V./AIDS, which has beset sub-Saharan Africa in a disproportionate way, cursing it with 29.4 million infections, nearly three-quarters of the world's caseload. Very few of the stricken can afford the drugs that forestall the virus's death work, and family after family is being purged of its breadwinning generations, leaving the very young and the very old to cope.

With survival so precarious, life is lived at the edge of nothingness, easily pushed over the side. Take Malawi, I was told again and again -- for this land-locked, overpopulated nation in southeastern Africa seems to be a favored specimen of researchers. There is a relative innocence to Malawi's impoverishment: no tyrannical dictator currently in power, no army of goons marauding in civil war, no disastrous weather wiping out the harvest. And yet last year, the nation was nudged into starvation. It happened while there was grain in the stores, if only the poor had the money to buy it. It happened while well-meaning people were arguing about whether it was happening at all.

To track the origins of the crisis, my plan was this: to find a family that had lost someone to last year's hunger and then work my way back through the hows and whys. Though I mostly shuttled over the narrow and soggy mud roads between Mkulumimba, Adilesi's village, and Lilongwe, the capital, the actual route of causality reaches beyond Malawi's borders. It extends toward wealthier nations and their shared institutions -- the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. It travels the uncertain ups and downs of global commodity prices and currency valuations -- and of course passes into the limited access roads of humanity's conscience.


"The new generation are the unfortunates, because now there is a food shortage every year,'' Adilesi said. ''Things began getting bad when I was done with my childbearing years. If they had been this bad before, all my children would have died.''

In a Malawian village, guests are customarily greeted outside and offered a mat as a seat. Adilesi's front door faced a broad clearing that slanted down, allowing a splendid view of cornfields and acacias and the Dzalanyama Mountains in the distance. About 20 yards to the left was a banana tree and the ruins of an outhouse, its mud walls half-collapsed by a recent storm. The main house itself was a single room, about 9 feet by 12 feet, with a roof of bundled grass. In one corner were the ashy remnants of a small fire. Otherwise, the room was empty but for a tin pail, two pots, a few baskets and plastic bowls and some empty grain sacks that could be used as blankets. Adilesi lived in this hut with her daughter Lufinenti and 10 grandchildren. It was hard to imagine the geometry that would allow them all to sleep in so spare a space.

''We squeeze like worms,'' Adilesi said, explaining rather than complaining.

Thin-faced and withered, the old woman owned only one set of clothes, a colorful wrap that went around her waist and a faded T-shirt that showed a San Francisco street scene and advertised Levi's 501 jeans. The lettering proclaimed, ''Quality Never Goes Out of Style.'' She had no idea what the words meant. ''Is this something offensive?'' she asked in Chichewa, Malawi's main language, bending her head down so she could examine the thinned cloth. The villagers all bought such used clothing, the discards of people from richer nations. Children who had never seen television unwittingly sported apparel that allied them with Ninja Turtles and Power Rangers. Often, holes in these shirts rivaled the size of the remaining garment. This shamed the children, and some refused to go to school. ''I have no idea what San Francisco is,'' Adilesi said with a smile, repeating the words she had just been told. ''I couldn't tell you whether it's an animal or a man.''

She did not know her age, either, but she could remember the historic famine of 1949. She was a youngster then, that year when the skies cruelly withheld the rains. The undisturbed sun not only parched the cornstalks; it seemed to melt the glue that held the village together. Neighbors, once generous, hid away what food they had, afraid of theft. Women sang prayers of apology to their ancestors for any conceivable wrongdoing and begged them to reopen the clouds. Men wandered far from their homes, disappearing for weeks in a desperate search for work. ''We refer to it simply as '49,'' Adilesi said.

She married Robert soon after. She can't recall exactly when. Robert was a nephew of the village chief, and their wedding was preceded by an evening of dancing, with the entire village sharing in a feast of two goats, several chickens and homemade beer. Vows were recited at the African Abraham Church nearby. Adilesi would later bear 12 children, including 8 who lived to be adults -- an average rate of survival in a country where half the children suffer stunted growth and one in four die before age 5.

Robert, tall and stout, was a good provider. As a young man, he went to South Africa and toiled in the mines. Then, back in Malawi, he worked for the forestry department, slashing away underbrush with his panga knife. In a village of farmers, he was one of the few men who carried home monthly paychecks. But that job ended four years ago, when the government, under pressure from foreign lenders, drastically reduced its payroll. Robert then spent more time farming and doing ganyu, day labor.

Toward the end of 2001, after an overabundance of rain and a disappointing harvest, corn prices leapt as high as 40 kwacha per kilo, about 50 cents, a forbidding sum for people used to paying a tenth as much. Foraging became necessary, as it had been in '49, as it was last year, as it is even now. The toil was not unproductive. In the openness of the plain, with the daily rain slapping hard at the mud, edible leaves reached out for the taking from small stems. They held vitamin C, some iron, some beta carotene. Occasionally there were tubers. People could eat, just not a balanced diet, just not enough.

Hunger, like many diseases, is often an abettor of death rather than an absolute cause. Who really knew: was it the tuberculosis or the malnutrition that came first, and which of them delivered the fatal blow? But symptomatically, starvation usually arrives with anemia and extreme wasting and swelling from fluid in the tissue. There can be loss of appetite, and there can be diarrhea. Robert suffered all these symptoms. That a grown man would be among those to succumb to the hunger was not so uncommon. Men, it was explained to me, used up more of themselves in the unceasing search for ganyu.

Whatever the undertow, Robert grew too weak to work. He and Adilesi went to the government hospital, where he was treated for malnutrition, then later treated for malaria, then sent home. When they released him, the doctors said he needed to eat better or he would die. Inevitably, there was little food, so he began his capitulation, imparting final goodbyes. ''He told me we needed to remain united as a family,'' said Kiniel, 16, the youngest of his children.


Robert's daughter Mdati fell ill soon after he went into his decline. She was about 30. Her husband had been a philanderer to whom she had said good riddance, and now she was suddenly incapable of caring for their four sons herself. The entire family had always depended on her. Mdati was the only one who could read and write. ''She went to school up to the second grade,'' said her sister Lufinenti. ''She was very smart.''

Unlike her father, Mdati couldn't keep food down when she found something to eat. This raised a suspicion that she had somehow been bewitched.

The family regularly attended the African Abraham Church, a tiny red-brick building with pews and an altar molded out of mud. As with most Christians in the area, they found ways to blend witchcraft into their beliefs. ''Some people protect their fields with charms, but we can't afford such things,'' Adilesi told me. This safeguard against thievery required the intercession of someone with magical powers, a sing'anga. (My interpreter -- the daily intermediary between my English and the villagers' Chichewa -- used the word ''witch doctor,'' though a more respectful term would be ''traditional healer.'') The family had great hopes that a sing'anga could break the spell that gripped Mdati. They took her to two of them.

The first, Bomba Kamchewere, is a tall, bony man with a missing front tooth. When I visited him, he spread out a mat of tightly stitched reeds so we could sit together beneath his favorite tree. He had been tutored, in dreams, by Jesus himself, he said. But even with divine insight into the curative uses of roots and herbs, his powers had limits. While he claimed to cure stomachaches, venereal disease and tuberculosis, he confessed that other sicknesses baffled him. AIDS was particularly confounding, as was njala, or hunger, which had been Mdati's problem. ''With her case, the spirits told me I could not do anything,'' he said. Then, somewhat shamefully, he confessed that around that time he himself had endured njala, quite frighteningly so. ''I went three weeks without any solid food, and I developed some strange swelling.'' At a hospital, the doctors recommended that he eat more, which was advice that struck the sing'anga as less than a revelation.

Mose Chinkhombe, a young, self-confident man with a spacious smile, was the second healer. His home was hours away in the village of Chiseka. To get there, the starving Mdati, limp as a rag doll, had to be placed on a borrowed bicycle and guided over the roads by five companions, who took turns keeping both her and the wheels steady.

A year later, the healer still remembered her. ''My diagnosis was anemia,'' he said as he sat in a dark room on a half-sack of dried lime, all the while shooing flies with an oxtail. He was in his vocational attire, a spotless white frock and floppy hat. ''She was so weak from lack of food,'' the healer said. ''I could treat her for this anemia. But I told her she needed to eat enough food to recharge her body. When she left, she had improved slightly. But then I heard she died.'' He nodded rather forcefully as he said this. Then, perhaps in defense of his medical craft, he apparently felt he needed to tell me the obvious, that the ''big hunger'' had taken a great many lives during those dismal months.

There is a belief that when a stray black dog crosses your path, terrible times will come, he said. ''Last year,'' he explained, ''a black dog walked across the entire country.''


Some 11 million people live in Malawi, though far too few live especially long. Average life expectancy from birth has fallen to 36, one of the lowest figures anywhere, according to the World Health Organization. Tuberculosis cases have doubled in the past 10 years, and an estimated 16 percent of people ages 15 to 49 have H.I.V./AIDS, though with little testing going on, few of them know it. Nearly 500,000 children have lost one or both parents to the virus, according to the United Nations. In the villages, where AIDS is seldom discussed, people call it ''government disease,'' because it seems to spring from the city.

For the poor, conditions began rapidly deteriorating in the early 90's, during the last days of the ''Lion of Malawi,'' Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda, the Western-trained physician who was the nation's dictator for 40 years. Tobacco is Malawi's only major cash crop, and the doctor amassed a fortune by granting himself valuable licenses to grow it. At the same time, his government benefited from the foreign aid of prosperous friends. The West applauded his steadfast anti-Communism; South Africa admired his tolerance of apartheid. Banda ruled -- ruthlessly and myopically -- until 1994, long enough to take himself well into his 90's and senility.

By then, geopolitical necessities had changed, as had theories on how to develop the third world. Benefactors began attaching tighter strings to their money, first during the final decade of the Banda regime, then with the subsequent elected government. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund had entered their ''structural adjustment'' period. Austerity in government spending was preached, the overriding principle being that the poor were best served through the efficiency of free markets. The fine print in most loan agreements committed governments to reduce subsidies, curtail spending and sell off monopolies.

Whatever eventual benefit there might be in such reforms, the immediate impact on Malawian farmers -- paupers during the best of times -- was distress. Corn prices, no longer set by the government, became unpredictable. Given the risk caused by instability, the private sector did not mature as expected. Worse yet, the kwacha was repeatedly devalued. Falling prices in the world tobacco market had strained already thin foreign-currency reserves. At the urging of the I.M.F., the government instituted small devaluations in 1990 and 1991 and two larger ones in 1992. Finally, in 1994, Malawi moved from a fixed exchange rate for the kwacha to one that floated. For farmers, that meant the cost of fertilizer, an imported good, ballooned as the kwacha shriveled.

Before, fertilizer had been subsidized. Loans had been, too. Farmers now found themselves adrift ''in the worst of both worlds, a Bermuda Triangle,'' deprived of the benefits of a regulated economy while yet to gain the benefits of a free market, said Lawrence Rubey, the United States Agency for International Development's chief of agriculture in Malawi. He gave an example with some dismal arithmetic: in dollar terms, the price of a bag of fertilizer had actually gone down. But in devalued kwachas, the cost had risen fivefold. This was devastating to farmers with badly leached soil. ''The past arrangement of high state control of the economy was inefficient, but at least it was stable,'' Rubey said.


A yearning for the stability of the Banda days -- though rarely for the doctor himself -- is a commonly expressed sentiment throughout the nation. Malawi's youthful democracy has lacked equilibrium, even though Bakili Muluzi, a onetime Banda protege who fell out of favor, has been its only president. The unsteadiness results in large part from the pull-and-tug of two parallel sources of power, the elected government and the international patrons who finance it. Like many poor, heavily indebted countries, Malawi operates something like a business in receivership. Lenders and donors -- among them the World Bank, the I.M.F., the British, the Americans and the European Union -- carefully monitor fiscal policy and budget expenditures. Their approvals are necessary, or their generosity is withdrawn. The spigot of aid goes on, off, on, off.

Understandably, this has made for a peevish relationship. The Malawians quite correctly contend that the donors are hypocrites: while opposing state subsidies elsewhere, wealthy nations hand out $1 billion a day to their own farmers, about six times what they give in development aid to the globe's poor. (Nicholas Stern, the World Bank's chief economist, once pointed out that each day, the average European cow receives $2.50 in subsidies while 75 percent of the people in Africa are scrimping by on less than $2.) These subsidies also depress commodity prices, undercutting the ability of developing nations to compete in world markets and get their nations off the dole.

The benefactors, on the other hand, quite correctly contend that the government is persistently wasteful and inconsistently honest, prone to overspending on frivolous travel and lax in underwriting programs for the poor. So they give their aid with a chiding finger and chastening attitude: Malawi needs better government!

And yet good government, like good deeds, is most often a complicated matter.

With fertilizer so unaffordable, the government in 1998 cooperated with the British, the World Bank and others to furnish beleaguered farmers with a ''starter pack,'' enough free seed and fertilizer to grow a healthy quarter-acre, about 15 percent of a typical family plot. Soon, the cornfields of Malawi took on the look of a bad haircut, with one cluster of stalks as high as an elephant's eye and the rest barely above the knee.

The starter-pack program combined with favorable weather to produce a bumper crop in the 1998-99 season. In fact, the surplus was so great that a newly established government safeguard, the National Food Reserve Agency, was able to purchase huge amounts, fattening its grain stockpile to about 190,000 tons. For Malawi, so often hungry, this cache was a comforting buffer against famine. But it was also costly. The reserve agency, without capital of its own, bought the corn with loans at a staggering domestic interest rate, above 50 percent. Storage itself was expensive, and after a second bumper crop in 1999-2000, there were concerns that the untapped grain reserves would rot.

The donors felt adjustments were necessary. The starter-pack program now seemed too benevolent. Were farmers to be given fertilizer forever? they asked. If so, that would create a dependency that in the jargon of development economics was ''unsustainable.'' So the program was reconstructed as ''targeted inputs,'' cut in half to reach only the ''neediest'' of the destitute. As for the grain reserve, the donors, like the government, fretted over those gargantuan interest payments. To satisfy the debt, they suggested that the corn be sold, with future stocks kept to a modest 35,000 to 65,000 tons, considered enough to meet most emergencies until more grain could be imported.


Malawi has stunning skies, with a blue so bright and clouds so shapely that they seem to be the work of a cartoonist. Those skies are also fickle, suddenly exchanging a sunny disposition for an angry pout and unleashing thunderstorms that seem to hurl water rather than drop it. In February and March of 2001, as the harvest approached, the skies were angrier than usual, causing regional flooding. That brought the first clue of the trouble to come. This accumulating water kept the fields a hearty green, but the cornstalks, standing uncomfortably in shallow pools, failed to mature fully. Many a farmer was fooled by the deepness of color. They had thought they were going to have a good harvest and did not face the disappointing truth until it came time to pick.

Farmers were not the only ones fooled. Crop forecasters from the Agriculture Ministry underestimated the impact of the flooding on the corn harvest. These errors were compounded by a grossly wayward overestimation of the cassava and sweet potato yield, a false optimism perhaps bred from a false pride. The Agriculture Ministry was involved in a multimillion-dollar United States aid program for crop diversification. Field agents who reported high expectations for these roots and tubers were the same people whose job it was to encourage their planting. The net effect was to delay concern about the total food supply. Indeed, a surplus was predicted: if people ran out of corn, let them eat cassava.

By late summer, when the final estimates came in, the corn harvest was put at 1.9 million tons, about a third lower than the excellent crop of the year before. This was considered a bad though not a terrible yield. And yet to those attentive enough, something ominous was happening. In some areas, corn prices had increased more than fivefold, a sign that stocks were perilously low. Though neither the nation's preoccupied president, Bakili Muluzi, nor the donors were yet alarmed, the Agriculture Ministry was fretful enough to advocate a grain purchase. In September, a decision was announced to import corn from South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda.

As usual, the government asked the donors to foot the bill. The donors, in reply, inquired about the national grain reserves -- and were shocked to learn that they were entirely gone. Yes, the donors acknowledged, they had recommended the selling of most of it. But if the entire storehouse was empty, who bought it? And where was the money?

Answers were not forthcoming. That infuriated the always suspicious donors, so much so that the mystery of the missing grain overshadowed the unfolding fate of the fragile poor for several crucial months. This delay was tragic. By year's end, people were lining up at clinics to plead for food. Jos Kuppens, an activist Dutch priest, said he saw starving people resorting to meals of fodder, with one woman even thickening her gruel with sawdust. He recalled a hopelessly thin little girl he had seen at a Catholic hospital. He asked her where she was from. ''I had to bend close to hear her,'' he said. ''She could barely speak, and she said, 'njala,' which is the word for hunger. The sister told me: 'There's nothing we can do for a child like this. It's too late.'''

Despite the donors' unwillingness to pay the bill, the government tried to proceed with its plans to import 220,000 tons of corn. But a freak coincidence of disasters stalled deliveries: washed-out bridges, a derailed train, a port on fire. It also became clear that Malawi's neighbors faced a similar shortage. They began to vie to buy the same food.

A British agronomist named Harry Potter, dean of the foreign agricultural experts among the donors in Lilongwe, is a man far less inclined toward wizardry than his fictional namesake. Nevertheless, he saw a supernatural hand dispensing punishment.

''It was almost as if somebody up there had decided, Malawi, you have to be taught a lesson,'' he said. But cosmic reprimand or not, the consequences were of course grave only to the very poor and not to their nefarious officials.

Little grain would arrive in time for the start of the hungry months in December.


Famine is variously defined by scholars, though its common usage most often implies a large surge in hunger-related mortality. Some would even designate a minimum body count. Malawians, at least linguistically, make little distinction between ''hunger'' and ''famine'' except to say that famine is ''the hunger that kills.'' Perspective, of course, changes depending on whether you are studying the situation or starving within it. Stephen Devereux of the University of Sussex -- an expert on African food security -- talks about ''outsider'' and ''insider'' views of such crises. Outsiders presume famine to be an extraordinary event, while insiders see it as an intensification of what they already suffer.

The Nobel laureate Amartya Sen is the world's best-known authority on famine. He argues that such catastrophes do not occur in a ''functioning democracy,'' where a free press is a roving sentinel and elected governments have strong incentives to take preventive measures. If so, it is hard to say whether Malawi would be an exception. First, there is the matter of how well the nation's nine-year-old democracy qualifies as functioning. Then there is the question of whether the hunger that killed Robert Mkulumimba and Mdati Robert qualifies as famine.

By the beginning of the hungry months, starvation deaths were already being recorded within miles of the capital. Lilongwe seems a very un-Malawian city, with a scattering of big office buildings and fancy shopping malls. Notable on some thoroughfares are dozens of roadside ''coffin workshops,'' their carpenters steadily at work in the open air, taking morbid advantage of a rare growth industry. Capital Hill -- home to the government ministries -- is an isolated slope of manicured land, best reachable by car, far away from the masses.

For weeks, I tried to interview President Muluzi. Finally, I was informed that he saw no reason to see me since I had already spoken with his friend Friday Jumbe, the finance minister.

That conversation had seemed cordial enough, though on reflection, perhaps I was considered impertinent for asking about the missing grain reserves. At the time of the sale, Jumbe headed a quasi-governmental corporation that had physical control of the stored corn. A parliamentary committee had investigated the deals, and while the probe turned up little solid evidence, its report concluded that the reserves were ''mainly sold to politicians and individuals politically connected.'' Jumbe was faulted for failing to explain his recent financing of a luxury hotel in the city of Blantyre.

''It is true that some people bought the maize at a price of 4 or 5 kwacha, and then one day maize became scarce,'' the finance minister told me one morning in his office. ''That's business!'' Elegantly dressed in a three-piece suit, he was dismissive, and occasionally sarcastic, about the allegations. He said it was ''foolish'' to assume that he was a thief just because he owned a hotel and pointed out that the author of the damning report had been fired and that a revised investigation of the facts was in the works. ''If there was any theft of money, maybe, I don't know what, 100 or 200 or 300 kwacha -- but not big money. But the donors, that's where the bone of contention is. They are assuming that certain politicians bought this grain at a small price and made a killing.''

Indeed, that is -- and was -- the assumption. To this day -- after two years and five investigations -- the donors know little more than that some traders bought corn for very little and sold it for quite a lot, yet another scandalous story about people in the right place at the right time with the right friends, a Malawian Enron. Unfortunately, the donors' righteous pique played a part in the tardy recognition of the deadly hunger, as did Muluzi's willful ignorance. In February of last year, the president was still refuting any reports of a food crisis. ''Nobody has died of hunger,'' he insisted.

But by then, firm statistical proof had begun to appear in repeated health surveys. Also, hospital admissions for severe malnutrition were swiftly escalating far beyond the normal. At month's end, even Muluzi did a turnabout. On Feb. 27, he declared a state of emergency in a national broadcast -- 11 days after the death of Robert Mkulumimba.

Mkulumimba is one in a cluster of five villages, each with 35 to 60 households. Their boundaries reach deeply into one another, and it was sometimes possible to move between them simply by walking from hut to hut. Any visit required the permission of the village headman -- the chief -- who customarily then assumed the role of official escort. I was fortunate to be befriended by Elias Mitengo, a 50-year-old headman widely held in high regard. A poor farmer, he combined the gravitas of a diplomat with the easy humor of a kibitzer. He was chief of the village of Mdauma. And he was also Adilesi's son-in-law.

Elias said he had always tried to help his in-laws whenever he could. But last year, he often did not have enough food for even his own children. ''It was an impossible time,'' he said.

Being headman, an inherited job, included sensitive duties. The chief allocated land and mediated disputes and sometimes judged criminals. He was also the village marriage counselor and arbiter of property settlements in the event of divorce. Elias prided himself on absolute fairness. When I wanted to observe church on Sunday mornings, he went along and even addressed the congregations. But generally, he said, he no longer attended services. With five churches in the area, he worried about favoritism.

One morning, Elias invited me to a meeting under a stand of trees. Several chiefs were discussing a proper punishment for stealing food. Instant justice was being applied in some places, with the hungry crook forfeiting a hand. This, the headmen agreed, was too harsh. Yet when thieves were simply turned over to the police, they were released after a few days, and that seemed too lenient. A better penalty, the chiefs agreed, would be stiff fines -- perhaps three goats or chickens. But this was impractical. Thieves usually belonged to the poorest of families. The discussion went on and on without resolution.

For Elias, hungry thieves seemed less a problem than organized crime. In recent years, it was not uncommon for a truckload of men to descend during the night. Usually, they rustled livestock. But sometimes they emptied entire cornfields of ripe cobs. Elias decided to levy a 5 kwacha tax on each household, enough to pay vigilantes to guard the roads, waiting with axes and pangas and bows and arrows.

''These are not the best of days,'' he told me, laughing at his own understatement.

Actually, Elias had plunged into deep pessimism, something he was more likely to express after a few liters of chibuku, a cheap beer made from corn and millet. He said the njala, the hunger, was prying apart families, turning husbands and wives against each other. ''These women carry their vegetables to the trading center, and if they can't sell them, they sell themselves,'' he said. ''It's the poverty.'' Sometimes, he told me, he would call village meetings to speak out against prostitution, particularly addressing the young women. ''I tell them: 'You see your elders. They got to live this long because they kept themselves clean of promiscuity.''' He would invoke the threat of ''government disease.''

Men were hardly blameless, Elias said. Some were lazy. And of those who were not, some occasionally found work in other districts and then returned home triumphantly with a second wife. Fear of AIDS was also making men do crazy things. Some thought sex with a virgin cured the virus. In parts of Malawi, this superstition had led to rapes.

''Things were never like this before,'' Elias said.

While I had done no scientific sampling, it seemed that more than half the adults I met were not living with spouses. Women usually said they had thrown their husbands out. Adilesi's daughter Lufinenti was typical. Her husband, the father of her three children, had been gone from the village for three years. ''He used to be a hard worker, but when he made a lot of money, he wanted to marry more women, and I didn't want to be in a two-wife marriage,'' she said. At any rate, there was now no chance of his return. He had moved to the south and then died after a long illness, one of his friends had told her. Maybe it was AIDS, maybe tuberculosis, maybe both. ''They said he was always coughing,'' she said.

In the case of Mdati, Adilesi's deceased daughter, her husband was also described as a good worker, a man who could get construction jobs. But his ''sleeping around'' had become intolerable. ''He'd even take other women into their house,'' Lufinenti said. While she described these dalliances, at one point she mentioned parenthetically that the ''last'' of Mdati's sons was now living with his father in a different village. This unexpected detail confused me. For weeks, I had assumed that all four of Mdati's sons were among the many small boys I always saw nearby, playing with tops and homemade pull toys.

It was only then that I learned that the three youngest had died during these past months, a tragedy so within the parameters of the commonplace that it had not merited any special mention. The first boy died of malaria, the second of a rash and high fever.

The third, Legina Robert, perished only in December. He was 3 years old and very tiny, just another Malawian youngster with growth so stunted that he had yet to walk. Children warming themselves by a fire dropped him as they carelessly passed his body across the flames. The adults were in the fields when they heard frenzied calls for help. The little boy needed to be rushed to the hospital -- a three-hour journey by foot but only half that if they had been able to borrow one of the village's few bicycles. ''We looked, but we didn't find one,'' Lufinenti recalled. ''He died while I was carrying him on my back.''


Paradoxically, food was growing everywhere, the slender cornstalks nudging up against the roads, leaning along the hillsides, creeping down to the river's edge. Crops were wedged into the spare emptiness of the cities, spreading in half-ovals around office buildings, stores and saloons, reaching even the back entrances of the government ministries. To be in Malawi during the hot and wet growing season was to be embraced by a landscape of tantalizing abundance -- a perplexing sight in view of all the hunger.

But in Malawi, a visitor soon realizes that the lush color is a cruel tease. All those planted fields, all that greenness, are merely symbols of desperation. Crops appear in unlikely places because farmers feel a need to stretch their holdings. Those inescapable cornstalks are telltale of a nation growing food to fill its belly rather than to compete in world markets. Little economic development is taking place.

Always on arrival at Adilesi's house, my first question was ''What are you going to eat today?'' And each time I listened to the family's contingencies, that day's single meal dependent on some relative being lucky enough to get ganyu or Lufinenti being able to sell her foraged greens in the city. When a little money was earned, the family spent it frugally, never splurging on cornmeal but instead cooking gaga, a dish made from only the outer husks of the corn kernels, a sifted residue more commonly employed as fodder.

Adilesi's field is only a short walk from the house. The family's corn plants were puny for that late in the growing season, and many of the leaves were yellowish and droopy. Children broke off the least promising stalks and chewed them like sugar cane.

On one visit, I was accompanied by Ellard Malindi, the country's chief technical adviser for agriculture. He was a big-hearted man who talked easily with the farmers. A few months later, tragically, he would come down with cerebral malaria and die. But on that sunny day, he was at his vigorous best, and during a stroll through Adilesi's field, he moved from row to row, examining the sorry plants and shaking his head in frustration. ''We're standing on the richest soils in the entire country, maybe in southern Africa,'' he said as his arm cut an arc through the air. ''We're in the medium-altitude plateau. But the soil has become depleted by continuous planting, and it has lost its organic nutrients.''

Goliati Faisoni, Adilesi's oldest son, was with us. A skinny, sickly man with bloodshot eyes, he agreed with Malindi. The family would not be reaping much this year. And however much there was, they intended to eat it early, when the cobs were still new and green. The family was often too hungry to allow their crops to ripen fully. Last year, in fact, they used their green corn to feed the mourners at Mdati's funeral.

''Didn't you get a starter pack?'' Malindi asked Goliati.

The family had. But in their desperation they used the fertilizer incorrectly. They were supposed to apply the bag of mixed nutrients -- nitrogen, phosphate, potash and sulfur -- when they planted, then a second bag with urea when the stalks were knee high. Instead, the family combined the bags. Then, rather than concentrating on one quarter-acre, they spread it thinly over their entire field, hoping to outsmart science.

''There were also beans in the pack,'' Malindi said. ''Did you plant a bean crop?''

No, he confessed. The family had been unable to resist. They had eaten the beans.


Families starve because families lack money. In most cases, it is that simple.

But last year, while most of Mkulumimba went hungry, its chief, Daniel Mkulumimba, was getting by all right. I had often wondered about him. He was the one man in all five villages whom others considered wealthy. His tobacco field was only a 10-minute walk from Adilesi's door. ''He could easily help people, and sometimes he does,'' Elias, the headman, told me. ''But it's not his nature. He mostly takes care of his own.''

By American standards, Daniel was hardly rich. He, too, lived in a one-room house, though it was a bigger room, and it was covered with a roof that did not leak. He owned an ox cart, a bicycle, six donkeys and four goats. Besides corn and tobacco, he grew cabbage, lettuce, turnips and sugar cane on his 15 acres of land. He fertilized his fields, and the healthy cornstalks towered above him. He had two wives and a pot belly.

I wanted to understand why Daniel had not done more to help. When I posed the question, he considered it for a few seconds before saying, ''When the food situation is very serious, the rich and the poor are the same, and it's everyone for himself.'' I reminded him that his cousin Robert had actually died of starvation. ''As the chief, I'm not supposed to help one particular family,'' he replied. ''I'm chief of the whole village.''

For me, Daniel came to represent the ''haves'' of the world. They do assist Africa, though not with a strenuous effort, certainly not in proportion to the hunger and the disease and the benumbing poverty. Indeed, in relation to their gross domestic product, donor nations are now spending considerably less on foreign assistance than they were a decade ago. Among wealthy countries, the United States spends the lowest percentage of all, something President Bush is understandably reluctant to mention when he talks about Africa.

Many experts debate whether aid does more harm than good. Certainly Africa's problems are immense and confounding: paralyzing debt, sorry infrastructure, depleted soil, meager exports, bad government and ethnic and tribal warfare. The majority of Africa's poorest countries have average incomes below the level of Western Europe at the start of the 17th century, according to the distinguished economic historian Angus Maddison.

Unlike the days when structural adjustments were seen as direct routes to poverty reduction, now there seems to be little consensus on what to try next. Proposals tend to be modest. In Lilongwe, I heard one idea after another: soil renourishment, manufacturing schemes, public-service jobs, small-scale irrigation. Lawrence Rubey, the American booster of free enterprise, showed me a bag of chilies grown for export to Germany. ''Niche marketing,'' he said, in much the same way ''plastics'' was advised in ''The Graduate.''

Maybe chili peppers can be one of the answers, maybe not. But in the meantime, even if poverty and hunger seem unconquerable, famine surely can be overcome. Only our indifference -- only our neglect -- allows it to persevere. In Malawi, the timely distribution of fertilizer ought to be preferable to the inevitability of emergency food. That is what every farmer in the villages asked for: if you give us fertilizer, or a reasonable way to buy it, we'll manage for ourselves from one hungry season to the next.

As I heard these sentiments, I would always nod sympathetically, writing the anguished words in my notebook. The people I met were invariably gracious, even though I knew an unspoken tension existed between us. After all, they were hungry, and I had the means to change that in my wallet, as easily as I handed my kids lunch money back in America. But I wanted to understand how people coped with hunger, and handouts would have made that impossible. So I had made a decision in advance: if I met people who seemed gravely ill, I would take them to the hospital and pay their expenses. (That happened twice.) Otherwise, I'd give no one money until the reporting was done.

And that day gave me as much relief as it gave them -- perhaps more. It is awful to be with the hungry, to watch them ebb and falter and scrounge.

''You ask so many questions about death!'' Adilesi said to me during one of my final visits. ''It is hard on us. We believe that when you talk about the dead, you get visits by their spirits at night. When are the questions about the dead going to stop?''

I apologized but said that I had come to learn about hunger and that I had learned a lot.

I thanked her for that. And that is when she and her daughter thought to share with me their ''ingenious'' trick, something she thought every human being ought to know.

If I were ever so hungry I could no longer work, they advised me, there was a way for a determined mind to outfox a hollow stomach. ''Tie some cloth tightly around your waist right at the navel,'' Lufinenti said. ''Make it as tight as you can.''

For a few hours, you can fool your belly into thinking that it's full.

Barry Bearak is a staff writer for the magazine. His last article was about the reconstruction of Afghanistan.




Anyone can slay a dragon, he told me, but try waking up every morning & loving the world all over again. That's what takes a real hero. – Story people



The new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE*

#3850 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Tue Jul 15, 2003 3:34 pm
Subject: news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Talks of Border Water Conflict Mark Muluzi-Mkapa Meeting

African Church Information Service

July 14, 2003
Posted to the web July 14, 2003

Henry Neondo
Dar Es Salaam

The issue of whether Tanzania's border lies inside Lake Malawi, also
known as Lake Nyasa, continues to emerge during meetings of leaders of
Malawi and Tanzania.

At a recent meeting between Presidents Bakili Muluzi and Benjamin Mkapa
of Malawi and Tanzania respectively, the two were at pains to deny
existence of problems associated with use of the waters of the lake and
of River Songwe on the border between the two countries.

Answering a question at a press conference here on July 7, President
Muluzi said the issue about how to use the waters was not a big problem
as was being portrayed. "It is not controversial as you put it...It
affects our people, but I think, we can talk about it," he maintained.

Muluzi explained that there have been several agreements between the
two countries on the use of the lake and the river.

Commenting on the matter, President Mkapa pointed out that the decision
to step up efforts to integrate the economies of Malawi and Tanzania,
including utilisation of the common waters, would render the problem
redundant.

Lake Malawi, as it is known in Malawi, or Lake Nyasa according to
Tanzanians, is seen by Malawians to be wholly situated on their soil,
with its northern shores barely touching Tanzania. But Tanzanians
maintain that their border with Malawi is somewhere inside the lake.

River Songwe, which largely runs along the border between the two
countries, but has had its waters changing course and causing confusion
among communities residing along its banks, has become another
controversial water body between the two states.

In a joint communique released at the end of the meeting, the two
leaders expressed desire to co-operate closely also on Songwe river
stabilisation project.

*****

Christians Want Compensation for Damages By Muslims

African Church Information Service

July 14, 2003
Posted to the web July 14, 2003

Hobbs Gama
Blantyre

The Catholic Church here, and the Malawi Council of Churches, have
asked the government to compensate victims of violence perpetrated by
some sections of the Muslims, which occurred after the government
refused to honour a High Court order restraining deportation of five Al
Qaeda suspects arrested here on June 21.

The government of Malawi, in collaboration with the US intelligence
agents apprehended the five Muslim expatriates on suspicion that they
were Al Qaeda operatives. The suspects were whisked away to an unknown
destination, even after a High Court order against the move.

The Muslims accuse government authorities, and the Musim Association of
Malawi (MAM) for failing to ensure trial to establish if the suspects
were members of Osama Bin Laden's Al Qaeda network or not.

Rampaging and riotous, they ransacked the secretariat of MAM on June
27, destroying furniture and computers. Another group caused extensive
damage to various premises in the southern region district of Mangochi.

Five Christian churches, the office of the ruling United Democratic
Front (UDF) party, Save the Children Fund (USA), were among the damaged
buildings. The Muslim youth also burnt several vehicles, including one
belonging to Fr Lazarus Girevulo of the Catholic Church.

In its statement, the Malawi Council of Churches (MCC) has urged speedy
compensation of victims, demanding setting up of a joint commission of
enquiry to determine the root cause of the violence. "We call upon
Christians to be calm in the face of this hatred and provocation as we
seek redress for the damage caused to property and persons," says part
of the statement signed by Rev Matiya Nkhoma, of the Presbyterian
Church.

The Catholic Church, through its Catholic Commission for Justice and
Peace (CCJP), blamed the administration of President Muluzi for
permitting Muslims to take law into their hands. "Why did some Muslims
think they had to take up arms on behalf of the five suspects who are
not Malawian nationals, and on an issue that is not immediately
religious?" queries a CCJP press release.

*****

Outgoing President Muluzi Shatters Chilumpha's Dream Saying 'No Muslim
can be voted in as President again!'

The Chronicle Newspaper (Lilongwe)

July 14, 2003
Posted to the web July 14, 2003

Christopher Jimu - the Chronicle
Lilongwe

Outgoing President Bakili Muluzi has declared that no Muslim can win
the forthcoming elections no matter what, because the Malawian
electorate can not be easily fooled now. Muluzi made these remarks last
week when he opened the UDF mini-convention which took place at COMESA
hall in Blantyre to amend the UDF constitution.

According to a source who attended the convention, the president told
the delegates that Malawi is not ready for another Muslim president
because the majority of voters in the country are Christians. Muluzi was
reacting to the de-campaigning of his anointed heir, Bingu wa Mutharika,
a Christian by top UDF leaders in their rallies.

'He told us in plain language that any person who is de-campaigning
Mutharika, whether he is a Muslim or not is just wasting his time
because his choice is final and he will be vindicated after the
elections,' said the source.

Muluzi's remarks effectively mean that Cassim Chilumpha, the current
vice presidential candidate, a devout practicing Muslim from Nkhota kota
who had intensified his campaign to unseat Mutharika will have no chance
to contest as President at the forthcoming convention slated for August
8.

Our source explained that Muluzi told Chilumpha that Malawians are not
foolish any more to elect another Muslim president because this country
has a large number of informed voters who are Christians.

'The president was very angry that despite warning the presidential
aspirants on more than three occasions they are still decampaigning his
chosen heir. He told them that it was a deliberate ploy to have
Mutharika as the front-runner because it will be very easy to convince
the majority of the voters that the UDF is a party which takes care of
the interests of Christians as well, and that the ten years he has been
in power are enough for the Muslims,' said the source.

Muluzi's remarks have come as a body blow to Chilumpha who, for the
past three months had intensified his campaign to challenge Mutharika
for the position of party president. It is alleged that Chilumpha was
sending some UDF governors to South Africa to buy suits so that they
vote for him during the forthcoming convention.

Two weeks ago Chilumpha told a meeting at Masintha ground in Kawale
that a person who was not capable of driving a Corolla could not be
entrusted with the task of steering a truck. Bingu wa Mutharika was the
President of the now defunct United Party which faired miserably during
the 1999 elections.

Chilumpha was drawing attention to the fact that Mutharika was unable
to muster more than four votes in some constituencies.

Apart from Chilumpha, another person who made it clear that he was also
intending to challenge Mutharika was Vice President Justin Malewezi
Malewezi ignored Mutharika during a mass rally held at M'bang'ombe in
T/A Chitukula three weeks ago by not giving him a chance to address the
public.

He also indirectly attacked Muluzi's chosen one by saying that new
comers in the party should not just rush in to take presidential
positions but rather, they should show respect to those who founded the
party.

'You should not just join us looking for higher positions in this
party. You should first of all listen to us and respect us because we
are the founders of this party,' Malewezi said during the rally.

The ruling United Democratic Front has been divided further with the
ascendancy of Mutharika to the seat of President because he is a
Christian.

He is largely regarded as a rank outsider with nothing to offer to the
success of the UDF in May 2004.

The Chronicle has been reliably informed that during the forthcoming
convention delegates will just rubber stamp Muluzi's selection of
Mutharika, endorsing him without question or debate as the next
President for fear of embarrassing him and the president if a meaningful
contest and voting was to take place.

This undemocratic arrangement effectively means that challengers like
Justin Malewezi, Moses Dossi, Cassim Chilumpha, Sam Mpasu and Harry
Thomson have been systematically taken out of the run for the number one
seat in the UDF.

*****

Malawi Congress Party (MCP) Questions Muluzi's Salary

The Chronicle Newspaper (Lilongwe)

July 14, 2003
Posted to the web July 14, 2003

Wezie Nyirongo - the Chronicle
Lilongwe

The main opposition Malawi Congress Party (MCP) in Parliament have
questioned the Finance Minister, Friday Jumbe on the allocation of the
presidential salary which, according to the recent 2002/2003 budget
indicates that the president will be paid from two institutions, the
Statutory Expenditure and a line item entitled the Presidency.

Referring to the previous budget documents the presidents' salary is
paid under the Statutory Expenditure category which covers Personal
Emoluments (PE) and Other Recurrent Transactions (ORT).

According to the MCP party spokesperson on financial matters, Situsi
Nkhoma who is the Member of Parliament for Kasungu South this year's
budget document indicates that a line item titled 'Presidency' estimates
that there is an allocation of K45,857 million to this vote while last
year the approved budget allocation was K34,90 million and was revised
upwards by 154 percent to K88,77 million.

'Could the honourable minister advise what activities are covered by
this line item since the salary of the President is paid from vote 010
in the Statutory Expenditure category. Does this mean that the President
is getting two salaries?' Quizzed Nkhoma in his statement in response to
the 2002/2003 budget statement presented by the Finance Minister
recently.

He also wondered why the same vote has an excess staff complement of 84
over the authorised numbers. Nkhoma also queried why there are 13 S2A/S2
level staff against an authorised accommodation of only 1 S2A grade
staff.

'Since these are senior and highly qualified staff, we wonder why their
services could not be better utilised in other ministries?' Situsi
Nkhoma declared adding, 'I wonder if these people are not under-utilised
The total allocation to the State Residences estimates show a lower
increase of 28 percent when compared to last year's actual allocation
which was increased by 40 percent. Nkhoma hinted that the increase was
probably due to the increase in the number of presidential functions and
foreign engagements which were not planned for.

The MCP financial spokesperson also questioned the increase on the
allocation to the National Intelligence Bureau (NIB) to an amount of
K162 million representing an upward increase of 162 percent from K60
million last year.

He said already there is lack of understanding by the general public
regarding the role of the NIB and yet no amount has been allocated
towards civic education on this aspect.

'One of the challenges facing NIB is that there is lack of
understanding by the general public regarding its role and yet no amount
has been allocated towards civic education,' he said while wondering why
there was no budget for the personal emoluments in the last year's
budget.si

On the Office of the President and Cabinet (OPC) budget, the MCP
wondered why the government spent K388.6 million on the Very Very
Important People (VVIP) which is said to be a none priority area when
people are going without food and drugs.

He said in the last year's budget parliament approved an allocation of
K100 million towards VIP and the figure was revised upwards to K244.9 in
the Supplementary Estimates which was approved in May this year.

'What is alarming though is that the revised figure has gone up to
K388.6 million in the 2003/2004 budget document. Why did we have to
spend K388.6 million on VIP which is a non priority area when our people
are going without food and drugs? Are we setting out priorities right?'
he demanded.

Another new line item which the MCP questioned was the one entitled
'Presidential Spokesperson' which has been allocated K17.7 million. 'Is
this a new post or department in the OPC? If it is a post then the
allocated amount is excessive, but it would be interesting to know the
responsibilities and duties of the incumbent. Is there no duplication or
overlap between the Minister without Portfolio and the newly created
position of Presidential Spokesperson?' MCP asked.

MCP blamed the UDF led government for the economic hardships being
faced by the people which is alluded to a lack of political will to
implement the budget, an extremely high level of corruption and a lack
of transparency and accountability on the part of those in authority.

Concerns have been expressed from Malawi's international partners
including Britain that government needs to make attempts to stop
domestic borrowing and balance its budget.

The donor community has withheld Balance of Payment support (BOP) after
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) refused to give the green light to
the release of funding.

Malawi has continued to struggle with implementing its agreed budget.

*****

Treasurer General Mbewe Resigns ... After He Disagrees On Union
Democratic Front (UDF) Chairmanship Issue

The Chronicle Newspaper (Lilongwe)

July 14, 2003
Posted to the web July 14, 2003

Wezie Nyirongo And Pilirani Phiri
Lilongwe

United Democratic Front (UDF) Treasurer General who is also the
Minister of State in the Office of the President and Cabinet (OPC)
responsible for Special Duties Patrick Mbewe has resigned his cabinet
position saying he is doing so on medical grounds. This has taken place
a few days after President Muluzi fired two District Governors for the
South for their stand against the adoption of the new UDF Constitution,
The Chronicle has established.

Mbewe and the two District Governors, Mawu Lumwira for Zomba and Akimu
Ntaja for Chiradzulu announced their stand against the adoption of the
new UDF constitution which was re-drafted to specifically accommodate
Muluzi's chosen heir Bingu wa Mutharika and the newly endorsed position
of the party's chairmanship which Muluzi requires for himself.

The Chronicle has learnt that Muluzi summoned top UDF officials and all
Southern Region District Governors, amongst them Mbewe and the two
governors to Sanjika Palace last week Saturday 5th of July, two days
before the UDF mini convention. Mbewe is said to have quarrelled with
Muluzi at the same caucus over the need for the adoption of the amended
UDF constitution. A point of contention was the position of the party
chairman. It is said that the current UDF National Executive Committee
(NEC) have requested Muluzi to assume the position next year after his
presidential term expires.

'Muluzi then announced that from that day Governors Lumwira and Ntaja
had been fired forthwith and that their positions would be up for grabs
for any aspirants. However, Muluzi did not comment on anything
concerning Mbewe who was already on the list of those . ho would be
fired after the pending cabinet reshuffle this month,' said a top UDF
official who attended the caucus.

Patrick Mbewe is member of Parliament for Chiradzulu Central and he has
worked closely in his constituency with the dismissed Governor Ntaja.

Speculation is rife that the constituency had agreed to object to the
amendment of the UDF constitution in relation to the new position of
Party Chairman because it was specifically altered to placate an
individual, Bakili Muluzi and his ambition to control and run the
party.

'The resignation of Mbewe came after an argument with Muluzi and
pressure from his UDF colleagues for standing against the constitutional
amendments which most of the members have agreed to. Fear of being fired
from the party has made most members agree to the changes and Mbewe knew
that he would be fired like the two governors. That's why he resigned
instantly basing his resignation on medical grounds,' the source added.

A senior cabinet minister confirmed to The Chronicle on Thursday that
Mbewe handed in his resignation letter to Muluzi last week intimating
that Muluzi had not yet responded to the letter because Mbewe was
already on the list of those likely to face eviction from the cabinet
this month end. *'It is true that Mbewe has resigned. He submitted his
resignation letter to Muluzi last week on grounds of ill health. And he
also did not attend the mini convention at COMESA hall in Blantyre.
That's all what I know", said the minister who refused to be identified
in the paper saying: 'Am afraid I might also be fired once they know my
identity.' However, The Chronicle contacted one of the governors, Akimu
Ntaja who confirmed that the two were fired at the caucus held at
Sanjika Palace. He also indicated that due to the dismissal he could not
attend the convention but still claims to be a UDF supporter.

'Its true that Muluzi has fired us because we were against the new
party constitution. The problem with the UDF is that it doesn't
accommodate people with dissenting views, we were against Bingu to be
the presidential candidate because there are others who could aptly fill
the presidential position,' he said.

'Why should we adopt a new constitution just to accommodate a stranger
for the top position and also to endorse Muluzi for the party
chairmanship. We could have had been given the chance to vote or come up
with constructive criticisms instead of intimidating us in order to
fulfill the interests of one individual,' he added while questioning the
integrity of Muluzi for firing whoever disagrees with him. Ntaja said
Muluzi claims to be a democrat but he is not democratic at all.

Mbewe could not be reached for comment while UDF Secretary General Paul
Maulidi was reported to be in South Africa receiving treatment at a
medical facility there.

Muluzi recently fired five Cabinet Ministers including Aleke Banda,
Harry Thomson and Moses Dossi for vying for the presidential post after
Muluzi hand picked Bingu wa Mutharika as UDF's presidential candidate
for the 2004 general elections.

*****

President Non-Committal On Violence Against Journalist

International Freedom of Expression Exchange Clearing House (Toronto)

July 10, 2003
Posted to the web July 14, 2003

Toronto

In what could pass as a face-saving move, President Bakili Muluzi has
condemned as "unfortunate" the beating of Daniel Nyirenda, a
photojournalist with "The Nation" newspaper, by youths belonging to
Muluzi's ruling United Democratic Front (UDF) party. The incident took
place on 7 July 2003, at the opening of the UDF mini-convention in
Blantyre. In the statement, President Muluzi avoided the issue, claiming
that "opposition elements" assaulted the photojournalist. "The incident
was very unfortunate and was definitely carried out by people who were
assigned by enemies of the ruling party," he said. Ironically, President
Muluzi pledged to ensure the protection of journalists as the nation
prepares for general elections in 2004.

Denis Mzembe, chairperson of MISA's Malawi chapter (NAMISA), dismissed
the president's statement as unacceptable. "We do not see any commitment
at all.

There is no way Mr. Muluzi can say that these were not UDF members,"
Mzembe said.

In an interview, UDF Deputy Publicity Secretary and Presidential
Affairs Minister Ken Lipenga said Nyirenda was a victim of a "conspiracy
philosophy" within the party. "We must admit that there are some people
within the party that, for reasons best known to themselves, wanted to
sabotage the convention," said Lipenga, who is a former editor-in-chief
of "The Nation".

Alfred Ntonga, current editor-in-chief of "The Nation", also dismissed
President Muluzi's statement, describing it as "business as usual." "He
has made similar statements before. In the past, he even ordered the
inspector general [of police] to arrest such people, but acts of
violence continue to happen," said Ntonga.

BACKGROUND: Nyirenda was beaten up by UDF youth wing members, who stole
his two cameras and a cell phone. UDF youths are on record as having
torched vehicles belonging to opposition leaders and harassed
journalists and opposition politicians, but no arrests have been made.
Police are still investigating cases that date back as far as five
years.

*****

'Mugabe will be gone by Christmas'

London

15 July 2003 09:01

South African President Thabo Mbeki has told US President George Bush
that Robert Mugabe will relinquish his leadership of Zimbabwe's ruling
party by December, the British Independent newspaper reported on
Tuesday.

Such a move would pave the way for Mugabe's exit as Zimbabwe's
president and new elections by June 2004, the daily said, without citing
its sources.

It added that Mbeki's assurance to Bush that Mugabe will stand aside is
believed to be based on a personal promise extracted from the Zimbabwean
leader.

The Independent also said Bush had pledged a reconstruction package for
Zimbabwe worth up to $10-billion over an unspecified timeframe, if a new
leader takes over.

The deal was discussed by the two leaders during a private meeting in
Pretoria last week, the paper said in a report by its Southern Africa
correspondent, Basildon Peta, who added that important differences
remained.

Washington is anxious to make the money conditional on the emergence of
a new leader chosen by the Zimbabwe people in an election rather than an
anointed successor from the ranks of the ruling Zanu-PF party.

Mbeki by contrast, is not a supporter of the main opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC), and is open to a successor emerging from
the ruling party, the newspaper said.

Bush has called for Mugabe to step down, but Mbeki has publicly
declined to toe the tough US line on Zimbabwe since a political and
social maelstrom enveloped Zimbabwe following a presidential election
last year condemned by the west as rigged. - Sapa

*****

'Clear evidence' of tampering in Zim trial

Harare

15 July 2003 15:19

Lawyers for Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai on Tuesday
continued their application for treason charges against him to be
dropped, claiming the state had tampered with key evidence.

Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai and two
senior party officials have been charged with plotting to assassinate
President Robert Mugabe last year.

The state's case against the trio hinges on two secret recordings of
meetings Tsvangirai held with Canada-based political consultant Ari Ben
Menashe in London and Montreal in late 2001.

But defence lawyer Chris Andersen said Tuesday there was "clear
evidence" the tapes had been tampered with.

He said an audiotape of the London meeting submitted as evidence was
not the original, while a videotape of the Montreal meeting that has
been heard in court contained words not recorded in an original
transcript.

Andersen said it was "shameful" that evidence should be tampered with
for what he said were "obviously political motives".

"Somebody in the state machinery has been prepared to tamper with and
suppress evidence," he argued before Justice Paddington Garwe.

Defence lawyers want the treason charges against all three officials
dropped because of lack of credible evidence. A conviction on treason
charges carries the death penalty in Zimbabwe.

The application to have the charges dropped started Monday and is set
to continue this week. - Sapa-AFP

*****

Mugabe African post condemned

President Robert Mugabe's naming by the African Union as its ambassador
for southern Africa has been condemned by Zimbabwe's opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC).
"This really is a great betrayal of the people of Zimbabwe who have
suffered so much under Mugabe," said MDC spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi.

Mr Mugabe was named to the new role over the weekend at the AU summit
in Mozambique.

Correspondents say his job involves promoting the ideals of the AU and
raising funds for AU projects.

Mr Mugabe says his nomination shows Africa's "admiration for Zimbabwe".


Some also see it as a snub for US President George Bush, who toured
Africa last week and who does not recognise Mr Mugabe's government.

'Union of dictators'

Mr Mugabe is under sanctions from the European Union, the United States
and the Commonwealth following his controversial re-election last year.


Western observers and the opposition say the poll was marred by
violence and irregularities.

Mr Mugabe says Zimbabwe's economic problems are the result of a western
plot against him because of his land reform programme.

A spokesman for South African President Thabo Mbeki said there was
nothing wrong with Mr Mugabe's role.

"He is entitled to be elected to serve his 12-month term. Leaders
rotate positions not only in the AU, but in the European Union as well,"
said Bheki Khumalo.

Mr Nyathi said the AU had become a "union of dictatorships" which had
made a mockery of its founding commitment to good governance.

During the summit, Mr Mugabe chaired a meeting on the New Partnership
for Africa's Development (Nepad).

Nepad is a new plan idea put forward by African leaders, under which
Africa promises to improve its governance in return for more aid from
the west.

The Zimbabwe crisis was removed from the agenda of the AU summit.

#3851 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Fri Jul 18, 2003 2:10 pm
Subject: news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Community Radio Station in License Dispute

International Freedom of Expression Exchange Clearing House (Toronto)

July 14, 2003
Posted to the web July 16, 2003

Toronto

The Malawi Media Women Association (Mamwa) and the community of the
Dzimwe area are in a clash over the license to operate the UNESCO-funded
Dzimwe Community Radio Station, inside sources told the Malawi chapter
of Media Institute of Southern Africa, NAMISA.

NAMISA has learnt that the community, led by Messrs Pelekamoyo, Cassim
Chigwenembe and Fred Chizule, applied for a licence to operate the
station, claiming that Mamwa's mandate had expired. UNESCO's terms of
reference indicate that Mamwa is supposed to train the community in
running the radio station in order to take it over.

The Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MACRA) called in the
two wrangling parties and UNESCO to discuss the matter. Meanwhile, MACRA
is to table the licensing issue before its board that is expected to
make a binding decision.

NAMISA was unable to get comments from MACRA and the concerned
parties.

BACKGROUND

Dzimwe Community Radio covers issues on women, girls, and the
environment. It began operating in November 1998.

*****

No Presidency Ambition, Says Malawi Finance Minister



   Email This Page

Print This Page




Malawi Standard (Blantyre)

July 17, 2003
Posted to the web July 17, 2003

Dickson Kashoti
Blantyre

Minister of Finance, Friday Jumbe, has said he has no political
ambitions bordering on being Presidential Candidate, saying as part of
the National Executive Committee of the UDF, he endorsed the choice of
Bingu wa Mutharika and Cassim Chilumpha as Presidential Candidate and
running mate, respectively.

Jumbe was reacting to events linking his name to some political
machination and to the alleged resignation of the Minister of Special
Duties in the President's Office, Hon. Patrick Mbewe.

Support the work of AllAfrica

Contribute!

Your tax-deductible donation to the AllAfrica Foundation, in any
amount, supports our reporting on issues like sustainable development,
peace building and HIV/Aids.


Donate now >>>

Read why you should >>>



In a statement issued recently, Jumbe says that as an individual, he
has not harboured political ambitions, saying he has only been in active
and practising politics for only 18 months having been appointed
Minister of Finance by President Dr. Bakili Muluzi.

"I hail from a technical background as an economist and business
manager. I have been made a politician by Dr. Bakili Muluzi and the UDF.
I therefore owe my allegiance to the President."

"At my youthful age, I have yet to gain adequate experience as a
Minister as well as a platform politician. One year is too short a
period to claim mastery of the science and art of politics, especially
as it relates to the high office of the Presidency," said Jumbe.

He said besides, he was consulted as an individual and as part of the
National Executive in the nomination of the proposed Presidential
Candidate and his running mate.

"I made my views known at that time and I am now part of the collective
decision made by the National Executive of the UDF and I will support
both the Presidential Candidate, Dr. Bingu wa Mutharika and his running
mate, Dr. Cassim Chilumpha. I have a lot of faith and trust in the two
well accomplished gentlemen, and with everybody's support. I believe
they will be able to harness the synergy that exists within the Party
and within the country," says Jumbe.

He said he is not in a hurry to ascend into any higher office than the
one he holds nor does he form part of any section that may be in
opposition of the decision by the National Executive of the UDF.

He therefore appealed to the media to cross check facts, especially
when they relate to such critical and emotive issues.

He said it was wrong and unethical to sow seeds of discord and disunity
where it is not warranting, saying "some of us do not want to be part of
any bickering nor any rumour mongering avenues."

Jumbe also disputed any link between the alleged resignation of
Honourable Mbewe as being anything to do with the wrongly perceived
notion that he would like to be a Presidential Candidate.

"I have never harboured that ambition nor have I gone out to campaign,
let alone have I ever organized any political meeting. If anything,
since my appointment as minister I have concentrated on technical issues
relating to the economy of Malawi; and I will continue to do so in an
effort to achieve economic stability in the country," he says.

He says that he will remain a very loyal and dedicated Minister of
President Dr. Muluzi and will continue to serve the Government, the UDF
and the people of Malawi diligently.

"Any attempts by anyone to disorient this present focus is
ill-conceived and will not gain ground," he says.

He says the media should not speculate and where there was doubt he
needed to be consulted.

*****

Blantyre Parliamentarian Criticizes Malawi Housing Corporation

Malawi Standard (Blantyre)

July 17, 2003
Posted to the web July 17, 2003

Paul Kang'ombe
Blantyre

Member of Parliament for Blantyre City South, Elwyn Maluwa, has accused
the Malawi Housing Corporation (MHC) of not consulting it's tenants when
increasing house rents.

Maluwa says that his constituents have on several occasions complained
to him that they are surprised at how MHC increases their house rents
and that they are not consulted.

The parliamentarian also complains that the housing corporation does
not give adequate notice to its tenants when it is increasing house
rents.

"MHC increases house rents without any consultations. It is very unfair
since most of the tenants are not well to do," he said.

Maluwa says it is high time that the government should advise MHC to
consider tenants, who have stayed in MHC houses for many years to
mortgage them.

"Some tenants have occupied the houses for more than 20 years and the
rents they have been paying is equivalent to the cost of a house," said
Maluwa.

In an interview with The Malawi Standard, Maluwa observed that
alternatively MHC should sell the houses to those tenants who have
occupied the houses for over 20 years at very affordable prices.

*****

Government to Revamp Parastatals

Malawi Standard (Blantyre)

July 17, 2003
Posted to the web July 17, 2003

By Brian Ligomeka
Blantyre, Malawi

Finance Minister Friday Jumbe says in a bid to improve the performance
of some statutory companies, government ought to overhaul board
committees in a process, which would result in dead wood and unqualified
members being replaced by well qualified and experienced members.

Jumbe told The Malawi Standard that the choice of board members of the
country's parastals would now depend on relevant educational
qualifications and skills of the members to the Boards.

In the past, some observers complained that some board members were not
contributing anything to the performance of the Statutory bodies; and if
anything some board members were only interested in financial and
material gains they received by being board members.

The Finance Minister said the implementation of the new system comes in
the wake of past experiences, which he said had revealed that some
parastatals were failing to make profits due to inefficiencies of some
board members.

"Most of them have very little knowledge of the operations of the
institution they are serving and yet are required to make critical
policy operation decisions," he said.

He added: "The selection of board members for the parastatals will be
carefully done this time around so that only those that have relevant
education qualifications and skills sit on the boards."

Jumbe in his budget statement observed that in the 2002/2003 financial
year, many parastatals made losses. He said that besides the general
macro-instability mainly created by the lack of adequate donor aid
in-flows, some board members contributed to the poor performance of
statutory corporations.

He however singled out Air Malawi, ESCOM, Malawi Telecommunications
Limited (MTL) and Southern Region Water Board as statutory corporations
that had made profit in the year.

Jumbe also disclosed that government had formulated a Dividend Policy,
with a view to get returns on its investment in the parastatals.
Government would be getting a percentage share of the companies' annual
profits.

"I am pleased to report that already a number of our parastatals have
remitted dividends to government and these are ESCOM, MTL, MACRA,
Blantyre Water Board and Dairiboard," he told Parliament in his budget
statement.

*****

Mugabe's exit plan takes shape

Rapule Tabane and David Masunda | Johannesburg

18 July 2003 11:15

The December congress of Zimbabwe’s ruling party is likely to take a
crucial first step towards President Robert Mugabe’s exit from power,
the Mail & Guardian has learned.

Well-placed sources in Zimbabwe said Mugabe was expected to step down
at the Zanu-PF conference. This would occur in time for a crucial
Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting, which African leaders do not
want dominated by another divisive debate on Zimbabwe.

In addition, Zimbabwe’s churches have emerged as key facilitators in
tentative initial contacts between Zanu-PF and the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC).

In a significant sign, the country’s state media have begun writing
openly about a successor to Mugabe, urging senior party leaders to state
their interest in the top job to fend off a potentially damaging
succession battle.

The election of a new leader at the Zanu-PF congress could pave the way
for a change of president by June next year — a pledge made by
President Thabo Mbeki in his meeting with United States President George
W Bush last week.

The June 2004 exit was first publicised at the World Economic Forum
meeting in Durban last month. Despite protestations to the contrary, the
M&G this week confirmed with high-level political actors in Zimbabwe and
South Africa that Zanu-PF and the MDC are in “talks about talks” —
preliminary dealings to set the conditions and framework for substantive
negotiations.

Confusion about whether or not the two parties were conducting
negotiations arose last week after MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai lashed
out at Mbeki for suggesting talks were ongoing.

Tsvangirai later climbed down after party spokesperson Paul Themba
Nyathi confirmed talks were in progress. Hardliners on both sides are
being excluded as the moderates take centre stage to break the
Zimbabwean stalemate.

The secrecy of the talks created uncertainty and insecurity among party
members on both sides, who feared being left out of the process.

South African government officials said it was not politic to reveal
the names of those involved in the talks, because of their delicate
nature.

“We can’t lie about an important matter like this. There are talks,
but they are very complex because some people may oppose them,” said a
senior government official.

“You must remember that even when South Africa was negotiating its
transition, there were elements on all sides who tried to sabotage them.
We feel confident that the president’s one-year deadline for change,
which he set at the World Economic Forum in Durban last month, is
achievable.”

Bush stunned many when he endorsed Mbeki as an honest broker in the
Zimbabwean crisis, after the US had been publicly critical before his
arrival in South Africa.

Zimbabwean commentators say Mbeki would not have made the concrete
pledge, complete with an exit date, if Mugabe had not personally given
his word to leave by then.

But yesterday, in what seemed to be a damage-control exercise, Mbeki
denied his message to Bush. “There is no such thing. I don’t know
where that comes from,” he said in Pretoria.

Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo who, with Mbeki, has been the most
prominent mediator, also wants rapid movement on Zimbabwe so that the
Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, in December
is not swamped by the issue.

South African Council of Churches secretary general Dr Molefe Tsele,
who has visited Zimbabwe with Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane,
said their counterpart, the Zimbabwe Council of Churches, was providing
shuttle diplomacy between the parties.

“Messages have been sent from one group to the other, but not
everybody has seen the urgency to negotiate,” Tsele said.

The M&G understands influential Catholic Bishop Father Fidelis Mukonori
last week met Tsvangirai after consulting with Zanu-PF. Mukonori is said
to have Mugabe’s ear.

Since Archbishop Ndungane’s visit, during which both parties agreed
to cooperate with him, the Zimbabwe Council of Churches and the Heads of
Christian Denominations have in the past two months met a Zanu-PF
delegation that included spokesperson Nathan Shamuyarira and former
permanent secretary of foreign affairs Willard Chiwewe, as well as MDC
leaders including Tsvangirai, his deputy, Gibson Sibanda, and general
secretary Welshman Ncube.

The negotiations are said to have progressed. It is expected that the
parties will announce details of terms for substantive talks in the next
few weeks.
Zanu-PF supporters say Bush’s endorsement of Mbeki will have the
effect of sending the MDC back to the negotiations. While it maintains a
facade of radical rhetoric, pressure from the US and Britain to talk
turkey is expected to lead the party to seek a negotiated settlement.

In Zimbabwe, the state-owned media, which do not move an inch on major
political issues without a government nod, have started interviewing
senior Zanu-PF officials about Mugabe’s successor, indicating that the
Zimbabwean leader is finally preparing to step down.

The government’s flagship, the Herald newspaper, has for the past
four weeks carried lengthy interviews with senior Zanu-PF leaders,
gently urging them to declare whether they are interested in the top job
once Mugabe leaves office.

In one interview, Didymus Mutasa, a Zanu-PF stalwart and secretary for
its foreign affairs portfolio, surprised readers by saying he was more
interested in the vice-president’s job — if it became vacant.

Zimbabwe has two vice-presidents, Simon Muzenda and Joseph Msika, both
appointed to balance regional concerns.  Muzenda, a close confidant of
Mugabe since the 1970s liberation war, is from the strong Masvingo
province, while Msika, who replaced Joshua Nkomo, represents the
interests of the country’s restive Ndebele and Nguni groups.

But both Muzenda and Msika are older than Mugabe, who is 79 years old.
Muzenda says he wants to quit, but will only do so when Mugabe is ready
to leave office, raising the possibility of a generation change in
Zanu-PF.

Msika, however, does not believe he is too old to pretend to the
throne. Of the four senior Zanu-PF leaders interviewed to date, only he
has openly said he is ready to succeed Mugabe.

Dumisa Dabengwa, the former Zapu heavyweight, said he would consider
“the offer" to become Zimbabwe’s next president only when Mugabe
had left office.

Emmerson Mnangagwa, Mugabe’s blue-eyed boy and long considered his
preferred successor, said he was not interested in the post because he
was intelligent enough “to know that there was no vacancy".

Mugabe has himself urged Zanu-PF to begin the succession debate.
While the debate will be thorny, inter-party negotiations are likely to
be even more daunting.

The MDC has listed three main demands: that Mugabe leaves office; that
a transitional authority is put in place to introduce constitutional
reforms to allow
for democracy; and that free and fair elections be held under a new
electoral system and international supervision. The MDC also wants
treason charges against Tsvangirai dropped.

Zanu-PF has demanded that the MDC recognise Mugabe as a legitimately
elected leader. It also wants the MDC to drop its court challenge to the
outcome of the 2000 general election. This was won by Zanu-PF, but was
widely condemned by observers for not being free and fair.

University of Zimbabwe development studies Professor Brian Rafto-polous
confirmed that “low-level” attempts to bring the parties together
appeared to have succeeded, but had not yet brought the major
adversaries face to face.

“The US has asked Mbeki to work on this issue. But it is important
that there is progress, because with Mugabe you are never sure. He could
change his mind any time,” Raftopolous said.

*****

Zimbabwe bakers fined for hikes

The Zimbabwe Government has fined four leading bakeries who doubled the
cost of bread, breaking strict price controls.
The companies were fined a total of 20 million Zimbabwe dollars, about
$25,000 after this week's price hikes.

In a bid to fight rampant inflation, the price of a loaf of bread is
set by law at Z$250 but bakers say this is below the cost of production
and on Monday, they started charging up to Z$1,000 for a loaf.

This is the latest sign of Zimbabwe's economic crisis.

There are shortages of many basic commodities, including bread, sugar,
petrol and even banknotes.

A manager at one of the companies told BBC News Online that they would
appeal against the fines.

"It's ridiculous. It's not possible to trade at the gazetted price," he
said.

The price of grain was recently increased by 1200% by the state-owned
Grain Marketing Board.

This led to an eightfold increase in the price millers charged bakers
for flour.

Annual inflation is currently running at 365%, according to official
figures.

Cash shortage

Police spokesperson Inspector Cecilia Churu told the state-owned Herald
newspaper that supermarkets had also been fined for breaking price
controls.

"The ongoing crackdown was effected following an outcry from
consumers," she said.

Banks are restricting withdrawals of banknotes because of the
shortages.

The highest denomination note, Z$500, does not even buy a bottle of
beer.

Critics of President Robert Mugabe accuse him of ruining the economy,
which used to be among the most successful in Africa.

The government blames the economic problems on a plot by western
countries opposed to its land reform policy.

Aid

Meanwhile, the Herald is reporting that the government is appealing to
international donors for more food aid.

Much of Southern Africa is recovering after bad droughts last year, but
Zimbabwe is still being hard hit with millions still needing food aid.

The UN food agency requires a formal request from the government before
aid can be provided.

#3852 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Tue Jul 22, 2003 1:58 pm
Subject: news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Al Qaeda Issue: Country Named As Five Suspects Were Flown Through
Harare

The Chronicle Newspaper (Lilongwe)

July 19, 2003
Posted to the web July 21, 2003

Christopher Jimu
Lilongwe

Contrary to reports that the five suspected members of the Al Qaeda
network who were recently arrested in Malawi being taken to Botswana,
The Chronicle has information that the suspects were taken to Zimbabwe
aboard an Air Malawi chartered flight.

According to sources, the five suspects and ten officials accompanying
them arrived at Lilongwe International Airport in three vehicles at
approximately 19.00 hours on July 23. The vehicles drove straight to the
aircraft where the passengers boarded Air Malawi's ATR who travelled on
an unscheduled flight No. QM 9141 to Harare.

'They all went straight from the cars onto the aircraft,' the source
said adding, 'No members of staff at the airport were able to see
whether they were hand-cuffed or blindfolded because no-one was allowed
on the tarmac at the airport.

It has been learnt that the out-of-schedule flight was originally
cleared to leave Blantyre for Lusaka, Zambia which destination was
switched to Harare, Zimbabwe instead.

'We do not know the reason why the flight was diverted from Lusaka to
Harare but all arrangements had been made that this flight go to Zambia.
Somehow arrangements were changed and the aircraft went to Harare. The
staff in Blantyre were ready to make sure that the aircraft left for
Lusaka,' said our source.

According to information received the flight, QM 9141 left Lilongwe at
19:35 pm on the night of June 23, the very same day the five were
arrested.

The plane landed in Harare an hour and ten minutes later at 20:45 pm.

It is alleged that from Harare the five were flown directly to
Guantanamo Bay in Cuba by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
members.

For reasons of security, The Chronicle has reserved the right to
publish the names of the captain and his crew of three who were in
charge of the flight.

Efforts to talk to Air Malawi Chief Executive, Francis Pelekamoyo
proved futile as he was out of office but the person who spoke on his
behalf, Maxwell Serenje refused to comment on the issue.

'You see the problem is that I am only acting on behalf of Mr.
Pelekamoyo and it could be very difficult for me to comment on such an
issue,' Serenje said.

When contacted for comment, the Zimbabwe High Commissioner to Malawi
Alice Nyazika told The Chronicle that Zimbwabwe was also trying to
establish what happened following some media reports that the arrested
people were taken to Harare.

'Zimbabwe has no information about the arrival in Harare on board Air
Malawi of the arrested people. The fact that they were put on a flight
bound for Harare may be a cover story to cover the reality of what
transpired,' said Nyazika in a reply through a questionaire dated July
18.

However Nyazika said that Zimbabwe High Commission in Malawi had
nothing to do with the issue and neither did Harare have anything to do
with the matter.

'To suggest that Harare has some dealings with Washington in these
matters is inconceivable and shows a lack of understanding of bilateral
relations,' concluded Nyazika.

The five arrested Al Qaeda suspects are Fahad Al Bahli, a Saudi
National and Resident Director of the Registered Trustees of the Prince
Sultan Ibn Aziz special committee on relief, Ibrahim Habaci, a Turkish
national and Executive Director of Bedir International High School and
another Turkish national Arif Ulusalam, owner of Instanbul Take Away
Restaurant in Blantyre.

Others are Mahmud Sardar Issa, a Sudanese who is the Director of the
Islamic Zakaat Fund and a Kenyan national Khalifa Abdi Hassan a teacher
at the Blantyre Islamic Mission at Chadzunda.

The Chronicle was informed that the CIA raided the homes of the five
suspects at 2 am on Saturday (June 22), shackled and blindfolded them
and then whisked them away to the Blantye Police Station for
questioning.

In an interview on Capital Radio in Blantyre the outgoing American
Ambassador Roger Meece denied American involvement in the arrests of the
five suspects and has repeatedly indicated that the Embassy was unaware
of any covert activities of the CIA in Malawi. Information received by
The Chronicle from a source in the US indicates that the arrests were
made after the CIA had furnished information on the suspects.

Meece, on bidding farewell to the Malawi president on his conclusion of
his diplomatic posting to Malawi commended President Bakili Muluzi for
handing over the five suspects to America because, he said it showed how
serious Malawi is in fighting terrorism.

The arrest of the five incensed Muslims around the country who went on
a rampage, destroying buildings belonging to Christians as well as
attacking American sponsored international non governmental
organisations. Concern has been expressed at the silence that has
cloaked the incident despite repeated calls for the authorities of the
two countries to make a statement on the issue.

*****

Bazuka Pens Tembo

The Chronicle Newspaper (Lilongwe)

July 19, 2003
Posted to the web July 21, 2003

Wezie Nyirongo
Lilongwe

The newly elected Malawi Congress Party (MCP) Secretary General, Bazuka
Mhango has critiqued the resolution that John Tembo, who was elected
party president at the convention held in Blantyre also stand as the
presidential candidate in next years' general election. The Chronicle
has established that Mhango, a seasoned lawyer, has written to Tembo
informing him that he is not able to stand as the presidential candidate
for the party pending his outcome of a criminal case against him.

The matter of Tembo automatically standing as the presidential
candidate also sparked debate and raised questions at the recent MCP
convention held at the Natural Resources College (NRC) in Lilongwe when
the party's Legal Advisor Louis Chimango introduced the issue before
delegates drawn from all the three regions in the country.

The party failed to elect the presidential candidate and the running
mate at the convention held at Motel Paradise in Blantyre due to the
fracas which erupted soon after announcing that Tembo had emerged the
winner for the party's presidency.

The Chronicle has been reliably informed that in the letter to Tembo ,
Mhango has informed Tembo that as long as the case is still in court he
(Tembo) is not able to lead the party as the presidential candidate for
the general elections until judgement has been rendered.

When contacted for comment Mhango was reported to be out of the
office.

However, when The Chronicle was going to bed information had it that
the party's National Executive was convening a meeting which was held at
an undisclosed venue in Lilongwe where the issue of Tembo being the
presidential candidate was high on the agenda. The meeting was supposed
to discuss a way forward of the party in readiness for next year's
tripartite elections and also discuss if there is need to get into
alliance with other opposition parties.

Tembo could not be reached for comment on whether he had received the
notification letter form the Secretary General Bazuka Mhango advising
him on the danger.

MCP newly elected deputy Publicity Secretary Steve Ching'ang'a
confirmed to The Chronicle that Mhango had indeed written to Tembo but
he could not comment further saying he would first read the letter and
comment later.

'Yes, its true that Mhango has written to Tembo but I have not actually
seen the copy of the letter. I will be able to comment when I read the
contents of the letter,' said Ching'ang'a.Ma teacher at the Blantyre
Islamic Miss

Tembo is charged with contempt of court for holding a convention which,
according to the court was illegal. Following the development Tembo has
lost his parliamentary seat together with the now deputy secretary
general Kate Kainja.

At the NRC, delegates agreed to endorse Tembo and Gwanda Chakuamba as
the presidential candidate and running mate respectively. However it
took the intervention of Chakuamba for the delegates to endorse Tembo as
the presidential candidate when he announced that holding fresh
elections for the presidential candidate would create another divisions
in the party.

Tembo in his closing address at the convention applauded Chakuamba for
his intervention acknowledging that the delegates indeed wanted him
(Chakuamba) to lead as the presidential candidate for the party in
2004.

'I applaud Chakuamba for refusing the demand from the delegates who
wanted him to be the presidential candidate knowing that the party will
go back to the old days when there were divisions and each leader had
his own camp,' said Tembo.

This though, did not go well with the delegates. One of the delegates
who opted for anonymity said to The Chronicle 'This issue is not
through. We will further discuss it at the NEC because we can't let
someone with an obvious criminal record be the presidential candidate.'

*****

Maulidi Contemplates Resignation

The Chronicle Newspaper (Lilongwe)

July 19, 2003
Posted to the web July 21, 2003

Pilirani Phiri
Lilongwe

United Democratic Front (UDF) party Deputy Secretary General who is
also the Minister of Justice, Paul Maulidi is contemplating resigning
his party post as well as from cabinet because recently he has been
side-lined by the UDF in making party decisions, The Chronicle has
learnt.

Maulidi's resignation, which a UDF source confiding to The Chronicle
said would be made official in a week's time, will be the second one
just a week after the resignation of the party's Treasurer General, and
Minister of State in the President's Office responsible for Special
Duties, Patrick Mbewe.

Mbewe resigned after disagreeing with President Muluzi over the
proposed amendment to the UDF Constitution that was altered to pave the
way for the continued presence and influence over the party of Bakili
Muluzi who would assume the position of the newly created office of
*Chairman' after he leaves the president's office.

Maulidi is currently in South Africa receiving medical treatment at one
of the bigger South African clinics.

The source confirmed that Maulidi intends to tender his resignation
immediately he returns from South Africa. It was also revealed that a
group of UDF MPs who gathered at Parliament Buildings last Tuesday were
overheard discussing the issue of Maulidi's pending resignation. Most of
the members said it would be a body blow to the party because it was so
unexpected. 'It is true that Maulidi will resign and he has already
informed the president about his idea. It seems that of late, he has
been side-lined in the party and soon after returning from South Africa
and after hearing the president's response he will make his resignation
official," said the source adding, 'but you never know with politics,'
without elaborating further.

Paul Maulidi who is Member of Parliament for Blantyre North on behalf
of the UDF, moved a motion in parliament to get rid of former MCP MPs
John Tembo and Kate Kainja following their conviction in a contempt case
where they were fined K200,000 each.

Recently Paul Maulidi again moved a motion in parliament which saw Jan
Sonke lose his UDF parliamentary seat following his resignation from the
UDF party.

However, despite all these, and other notable moves played by Maulidi
for the UDF, he has taken a back seat in the party of late especially
after his boss Katenga Kaunda, UDF's Secretary General got down to
business after a long absence due to illness.

Other sources in UDF revealed that Maulidi will resign because, just
like Patrick Mbewe, he is also in opposition to Muluzi's hand picked
successor Bingu wa Muthalika whom many in UDF say is new to the party
and therefore not capable of leading it in the 2004 polls. Maulidi has
also turned against the president and is now opposing Muluzi's plans to
assume the post of UDF chairman.

Maulidi, who was reported to be in South Africa as of last Friday
receiving medical treatment, could not be reached for his comment as we
went to press UDF's publicity secretary Ken Lipenga also could not be
reached for comment as his phone was switched to voice mail.

President Muluzi recently fired two district governors during a UDF
caucus held at Sanjika Palace and snatched the party cars from them. He
then ordered them to walk from the palace because the two were against
the adoption of the new party constitution which accommodates Muluzi's
chosen heir to contest for the UDF presidency in the 2004 general
elections.

*****

UNICEF Drills Youth On HIV/Aids

The Chronicle Newspaper (Lilongwe)

July 19, 2003
Posted to the web July 21, 2003

Pilirani Phiri
Lilongwe

As the HIV/AIDS pandemic continues its devastation on the youth, the
Ministry of Youth Sports and Culture last Friday organised a two day
long Youth Life Skills Workshop in Lilongwe which aimed at giving the
youth adequate information on the HIV/AIDS pandemic and preventive
measures.

Speaking during the official opening of the training programme the
director of Youth Affairs in the Ministry of Youth, Sports and Culture,
Filimino Chatsalira said the training was part of a country-wide support
project whose aim is to enhance life skills and HIV/AIDS preventive
measures.

'The youth of Malawi face a lot of social problems ranging from
unemployment, illiteracy and lack of vocational skills. Some of them
engage in excessive beer drinking and chamba smoking. It is for this
reason that equipping them with adequate information on issues of
HIV/AIDS and preventive measures is imperative," said Chatsalira He also
said that stories of girls being harassed by their male teachers are
rampant and it was the intention of the coarse to educate the girls on
how to deal with such unwelcome advances from their male teachers.

'This is a way of entrenching girls' rights to have a sexual
relationship only with a person of their choice. Girls should possess
the ability to be assertive," he said.

Speaking in an interview, the Lilongwe District Youth officer Doreen
Mbendera said training programme is a multi-country project whose aim is
to scale up the prevention of HIV/AIDS among adolescents in the
country.

Mbendera said the factors contributing to the high infection rates of
the HIV/AIDS pandemic among the youth, especially girls include the non
supportive environment, the vulnerability of girls, poverty and
misconceptions surrounding HIV/AIDS.

Most of the participating girls and boys drawn from various youth
organisations thanked UNICEF for funding the training, saying the course
would help them gain relevant life skills as well as equip them with
full information on HIV/AIDS and it's preventive measures.

'I am eagerly looking forward to learn how I can control myself from
contracting the pandemic and to equipped myself with the relevant life
skills and with full information on HIV/AIDS. Also I want to understand
special skills on decision making", said Diana Nyirongo of Youth On the
Move (YOMU) Statistics show that more than half of the newly infected
HIV/AIDS persons are young people aged between 15 and 24 years and it
has been estimated that 13,480 girls in the country were HIV positive by
the year 1999. The training programme was funded by UNICEF Malawi.

*****

Malawi Will Seek Joint Solutions in Elimination of Poverty - Justice
Makuta

The Post (Lusaka)

July 21, 2003
Posted to the web July 21, 2003

Webster Malido
Lusaka

MALAWI will seek joint solutions in the elimination of ignorance and
poverty, Malawi High Commissioner to Zambia justice Friday Makuta has
said.

During the commemoration of Malawi's 39th independence day at his
residence in Lusaka yesterday, High Commissioner Makuta said his country
would also strive to seek joint solutions in the fight against the
HIV/AIDS scourge and other diseases.

He said it was because of the need for joint efforts that a delegation
from the Ministry of Health and Population in Malawi undertook a study
tour on medical decentralisation in Zambia in February this year.

High Commissioner Makuta said there had also been a number of
reciprocal visits by senior government officials between Zambia and
Malawi.

He said the establishment of the Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique Growth
Triangle was another sign of good co-operation between the two
countries. High Commissioner Makuta said once the Chipata-Mchinji
railway project is completed, Zambia would have a shorter route to the
sea.

"It will also help the transportation of bulky goods from one country
to the other," High Commissioner Makuta said.

"We all know that road transportation can be expensive and it is
expected that transport of goods will be less costly by rail as a result
of the extension."

High Commissioner Makuta said Malawi appreciated the role that Zambia
played in the liberation of its neighbours as well as that which it was
still playing in finding peace in the Democratic Republic of Zambia. He
said apart from sharing a common history, Zambia and Malawi shared the
same border while its people were the same.

"The Chewas of the Eastern Province of Zambia and the Chewas of Malawi
have one paramount chief, Kalonga Gawa Undi of Katete," he said. During
the same occasion, home affairs minister Lt. Gen. Ronnie Shikapwasha
appealed to the people of Malawi to reflect on the road they had
travelled in building their nation, especially after subjugation to
autocratic rule for 31 years.

"We salute your government and the people for demonstrating steadfast
commitment and perseverance in the face of the difficult task of
national development," Lt. Gen. Shikapwasha said.

"This has only been made possible due to the peace and stability Malawi
has enjoyed since independence." He said Zambia valued the mutual bonds
of friendship and co-operation that exist between the two countries.

Lt. Gen. Shikapwasha noted that the bilateral co-operation between the
two countries cut across a wide spectrum of human endeavours. He said
the two countries had also agreed to meet and conclude a memorandum of
understanding on their participation in each other's trade fairs.

Lt. Gen. Shikapwasha said the two countries had also continued to
co-operate at various international fora such as the United Nations,
African Union, Commonwealth, Southern African Development Community and
the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa.

*****

Zim opposition say they'll sit out Mugabe's speech

Harare

22 July 2003 13:13

A top Zimbabwean opposition member of Parliament (MP) was arrested on
Tuesday soon after his party announced MPs would not walk out on
President Robert Mugabe's annual parliamentary opening speech.

Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi,
the MP who was arrested, said in a statement before his incarceration
the decision was aimed at "reducing political tensions in the country so
that an atmosphere conducive to dialogue can be created, with a view to
amicable negotiations for a dignified exit for Mr Robert Mugabe".

In return, the MDC expected Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF to end its
harassment of the party, stop its campaign of violence and to restore
law and order.

Immediately after he issued the statement, Nyathi was ordered to
present himself at Harare central police station where he was detained
under recent legislation for allegedly ridiculing Mugabe, said David
Coltart, the party's secretary for legal affairs.

Nyathi was accused of publishing a disrespectful cartoon last month
ahead of a five-day national strike to protest against Mugabe's rule.
The cartoon showed a terrified Mugabe fleeing a mob of angry people.

"Our decision [on Monday] was meant to be the test for Zanu-PF to
respond to our gesture," Coltart said.

"It's ironic that Paul should be arrested the very next day."

The arrest came as heavily-armed paramilitary police ringed the city
centre hours before the 79-year-old president was due to preside over
the ceremonial annual opening of Parliament.

The MDC's gesture was made amid mounting international diplomatic
pressure on both parties to begin negotiations to end the country's
crisis.

Pressure was stepped up sharply on July 9 when United States President
George Bush visited South Africa. He and South African President Thabo
Mbeki agreed to make "urgent" efforts to end Zimbabwe's political and
economic crisis.

The day before the opening, the MDC said 11 of its candidates had been
forcibly stopped by ruling party militias from formally registering for
local government elections in urban areas around the country.

Three would-be candidates, one of them with a broken neck, were in
hospital after ruling party youths attacked them when they tried to
register.

In other areas, Mugabe supporters blocked roads leading to registration
offices.

The seats were then allocated to ruling party candidates because the
MDC had "failed to contest them", Nyathi said in a statement on Monday
night.

The MDC, which has holds 54 seats in the 150 seat chamber against
Zanu-PF's 64, was due to boycott Mugabe's address for a second time in
two years, following his widely disputed victory in presidential
elections in March last year.

The MDC said the boycott was a symbolic refusal to recognise Mugabe,
whose presidency the MDC, most Western governments and international
election observers said was won through fraud, violent intimidation and
laws that gave the ruling party almost total control of the running of
the election.

Nyathi said the decision by the MDC to drop its walk-out "does not in
anyway change our position that Mugabe's position is disputed".

A reception for MPs, leading national figures and the diplomatic corps,
traditionally held at State House, Mugabe's official residence, the day
before the opening of Parliament, was cancelled on Sunday with no
reasons being given. It was also expected to be marred by a boycott by
opposition MPs and Western diplomats.

MDC sources said the party's decision to sit in the chamber through
Mugabe's speech had been reached after lengthy negotiations between MDC
vice president Gibson Sibanda and Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa.

The sources said Chinamasa had agreed that authorities would stop
arresting opposition MPs and allow them to attend report-back meetings
in their constituencies.

Most of the MDC's MPs have been arrested by police in the three years
since they were elected, but in no cases have there been any successful
prosecutions. In most cases, courts have dismissed the charges before
trials could begin.

Nyathi was last arrested in April for allegedly plotting to overthrow
Mugabe. - Sapa

*****

Mugabe postpones lavish reception

Harare

21 July 2003 08:43

President Robert Mugabe on Sunday postponed his usual reception before
the opening of parliament this week, an event that some diplomats, civic
leaders and opposition politicians had said they would boycott.

The government said Mugabe's usual lavish reception that was to take
place on Monday was "postponed to a date to be advised." However,
military aircraft, horseback police and troops rehearsed for Tuesday's
ceremonial opening of the parliament by Mugabe, which hadn't been
cancelled.

All invitations to Monday's event, including those to foreign
diplomats, civic and business leaders and ruling party officials, were
cancelled, it said. No reasons were given but opposition lawmakers, some
diplomats and civic leaders said they would boycott it.

Mugabe's support has plunged to its lowest as Zimbabwe faces its worst
economic crisis since he led the nation to independence in 1980.
Dwindling crowds have attended his recent ruling Zanu-PFparty rallies.

Lawmakers of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change have in the
past boycotted Mugabe's opening of parliament party and have walked out
of the house when Mugabe began his opening speech.

At the annual state opening of the parliament two years ago Mugabe,
riding in an open, vintage Rolls Royce used by colonial era British
governors, was jeered by protesters.

Last year, police prevented demonstrations by sealing off the main
square opposite the parliament building.

Zimbabwe is suffering acute shortages of hard currency, imports such as
gas, medicines and food. Fuel shortages have crippled industry and
transportation.

On the thriving black market, fuel and the staple, cornmeal, fetch five
times the official price. The official exchange rate is 824 Zimbabwe
dollars to the US dollar, but the American dollar buys up to Z$2 700 on
the black market.

Part of the deepening economic crisis is blamed on the state program
that seized thousands of white-owned commercial farms for redistribution
to black settlers.

Foreign investment and aid has largely ended in protest of human rights
abuses and the disputed presidential elections last year that gave
Mugabe another six-year term in office. Zimbabwe's opposition and
Britain, the European Union and the United States have refused to
recognise the poll results, saying they appeared
rigged.

US Secretary of State Colin Powell has called for Mugabe to step down
and end his rule of "tyranny" in Zimbabwe. Mugabe has been critical in
return.

According to the independent Daily News on Sunday newspaper, Mugabe
surprised even his own supporters and the state media with remarks at a
rally before US President George Bush's recent African trip.

The newspaper said on Sunday it obtained a recording of Mugabe's speech
at the rally in which he criticised pressure on his government by
Britain, the former colonial ruler, and the United States.

"They will never attempt to do here what they did in Iraq because it is
their children who will be the first to die," Mugabe said, according to
the newspaper, which translated his speech from the local Shona
language.

He did not elaborate. The remark was seen as a threat to whites and
their children in Zimbabwe which was even suppressed by the state media
in its reports of the rally, the paper said. - Sapa-AP

*****

Zimbabwe halts rent-a-corpse scam

Two mortuary workers in Zimbabwe have been arrested for allegedly
renting out corpses to motorists to enable them to buy fuel.
Most service stations in Zimbabwe give preference in fuel queues to
people with burial orders or those taking dead relatives for burial.

The state-owned Herald newspaper reported that the two men were also
accused of selling fake burial orders to motorists who then took the
corpses to service stations.

Police spokeswoman Cecilia Churu told the Associated Press the two
workers were arrested on Thursday after security guards at the hospital
in the town of Chitungwiza, 24 kilometres (15 miles) south of Harare,
noticed a coffin being returned to the morgue.

The two men are expected to appear in court on charges of violating
dead bodies.

The fuel situation is a symptom of the country's economic crisis. Fuel
prices have gone up 600% since February.

Mile-long queues are the result, and a further burden on hard-pressed
businesses already under pressure by the combination of rampant
inflation, an unrealistic exchange rate and government price controls
which have worsened shortages instead of easing them.

Zimbabwe has been suffering a serious fuel shortage since November when
a barter deal with Libya collapsed.

*****

IMF in Zambia crisis talks

The Zambian Government and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have
begun a week of talks, aimed at resolving a month-long stand-off over
fiscal policy.
The IMF in June suspended a $100m (£63m) poverty-reduction credit after
Zambia unveiled an unexpected and unexplained $125m budget deficit.

The Fund is concerned that Zambia's external position could become
unsustainable, given its $6.8bn of foreign debt.

Without a reconciliation with the IMF, Zambia will find it hard to keep
on terms with international lenders, many of which see the Fund as a
benchmark.

Bitter fall-out

The extra expenditure in Zambia's budget will almost double its deficit
- to 3% of gross domestic product, from the previous target of 1.55%.

The falling-out with the IMF is likely to make the deficit worse still,
as Zambia becomes ever more estranged from its foreign lenders and
donors.

The currency, the kwacha, is likely to be hit in turn by the increased
demand for dollars to pay for imports.

Worst of all, some worry that the government will postpone or cancel
crucial investment projects, thereby lowering Zambia's potential for
future economic growth.

Compromise promised

The severe consequences of a prolonged break in relations make it
likely that the IMF will come to terms this week.

The Fund is believed likely to agree to disburse at least some of the
$100m.

For its part, the Zambian Government has shown itself willing to at
least contemplate some spending cuts.

The government is currently standing firm in the face of strikes by
civil servants and other public-sector workers who are demanding higher
salaries.

#3853 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Wed Jul 23, 2003 1:58 pm
Subject: news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Malawi's political church leaders

By Raphael Tenthani
BBC Africa Live!

The relationship between church and state is one that arouses
controversy in many countries around the world - and few more so than
Malawi.

Religious leaders in the southern African country are divided over
whether or not President Muluzi should have his term in office extended.


The split is between both the government and the leaders and between
the leaders themselves.

While Muslims, who make up less than 20% of Malawi's population of 11
million people, wanted Mr Muluzi - a Muslim - to remain in power,
Christian leaders insist that he should step down, as stipulated by the
country's constitution.

"We can't just stand on the pulpit and preach about Jesus," Catholic
Church head Monsignor Boniface Tamani of Malawi's Public Affairs
Committee (PAC) told BBC World Service's Africa Live! programme.

"We are the soul of the nation - we have to comment on everyday lives
of the people, their social well-being, and politics happens to be one
of the major players in the nation's everyday lives."

Jibes

In turn the PAC - primarily a grouping of Christian leaders - has come
under attack from Mr Muluzi.

"These people should leave politics to us," he said.

"The problem here is everyone wants to be a politician. Can I go to
Kaswaya's church and preach?"

It is not the first time conflict between the church and the head of
state has flared up in the country.

What role for Africa's church?
In 1992, eight Catholic bishops faced the death penalty after producing
the Pastoral Letter "Living Our Faith" - a rare frank critique of
Malawi's atavistic dictator Hastings Kamuzu Banda.

The bishops were rounded up and a special convention of Banda's then
ruling Malawi Congress Party (MCP) resolved they should be put to death.


The Holy See, the Catholic church's ruling council at the Vatican, and
the international community had to step in to save them.

But the letter had sparked a political revolution, with exiles like
Chakufwa Chihana coming out in the open, drumming up international
support against the Banda regime.

Mr Muluzi, himself a former Banda protege who was leading a quite life
as a businessman, stirred back to life politically.

Donors quickly stopped aid to Malawi, forcing Mr Banda - hitherto a
darling of the West during the Cold War era - to institute political
change.

A referendum was held, paving the way for the 1994 general elections
that saw Mr Muluzi and the UDF uproot Mr Banda and the MCP's 30-year
uninterrupted stranglehold on power.

"Now that the heat is on them, they are saying it's not right for
religious leaders to comment on politics - what hypocrisy," Mr Tamani
said.

Demonstrations

Civil rights activist Emmie Chanika, who heads the Blantyre-based Civil
Liberties Committee (CILIC), said she agreed with Mr Tamani, arguing
that Malawi is currently enjoying peace because the church is prepared
to speak out.

"Religious leaders in Zimbabwe recently apologised for being quiet for
a long time leading to the current chaos," she said.

"In fact the Bill of Rights in several constitutions is derived from
the Bible."

But UDF deputy publicist Ken Lipenga told Africa Live! that while the
ruling party accepted criticism, some religious leaders were being used
by political groups.

Mr Lipenga argued that the torching of UDF offices in Blantyre by
university students during an anti-third term demonstration went
uncriticised by the church, while beatings issued by the UDF's Young
Democrats were routinely condemned.

"I am not condoning acts of terror by our youth wing but it seems
whenever the UDF is a victim nobody cares, but whenever we are in the
wrong it's big news," he said.

Mr Lipenga's claims were disputed by Mosses Mkandawire, coordinator of
the Church and Society - a civil rights wing of the Church of Central
Africa Presbyterians.

"The problem could be it is the ruling party that tramples upon other
people's rights so often, that's why they seem to be under constant
attack," he said.

Meanwhile Mr Tamani said that ultimately, religious leaders have a duty
to comment on anything, be it politics, HIV/Aids, or poverty.

"We can't all be politicians," he said.

"But we can't let politicians get away with it simply because we are
not politicians."

*****

Deepening Poverty Threatens Households

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

July 22, 2003
Posted to the web July 22, 2003


A household-level recovery from the past year's food security crisis in
Malawi is being complicated by deepening levels of poverty, observers
say.

In a recent interview with IRIN in the capital Lilongwe, World Food
Programme (WFP) country representative, Gerard van Dijk, said "poverty,
combined with HIV/AIDS" had worsened household vulnerability.

"You have to see the situation of crop failures against the background
of structural problems. Economic growth is sometimes negative, around 0
percent and 1 percent. This means poverty is only increasing," Van Dijk
added.

This was evident by the "striking lack of an informal sector ... People
can't afford these items. You go to villages and inside the homes
there's nothing. It is an example of a population living on the most
minimal basics", he said.

"The number of people living below the poverty line is still increasing
- some people say it might go up to more than 70 percent in the coming
years," Van Dijk commented.

In a recent report on the economic situation in the country, Rafiq
Hajat of the Blantyre-based Institute for Policy Interaction (IPI) noted
that with a "nominal per capita income of US $160, Malawi is on of the
poorest countries in the world, with dire poverty that is pervasive and
deeply rooted".

The report points out that "30 percent of the population earn incomes
that are inadequate to assure basic calorie needs" and life expectancy
is at an average of 44 years.

"This daunting scenario is further compounded by one of the highest
prevalences of HIV/AIDS; in urban areas, the prevalence rate among women
visiting prenatal clinics is estimated at over 30 percent. Water and
sanitation and rural infrastructure are severely inadequate: over
two-thirds of households use pit latrines, and potable water is
available to only half the population," the report said.

Malawi is a landlocked country that lacks mineral resources, and is
among the most densely populated in sub-Saharan Africa. With a mainly
agrarian economy - which employs 85 percent of the labour force and
accounts for 40 percent of GDP - three droughts in four years have had a
terrible effect on household coping mechanisms.

Malawi has, however, staged a remarkable recovery from the widespread
food shortages of the 2002/03 agricultural season. At the height of the
crisis about 3 million Malawians needed food aid to survive.
Humanitarian agencies now estimate the need for relief aid will peak at
about 400,000 people in January 2004.

Nevertheless, "making the recovery sustainable will be very difficult",
said Van Dijk. WFP was focusing more on food-for-work initiatives to
help build community infrastructure, but would continue to provide
direct assistance to the most vulnerable sectors of the population,
including the 800,000 children aged under 18 who have lost one or both
parents to HIV/AIDS.

"Our thinking has evolved over the last 12 months - we are thinking of
how we can be of help in addressing the problems of the country.
Sixty-five percent of people live below the poverty line, so it is
extremely difficult to identify the most vulnerable. Targeting amongst
the extreme poor is not easy," Van Dijk noted.

"Basically, the most vulnerable are hidden in the population. Crop
failures can be localised, flooding gives you a clearly defined area
[where aid is needed] but targeting [the vulnerable] in poverty is very
difficult, it is not easy," he added.

Given the widespread poverty and consequent vulnerability to shocks,
another serious crop failure could spell disaster for ordinary
Malawians.

"There's a high risk of large numbers of people dying, either directly
from hunger, or indirectly through cholera, HIV/AIDS etc. So,
absolutely, the country is still fragile," Van Dijk concluded.

Like Van Dijk, the IPI believes addressing poverty would go a long way
towards lessening people's vulnerability to shocks.

However, the IPI report warned that "prospects for any material dent in
the depth and breadth of poverty are limited as long as [the] population
continues to grow at the high rate of 2.7 percent a year, whilst
economic growth declines year upon year".

Up to 80 percent of Malawi's development budget is funded by donors.
The International Monetary Fund is withholding US $47 million in budget
support assistance in response to government overspending, and Western
governments have also demanded greater transparency.

*****

Zimbabwe, Malawi Excluded From Regional AIDS Project

The Daily News (Harare)

July 22, 2003
Posted to the web July 22, 2003


Zimbabwe has been left out of a project that is aimed at reducing the
spread of HIV/Aids among long distance truck drivers operating along the
Beira Development Corridor.

Malawi is also said to have been omitted out of the project that is
being run by the Southern African Transport Communications Commission
(SATCC), which is a grouping of transport ministries in the Southern
African Development Community.

A Ministry of Transport official, Abbey Mpamhanga, yesterday said
Zimbabwe had not been consulted before decisions were taken on how best
HIV/AIDS prevalence along the busy route could be reduced.

Mpamhanga, who is a director of legislation in the Transport Ministry
said: "Zimbabwe and Malawi were left out in the consultation work and we
hear the programme is nearing conclusion before it has been started."

Mpamhanga was reacting to comments by SATCC project officer Frederico
Sarguene that the HIV/AIDS pilot project would be completed before
year-end.

The SATCC project involves the running of HIV/AIDS awareness campaigns
among transport and sex workers with roadside health information units
being set along the Beira Corridor route.

Sarguene had told a meeting here that: "The programme should be running
by November and we hope by then we would be able to bring down the
infection rate among the drivers."

The SATCC project officer said reports by consultants indicated a high
HIV/Aids prevalence rate among the truck drivers in the region of about
56 percent.

Mpamhanga said it would be difficult for Zimbabwe to adopt the
consultant's report as it had nothing on Zimbabwe.

Sarguene admitted there were anomalies in the omission of Zimbabwe and
Malawi from active participation of the consultation work.

"At least we have a starting point which would be extended to Zimbabwe
and Malawi in future."

SATCC was formed in 1980 to cater for infrastructural development of
the transport sector in the region.

It also sought to rehabilitate infrastructure in the various regional
countries that was destroyed in wars that until a few years ago ravaged
some parts of southern Africa.

It has over the years spread its interests to include the harmonisation
of customs exercise procedures to ensure smooth movement of goods and
people between SADC member states.

*****

Aids 'threatens economic catastrophe'

The economic impact of HIV/Aids may be far worse than previously
thought and some African countries may face complete collapse, a report
has warned.
The study*, jointly authored by economists from Heidelberg University
and the World Bank, models the impact of the virus in various scenarios.


In South Africa, one of the countries worst affected by HIV/Aids, a
failure to fight the disease will cause incomes at least to halve over
the next three generations, the study predicts.

By 2080, full-time child labour will be ubiquitous, with an inescapable
descent into economic "backwardness" a generation later.

"This is a Darwinian event," says Professor Alan Whiteside, director of
the Health Economics and HIV/AIDS Research Division of the University of
Natal, South Africa.

"Societies will be very different as a result of this epidemic."

Ups and downs

The new report is not the first attempt to model the economic impact of
HIV/Aids, but it is by far the bleakest.

Most previous economists have seen the disease having only a limited
effect; the World Bank, for example, assumes it will shave just 0.3-1.5
percentage points off South African growth in years to come.

The traditional reasoning is not the result of downplaying the spread
of the disease.

Rather, it reflects the theory that a shrinking labour force will enjoy
progressively higher wages, and people in overpopulated regions will
benefit from greater access to land and other fixed assets.

This effect, often observed in the wake of epidemics, should go some
way to replacing the costs of treatment, welfare and lost production.

Capital losses

The Heidelberg-World Bank report differs from its predecessors in its
focus on so-called "human capital", the stock of experience, skills and
education which contribute to an economy's potential for growth.

"The real economic threat of Aids is its potential to kill young
adults," says Professor Hans Gersbach, one of the authors.

"By doing that, it prevents the transfer of human capital from one
generation to another."

As young adults die off, more and more children will be taken out of
education and pushed into the workforce.

Dying parents will have fewer resources to educate their children, and
infected children will have less incentive to acquire an education.

Going backwards

The overall effect, the authors say, will be rapidly to erode a
nation's intellectual capacity, and to produce an economy wholly
dependent on child labour.

And the usual post-epidemic effect of higher wages will not emerge.

By pushing economies back towards primitivism - making subsistence
farmers out of the children of engineers, for example - the disease will
actually reduce the individual earning potential of the survivors.

According to anecdotal evidence, there are signs of this happening
already: in some sub-Saharan African countries, the phone system is
deteriorating owing to an Aids-related shortage of qualified
technicians.

'Top priority'

Aid agencies and campaigners have broadly welcomed the report.

"This is not just a private health matter," says Simon Wright, HIV/Aids
campaigners for ActionAid.

"This goes to the heart of the development of economies."

"Aids has to be recognised as being an absolutely top priority," says
George Gelber, head of public policy at charity Cafod.

But he points out that the gloomiest scenarios assume complete inaction
on the part of governments and the international community.

In fact, there are some positive signs: in Uganda, arguably the worst
affected country, infection rates are starting to fall after a concerted
education campaign.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
* The Long-run Economic Costs of AIDS: Theory and an Application to
South Africa. Clive Bell and Hans Gersbach, Heidelberg University;
Shantayanan Devarajan, World Bank.

*****
[an interesting direction...]

There's a kinship between Malawians and Zambians

The Post (Lusaka)

EDITORIAL
July 22, 2003
Posted to the web July 22, 2003

CO-OPERATION between Malawi and Zambia is not only an economic
expedience but it is a moral necessity.

As Malawi High Commissioner to Zambia justice Friday Makuta explained
yesterday, the people of these two countries are the "same" - for
instance, the Chewas of Zambia's Eastern Province and the Chewas of
Malawi have a common paramount chief, Kalonga Gawa Undi of Katete.

An unbreakable umbilical cord connects Malawians and Zambians, for we
are together children of the same clans, tribes and region. There's a
kinship between the two peoples.

We are linked by nature, but we are proud of each other and seek
co-operation among our people by choice. And our co-operation will
become a great weapon for eradicating ignorance and promoting democracy.
And we highly welcome the efforts of our governments on this score.

And we look forward to a day when there will be no border that requires
a passport to move from Chipata to Mchinji, when we will for all intents
and purposes live in one territory, seeking joint solutions in the
elimination of ignorance and poverty, joint solutions in the fight
against the HIV/AIDS scourge and other diseases.

This co-operation and integration is not only critical but imperative
to the development of Malawi and Zambia. And we should not falter on
co-operation and integration but continue to pursue it to the best of
our ability in order to advance the realisation of the full potential of
our peoples.

Our two countries, and indeed our region and entire continent, have no
worthy, honourable, independent alternative to co-operation and
integration. If we don't achieve meaningful integration, we will have no
place in the world of the future. With meaningful co-operation and
integration our two countries and our region could also become an
important economic unity.

And we don't think anybody is justified in calling himself or herself a
politician - in any sense of the word - if he or she doesn't have a
clear understanding of the need for this co-operation and integration,
if he or she doesn't take this reality into account, and if he or she
isn't aware that this reality must inevitably be faced.

But our integration and unity are conceivable only with independence,
within the framework of our own interests, and not integration based on
the neo-colonial, neoliberal globalisation. The current world economic
order doesn't seem to aid any of the efforts, policies and strategies we
are banking on to reduce poverty and develop our countries.

Despite more than ten to fifteen years of economic reforms,
liberalisation and privatisation to attract foreign investments we are
still not benefiting significantly from global capital flows because
much of this is flowing to only a handful of developing countries.

This is despite the enormous global capital flows from the private
sector. According to the United Nations Industrial Development
Organisation (UNIDO), Africa was being by-passed by these flows despite
being the region in most need of financial support, particularly from
the private sector.

It does not surprise us that as a result, unprecedented global
prosperity has gone hand-in-hand with unprecedented poverty levels of
over 80 per cent in countries like Malawi and Zambia and growing general
global inequality.

It's also not a surprise to us that currently, wealth and income seem
to be concentrated in a few hands and that global capitalism was
apparently disconnected from the concerns of those whose lives it
affects.

Since when has global capitalism been concerned about equality,
fairness and genuine justice or the lives of those it affected? From the
days of mercantile capitalism and its slave trade, through classical
colonialism with its crude extraction of raw materials from our
countries, to today's neo-liberal colonialism the situation of our
people is basically or fundamentally the same - marginalised, exploited,
ignorant, diseased, hungry and generally poor. Of course, we are not
saying there are no improvements in the world - some relatively good
things have happened in the world.

But our situation is still relatively the same - backward, poor and
desperate. We are permanently at the bottom of things in the world.
Therefore to try to solve the problems of the future with tools of the
past will not be sufficient for us.

We cannot escape and hide away from today's highly globalised world but
we have to find the most beneficial ways of engaging in, or with, it. We
can't keep on relying on methods and formulas - colonial and
neo-colonial ones - which have throughout the ages or times failed us
and left us permanently weaker and desperate.

It may hurt to do things our way but we must be intelligent and invent
new approaches to our problems in order to survive in these conditions
without ever ceasing to be part of the so called globalised world. We
have to struggle, work hard, research and stretch our intellectual
abilities and sense of humanity to the utmost if we have to harbour any
hope for survival in what appears to be a very difficult world for us.

We should not accept the dogmas - the International Monetary Fund and
World Bank neoliberal doctrines - which we are being manipulated to
accept as our own programmes or development strategies and to which we
are daily being told there are no sensible alternatives. These are
unusual, difficult times. No country is isolated from the rest of the
world today. No country lives or could live in a glass house.

What one nation - no matter how small - does, can have repercussions on
other nations. We have a pressing need as Africans to unite. We think
the correct strategy is to unite; take the initiative and demand the
establishment of a more fairer international economic order.

Our political leaders who fail to see this will have to answer to
history for it. We hope they will accept their responsibility,
understand the problem, state it in correct terms, and struggle for the
implementation of a new international economic order. We must choose
concrete, realistic, and definitive solutions - not take the path of
agony.

We must choose a clear, intelligent, effective solution - not head
toward Calvary. We think we have been struggling uphill for long enough.
We have suffered not only the torment of Calvary but also that of
Sisyphus, who had to keep pushing a boulder up a hill and every time he
was about to reach the top, it would roll back down and he would have to
start all over again.

Our situation is worse than Calvary because Calvary was climbed
quickly; we have been climbing our hill for a long time, and we keep on
having to start over. Calvary is preferable to Sisyphus' torment, and if
we have had our Calvary, we should also have a resurrection.

What we want is to find a real solution for the problem, but what will
happen is that imperialism and the industrialised capitalist countries
will try to prevent the implementation of these solutions and divide the
people; they will give a little aid here and there so that each will
remain with his own Calvary - and not even a Calvary, but with the
agonising torture of pushing the boulder up a never-ending hill. But one
day the peoples are going to demand, "How much longer do we have to put
up with these conditions?"

And then they will find solutions - they may shed blood in internal
strife when - as almost all of us have foreseen - the people, tired of
waiting, tired of being fooled once again take weapons to destroy to its
very foundations a whole social and economic order designed to exploit
them.

However, we prefer an orderly solution; internal and external unity;
and a real, definitive solution for our problems of dependence and
underdevelopment.

*****

New York Times

July 23, 2003

Send in the Peace Corps

By AVI M. SPIEGEL

Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's dreams of a leaner and meaner
military,
a smaller yet more modernized force, are in jeopardy. Faced with
continued
resistance in Iraq and peacekeeping duties in Afghanistan, Pentagon
officials are now considering proposals to expand and restructure
American
forces amid fears that longer deployments will result in an
overextended
military.

Their focus may be misplaced. The question of how to reorganize the
armed
forces should be turned on its head: instead of making the military
better
at humanitarian assignments (in Iraq, Afghanistan and perhaps
Liberia),
humanitarian groups should strive to become more comfortable in
military
situations.

The Peace Corps, America's oldest overseas volunteer program, should
equip
itself to enter regions it now deems too dangerous. A force of trained
and
educated volunteers could improve its cooperation with the military
and
learn how to conduct itself in such settings.

With Congress debating spending on the Peace Corps and Americorps, it
is
time to update the Peace Corps' mission. Even in the face of mounting
budgetary concerns, neither the military nor the Peace Corps is likely
to
react well to calls for a more active, less gun-shy Peace Corps.

Indeed, most humanitarian organizations cling to their independence
and
worry that any semblance of cooperation with the military might
jeopardize
their credibility. In postwar Iraq, on the other hand, the military was
slow
to allow international humanitarian workers into the country because
of
concerns over their protection, and volunteer organizations complained
about
lack of access.

The lessons are telling: there are humanitarian workers who are capable
of
entering dangerous situations, and better relations with the military
just
might allow them better access.

Even journalists in Iraq gave up reservations about being "embedded" in
the
military. No one is suggesting Peace Corps volunteers answer to the
military. But isn't providing humanitarian assistance at least as
important
as reporting the news?

Amid tales of declining troop morale or of soldiers assuming draining
humanitarian duties, America's volunteer humanitarian force - the
Peace
Corps - has been notably absent in Iraq and Afghanistan. The reluctance
to
send volunteers into potentially dangerous situations might have been
understandable in the past. The agency was formed in 1961, during the
cold
war, when the battle against Communism shaped United States foreign
policy.
Peace Corps volunteers were frequently withdrawn from any country in
which
the political situation became unstable.

Today the war on terror guides America's foreign policy, and it is
all-encompassing. No nation is totally immune from danger. If it only
allowed its volunteers in safe, stable countries, the Peace Corps would
risk
being shut out of too much of the world. The security situations in
these
countries may not change, but the Peace Corps can.

Four years ago I was a Peace Corps volunteer in Morocco. Today I
simply
would not have that option. The Peace Corps withdrew earlier this year
from
its lone outposts in the Arab world, Morocco and Jordan. (The
organization
announced yesterday that it would return to Jordan next year.)
Meanwhile,ve fo
the Pentagon is planning to expand its military presence in the
region.

Unfortunately, the Peace Corps removes its volunteers just when they
are
needed the most: when anti-Americanism is running unchecked and the
need for
contact with ordinary American citizens is greatest. Volunteers who
have
just graduated from college may not be prepared to serve in these
challenging settings. But there are surely Americans, given the right
amount
of training and experience, who would relish the chance.

From North Africa to the Persian Gulf, the sole face of America is too
often
the face of a soldier. American citizens deserve the chance to change
that
image - for their own good and for the good of their country.

Avi M. Spiegel, a student at Harvard Divinity School and the New York
University School of Law, was a Peace Corps volunteer in Morocco from
1998
to 2000.

#3854 From: "varsha ghosh" <varshaghosh@...>
Date: Wed Jul 23, 2003 8:21 pm
Subject: NYT op-ed on Peace Corps
vghosh
Send Email Send Email
 

From today's NYT-- I find this a scary concept--anybody else?

OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR

Send in the Peace Corps

By AVI M. SPIEGEL

Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's dreams of a leaner and meaner military, a smaller yet more modernized force, are in jeopardy. Faced with continued resistance in Iraq and peacekeeping duties in Afghanistan, Pentagon officials are now considering proposals to expand and restructure American forces amid fears that longer deployments will result in an overextended military.

Their focus may be misplaced. The question of how to reorganize the armed forces should be turned on its head: instead of making the military better at humanitarian assignments (in Iraq, Afghanistan and perhaps Liberia), humanitarian groups should strive to become more comfortable in military situations.

The Peace Corps, America's oldest overseas volunteer program, should equip itself to enter regions it now deems too dangerous. A force of trained and educated volunteers could improve its cooperation with the military and learn how to conduct itself in such settings.

With Congress debating spending on the Peace Corps and Americorps, it is time to update the Peace Corps' mission. Even in the face of mounting budgetary concerns, neither the military nor the Peace Corps is likely to react well to calls for a more active, less gun-shy Peace Corps.

Indeed, most humanitarian organizations cling to their independence and worry that any semblance of cooperation with the military might jeopardize their credibility. In postwar Iraq, on the other hand, the military was slow to allow international humanitarian workers into the country because of concerns over their protection, and volunteer organizations complained about lack of access.

The lessons are telling: there are humanitarian workers who are capable of entering dangerous situations, and better relations with the military just might allow them better access.

Even journalists in Iraq gave up reservations about being "embedded" in the military. No one is suggesting Peace Corps volunteers answer to the military. But isn't providing humanitarian assistance at least as important as reporting the news?

Amid tales of declining troop morale or of soldiers assuming draining humanitarian duties, America's volunteer humanitarian force — the Peace Corps — has been notably absent in Iraq and Afghanistan. The reluctance to send volunteers into potentially dangerous situations might have been understandable in the past. The agency was formed in 1961, during the cold war, when the battle against Communism shaped United States foreign policy. Peace Corps volunteers were frequently withdrawn from any country in which the political situation became unstable.


Today the war on terror guides America's foreign policy, and it is all-encompassing. No nation is totally immune from danger. If it only allowed its volunteers in safe, stable countries, the Peace Corps would risk being shut out of too much of the world. The security situations in these countries may not change, but the Peace Corps can.

Four years ago I was a Peace Corps volunteer in Morocco. Today I simply would not have that option. The Peace Corps withdrew earlier this year from its lone outposts in the Arab world, Morocco and Jordan. (The organization announced yesterday that it would return to Jordan next year.) Meanwhile, the Pentagon is planning to expand its military presence in the region.

Unfortunately, the Peace Corps removes its volunteers just when they are needed the most: when anti-Americanism is running unchecked and the need for contact with ordinary American citizens is greatest. Volunteers who have just graduated from college may not be prepared to serve in these challenging settings. But there are surely Americans, given the right amount of training and experience, who would relish the chance.

From North Africa to the Persian Gulf, the sole face of America is too often the face of a soldier. American citizens deserve the chance to change that image — for their own good and for the good of their country.

Avi M. Spiegel, a student at Harvard Divinity School and the New York University School of Law, was a Peace Corps volunteer in Morocco from 1998 to 2000.




Anyone can slay a dragon, he told me, but try waking up every morning & loving the world all over again. That's what takes a real hero. – Story people



MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE*

#3855 From: sgeibel@...
Date: Thu Jul 24, 2003 6:49 am
Subject: RE: NYT op-ed on Peace Corps
scottgeibel
Send Email Send Email
 
To me, embedding PCVs in the military isn't so scary as it is fundamentally
absurd--to say that embedding greedy glory-hound reporters would be equivalent
to embedding altruistic PCVs is terrific nonsense. There's a reason why MSF,
IRC, and other similar emergency aid volunteers from good agencies rarely get
killed, and that's because they steer well clear of any political/military
involvement. PC may be government, but every villager knows that PC sure ain't
the military's clean-up and goodwill unit-- it should stay that way. Let USAID
do that job if it must, but I don't even care for that.

And let's be honest here, how many of us would rush to "volunteer" to put our
lives on the line to assist paid military and professional aid workers in
*immediate* postwar recovery? I'm sorry, but show me the job and show me the
money....

Scott


"varsha ghosh" <varshaghosh@...> wrote:

>  
>
>From today's NYT-- I find this a scary concept--anybody else?
>
>
>
>
>OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR
>
>
>
>Send in the Peace Corps
>By AVI M. SPIEGEL
>
>
>
>
>efense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's dreams of a leaner and meaner military, a
smaller yet more modernized force, are in jeopardy. Faced with continued
resistance in Iraq and peacekeeping duties in Afghanistan, Pentagon officials
are now considering proposals to expand and restructure American forces amid
fears that longer deployments will result in an overextended military.
>
>
>
>Their focus may be misplaced. The question of how to reorganize the armed
forces should be turned on its head: instead of making the military better at
humanitarian assignments (in Iraq, Afghanistan and perhaps Liberia),
humanitarian groups should strive to become more comfortable in military
situations.
>
>
>
>The Peace Corps, America's oldest overseas volunteer program, should equip
itself to enter regions it now deems too dangerous. A force of trained and
educated volunteers could improve its cooperation with the military and learn
how to conduct itself in such settings.
>
>
>
>With Congress debating spending on the Peace Corps and Americorps, it is time
to update the Peace Corps' mission. Even in the face of mounting budgetary
concerns, neither the military nor the Peace Corps is likely to react well to
calls for a more active, less gun-shy Peace Corps.
>
>
>
>Indeed, most humanitarian organizations cling to their independence and worry
that any semblance of cooperation with the military might jeopardize their
credibility. In postwar Iraq, on the other hand, the military was slow to allow
international humanitarian workers into the country because of concerns over
their protection, and volunteer organizations complained about lack of access.
>
>
>
>The lessons are telling: there are humanitarian workers who are capable of
entering dangerous situations, and better relations with the military just might
allow them better access.
>
>
>
>Even journalists in Iraq gave up reservations about being "embedded" in the
military. No one is suggesting Peace Corps volunteers answer to the military.
But isn't providing humanitarian assistance at least as important as reporting
the news?
>
>
>
>Amid tales of declining troop morale or of soldiers assuming draining
humanitarian duties, America's volunteer humanitarian force — the Peace Corps —
has been notably absent in Iraq and Afghanistan. The reluctance to send
volunteers into potentially dangerous situations might have been understandable
in the past. The agency was formed in 1961, during the cold war, when the battle
against Communism shaped United States foreign policy. Peace Corps volunteers
were frequently withdrawn from any country in which the political situation
became unstable.
>
>
>
>
>Today the war on terror guides America's foreign policy, and it is
all-encompassing. No nation is totally immune from danger. If it only allowed
its volunteers in safe, stable countries, the Peace Corps would risk being shut
out of too much of the world. The security situations in these countries may not
change, but the Peace Corps can.
>
>
>
>Four years ago I was a Peace Corps volunteer in Morocco. Today I simply would
not have that option. The Peace Corps withdrew earlier this year from its lone
outposts in the Arab world, Morocco and Jordan. (The organization announced
yesterday that it would return to Jordan next year.) Meanwhile, the Pentagon is
planning to expand its military presence in the region.
>
>
>
>Unfortunately, the Peace Corps removes its volunteers just when they are needed
the most: when anti-Americanism is running unchecked and the need for contact
with ordinary American citizens is greatest. Volunteers who have just graduated
from college may not be prepared to serve in these challenging settings. But
there are surely Americans, given the right amount of training and experience,
who would relish the chance.
>
>
>
>From North Africa to the Persian Gulf, the sole face of America is too often
the face of a soldier. American citizens deserve the chance to change that image
— for their own good and for the good of their country.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>Avi M. Spiegel, a student at Harvard Divinity School and the New York
University School of Law, was a Peace Corps volunteer in Morocco from 1998 to
2000.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>Anyone can slay a dragon, he told me, but try waking up every morning amp;
loving the world all over again. That's what takes a real hero.
>– Story people
>
>
>
>-------------------------------------------------------------------------------\
-MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE*
>
>    *Yahoo! Groups Sponsor*
>
>    
>    ADVERTISEMENT
>
>
>
>
>    
>
>
>Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service.
>

__________________________________________________________________
McAfee VirusScan Online from the Netscape Network.
Comprehensive protection for your entire computer. Get your free trial today!
http://channels.netscape.com/ns/computing/mcafee/index.jsp?promo=393397

Get AOL Instant Messenger 5.1 free of charge.  Download Now!
http://aim.aol.com/aimnew/Aim/register.adp?promo=380455

#3856 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Thu Jul 24, 2003 2:07 pm
Subject: news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Malawi terror suspects in Sudan

By Martin Plaut
BBC News

Five foreign Muslims arrested in Malawi last month on suspicion of
belonging to al-Qaeda have been flown into the Sudanese capital,
Khartoum, officials say.

A senior police spokesman said investigations had cleared the men - one
Sudanese, a Kenyan, a Saudi, and two Turks - of terrorism charges.

In June, the five men living in Malawi were arrested in a joint
operation mounted by United States Central Intelligence Agency and
Malawi's security organisation.

The Americans wanted to deport the men, but their lawyer took the
matter before the High Court, which ordered that it should hear their
case.

Despite this, the men were put on board a plane and taken out of Malawi
to an unknown destination - leaving the Director of Public Prosecution,
Fahad Assani, explaining that he did not know where they were.

"This sort of terrorism is a very high risk security problem, and very
little information should be given which would make the investigations
with the American authorities difficult," he said.

Murky case

Muslims in Malawi took to the streets in protest, leading to clashes
with the police.

President Bakili Muluzi defended the action, saying that his government
had no choice in the matter, because Malawi was under an international
obligation to fight terrorism.

Now the men have turned up in Sudan, but the US embassy in Malawi is
refusing all comment.

A great deal still remains unclear about this extremely murky case.

*****

Fragile Recovery Necessitates Ongoing Food Aid

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

July 23, 2003
Posted to the web July 23, 2003

Johannesburg

Officials in Malawi on Wednesday said although this year's bumper
harvest would alleviate food shortages in the country, widespread
poverty would still make it difficult for the majority of people to
access maize.

The country has this year reportedly harvested 1.9 million mt of maize,
the national staple crop.

"We would have preferred to have reached 2 million mt, but with what we
have harvested it should be enough to meet the needs of the local
population for the coming year," Commissioner for Disaster Preparedness
Relief and Rehabilitation Lucius Chikuni told IRIN.

Chikuni noted that despite the successful harvest, some 67,000 people
across the country would still need food assistance.

"Those who are still in need mainly fall into the most vulnerable
category such as the chronically ill, the aged, and those children
orphaned by AIDS. The other groups in need will now be able to access
the maize through food-for-work programmes initiated by the government,"
he said.

But the World Food Programme has warned that the recovery is extremely
fragile.

"It is important to now put in place strategies which would sustain
food security. Most Malawians survive on very little a day, which means
that even if there is sufficient food in the country they do not have
the means to purchase it," explained Amy Horton said.

Last year erratic weather devastated crops and caused widespread food
shortages, leaving some 3.3 million people estimated to be in need of
food aid until June 2003.

*****

Ruling Party Official Threatens Newspaper Reporters

International Freedom of Expression Exchange Clearing House (Toronto)

July 21, 2003
Posted to the web July 23, 2003

Windhoek

An official from the ruling United Democratic Front (UDF) has
threatened to "deal with" reporters from "The Nation" and warned the
newspaper not to cover its convention on 8 August 2003.

Speaking at a presidential rally in the southern district of Mwanza,
the deputy regional governor for the South, Samson Msosa, alleged that
"The Nation" photojournalist Daniel Nyirenda, who was beaten at the
party's mini-convention on 7 July, was working on behalf of the UDF's
former first vice president, Aleke Banda (see IFEX alerts of 10 and 8
July 2003).

Banda, who owns "The Nation", resigned from his positions in the party
and cabinet to protest President Bakili Muluzi's decision to handpick a
UDF presidential candidate for the general elections expected next
year.

"'The Nation' journalists have to be careful," Msosa warned, amid
applause at the rally. He declared that journalists who want to cover
the convention should get identity cards from his party's secretariat.
"Journalists should come to our convention with UDF identity cards,"
Msosa said.

However, a visibly embarrassed President Muluzi contradicted his
lieutenant, saying his party was "press-friendly." "I think what he
meant was an identity card. I will not allow anyone to muzzle the press
in this country," Muluzi said. He also assured journalists they would
have access to the convention hall.

BACKGROUND: Since Banda broke ranks with the UDF, "The Nation" and
"Weekend Nation" have became critical of the UDF and government
policies. This has not been well received by party functionaries who
were used to favourable reporting on issues that concerned them.

#3857 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Fri Jul 25, 2003 1:24 pm
Subject: mostly Zim news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Century Malawi Venture Stalls

The Daily News (Harare)

July 24, 2003
Posted to the web July 24, 2003

Chris Goko

CENTURY Holdings Limited has encountered difficulties in its expansion
into Malawi, with that country's central bank querying the destination
of funds the local financial services group used to buy a stake in a
Malawian bank.

Century bought into INDEbank Malawi in November last year through
Botswana-incorporated Century International Limited (CIL).

CIL is the Zimbabwean banking group's offshore holding arm and it has
invested US$2 million (about $1.68 billion) so far into INDEbank
Malawi.

Sources close to the matter said the Reserve Bank of Malawi had queried
the destination of the funds used to buy into the Malawian bank.

Century Holdings spokeswoman Farai Mangwende confirmed the
development.

She told the Business Daily: "We confirm that there have been queries
by the Reserve Bank of Malawi regarding the destination of funds for the
payment of Century's acquisition of INDEbank."

The Malawi central bank feared proceeds from the November 2002
acquisition were externalised and were "not benefitting Malawi seeing as
the existing shareholders are in Europe", she added.

Mangwende, however, denied allegations that Century Holdings'
investment in Malawi had not received approval from the Reserve Bank of
Malawi.

She said the investment was "granted approval in principle" by the
Malawi central bank in November, which is why Century was able to begin
raising capital for the venture.

Responding to claims that staff seconded to Malawi had been called back
because of the setback in the project, the Century spokeswoman said
financial managers from the group had been sent out on a temporary basis
to oversee the initial development of the bank.

"The staff that had been sent to Malawi were sent there in order to
facilitate the eventual transition of INDEbank into Century," she said.

"Such staff can only go for designated periods not exceeding three
months," she added, emphasising that in terms of an earlier agreement,
the staff had been sent to Malawi on the basis of skills transfer
pending completion of the acquisition.

It was not immediately clear how the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange-listed
financial services group would now proceed after the setback in Malawi.

But it emerged yesterday that the group had engaged the Zimbabwean
central bank and its Malawi counterpart over the matter.

At the company's annual general meeting in late April, Century
directors told investors that the southern African initiative had chewed
up nearly $40 million, which was not expensed but was reflected as
capitalisation in the group's 15-month audited accounts to December
2002.

Gary Shoko, the bank's chief executive, said the market should expect
better results and performance at the next financial results
announcement, saying that the improvement in performance was already
evident.

*****

Zimbabwe formally appeals for food aid

Harare

24 July 2003 16:58

The Zimbabwe government has made a formal appeal for new international
food aid to stave off starvation faced by some 5,5-million people, the
United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) said on Thursday.

"We now have the appeal in hand and certainly it has been a bit of a
while in coming," said WFP country director for Zimbabwe Kevin Farrell.
He said the government forecast a grain deficit of 711 000 tonnes until
the next main harvest in early 2004.

The government has estimated a production total this year of 900 000
tonnes of the staple maize, and state reserves total some 284 000
tonnes.

"It (the appeal) says government will need to import 711 000 tonnes of
maize grain in order to make up for the maize grain deficit," Farrell
said.

The WFP received the government appeal on Tuesday and will forward it
Thursday, he said.

"We are trying to resource 350 000 tonnes on top of the carryover that
we have of a little over 100 000 [tonnes]," he told reporters.

With an average one person in two facing food shortages, Zimbabwe is
the largest recipient of humanitarian aid in southern Africa for a
second year running.
UN food agencies meeting in South Africa last month concluded that the
dire situation in Zimbabwe was caused by drought and the "current
social, economic and political situation".

Zimbabwe embarked on a controversial and sometimes violent land reform
programme in early 2000 that has seen some 14-million hectares
(42-million acres) of formerly white-owned land being seized to
redistribute to landless blacks. - Sapa-AFP

*****

Zim detainees include babes in arms

Harare

25 July 2003 14:33

A group of 48 women demonstrators, four of them with babies, were
facing a second night in police cells in the western city of Bulawayo on
Friday for allegedly being part of an "unlawful gathering".

Lawyers were trying to secure the release of the women and the infants
but relatives said they feared that they would continue to be held
throughout the weekend.

They were arrested in Bulawayo on Thursday after protesting against
draconian legislation that legal experts say gives the government powers
almost identical to a state of emergency, including random arrest,
outlawing demonstrations and jailing journalists for criticising the
regime.

Eyewitnesses said the police first arrested a few of the leaders of the
demonstration, organised by Concerned Citizens of Zimbabwe, a coalition
of civic organisations.

Many of the other demonstrators then voluntarily handed themselves over
to police, some of them climbing into police vehicles to join their
arrested colleagues.
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said ruling party
vigilantes in the last three days had embarked on a campaign of violent

intimidation in urban areas around the country to force opposition
candidates to withdraw from local government elections next month.

MDC spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi said candidates' homes in the towns
of Kariba in remote northern Zimbabwe and in Marondera had been
attacked, and candidates had been threatened with death.

Earlier this week three MDC candidates were in hospital, one of them
with a broken neck, after ruling party militiamen forcibly barred them
from registering as candidates.

The incidents came amid growing international pressure on President
Robert Mugabe's government and on the opposition MDC to begin
negotiations to end the country's political and economic crisis.

Observers also said that signs of hope for talks emerged mid-week when
the pro-democracy party called off a scheduled walk-out of Mugabe's
annual address at the opening of Parliament, which was followed by a
cautious welcome by Mugabe, who spoke of "our brothers and sisters in
the opposition".

Human rights organisations say random arrests, violent suppression of
opposition supporters and denial of the protection of the law for
victims of state-driven violence is the order of the day as 79-year- old
Mugabe clings to power after 23 years in office. - Sapa-DPA

*****

Mugabe, Tsvangirai Open Way for Talks

Business Day (Johannesburg)

July 24, 2003
Posted to the web July 24, 2003

Dumisani Muleya and Sarah Hudleston
Johannesburg

ZIMBABWEAN President Robert Mugabe and his Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) rival Morgan Tsvangirai have taken a huge stride towards
resuming talks to resolve their country' s political and economic
crisis.

In an unprecedented gesture of reconciliation, the two leaders extended
each other the olive branch, calling for co-operation and dialogue to
end the crisis.

The apparent thawing in relations between the two leaders and their
parties would vindicate President Thabo Mbeki's insistence, made
recently to US President George Bush, that behind the scenes talks were
taking place.

The prospect of meaningful talks starting soon appears to have been
bolstered by the MDC's announcement yesterday that it was upgrading its
negotiation team ahead of resuming talks with the ruling Zanu (PF).

Three new members are to be added to the team, which will be led by MDC
secretary-general Welshman Ncube.

Tsvangirai said in Harare yesterday the MDC had decided to invest all
its energies in the search for a permanent solution to the Zimbabwean
crisis.

"We have expanded our negotiating team, and agreed on the route to
guide the team when dialogue resumes.

"We are ready to support and participate in all efforts designed to
chart a peaceful course towards the resolution of the crisis in
governance in Zimbabwe."

Ncube led the previous round of talks which were called off by Zanu
(PF) last year. The names of the new MDC delegates have not yet been
announced.

Mugabe told a luncheon, hosted by the local government ministry to mark
the opening of parliament on Tuesday, he was happy that opposition MPs,
including MDC leader Tsvangirai, who is not a legislator, were present
during his address to parliament.

MDC MPs have in the past boycotted Mugabe's parliamentary speeches,
claiming that he stole last year's March election.

In a conciliatory tone, Mugabe said he hoped the two parties would be
able to work together despite their differences.

"I am glad that today there was that realisation that parliament must
hitherto be an honourable institution to which we belong," Mugabe said.

Tsvangirai said his party would do everything it could to ensure
negotiations resumed.

"Our national executive tasked the leadership to do all it can to clear
the air for a peaceful political engagement.

"We decided to invest all our energies in search for a permanent and
lasting solution to the Zimbabwean crisis."

The Zimbabwean official opposition is still pressing ahead with its
court petition to have the results of the 2002 presidential election
overturned.

The MDC's petition will be heard in the high court on November 3.

However, David Coltart, MDC secretary for legal affairs, said yesterday
that the party might be prepared to suspend the court petition should
talks resume.

#3858 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Mon Jul 28, 2003 2:22 pm
Subject: non-Malawi news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Mugabe holds talks with churches

Harare

27 July 2003 11:10

Zimbabwe's main alliance of civic organisations expressed cautious
optimism after a meeting between President Robert Mugabe and leaders of
the country's major churches on Friday.

Mugabe held two hours of talks at his official residence with senior
representatives of the Zimbabwe Christian Council. The council
represents the country's mainstream protestant and catholic churches as
well as the evangelical Christian churches.

Bishop Sebastian Bakare, of Mutare in eastern Zimbabwe, said after the
meeting he and bishops Patrick Mutume and Trevor Manhanga had called on
Mugabe to register their concern over what was happening in the country
and to try to facilitate dialogue between Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party
and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

"Our strong desire is to bring them together in the interests of
Zimbabwe," the independent Daily News quoted Bakare as saying. Mugabe
had been "fairly responsive" to their approach. "We would like to carry
on with our discussion with the two parties so they can come up with a
home-grown solution, without having to get some outsiders to tell us
what to do."

Zimbabwean churches have been involved in exploratory shuttles for the
last three months to try and bring the country's two main political
antagonists to negotiate an end to the political and economic crises in
the country.

The impetus for dialogue received a sharp boost on July 9 when United
States president George Bush and South African president Thabo Mbeki
discussed the issue, and agreed on the need for urgent action.

Because of the political turmoil of the last couple of years,

Zimbabwe's once robust economy is in collapse. Inflation is forecast to
hit 1 000% at the end of 2003, while the gross domestic product has
slumped 30% in just three years and a famine looms.

Brian Kagoro, senior coordinator in the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition,
said the organisation supported the churches' initiative.

"It's encouraging that they have met, but it's the extent to which they
are able to agree on a commitment to unconditional dialogue that is
important."

The country's established churches have turned against Mugabe in recent
months, with the ZCC last week apologising for its inaction during years
of "state-driven lawlessness and impoverishment".

There were Nigerian and South African-brokered dialogue initiatives
immediately after Mugabe's victory in flawed presidential elections in
March 2002, but these collapsed after three weeks when Mugabe broke off
formal talks because of the MDC's challenge to the election result.

The MDC, backed by independent international election observers, said
Mugabe had won by means of fraud, intimidation, repressive laws that
stopped Tsvangirai from campaigning, and the mass disenfranchisement of
MDC supporters.

Mugabe has refused to talk to the MDC until it dropped its court
challenge to the election results.

Remarks in the state press on Saturday indicated Mugabe was sticking to
this condition. The Herald, the ruling party's main mouthpiece, quoted
unnamed sources as saying that Mugabe told the bishops he was "concerned
about the impediments (to talks) cause by the MDC". This included the
MDC's refusal to recognise his re-election.

However, Mugabe was also quoted as welcoming the olive branch the MDC
put out to the government this week when it decided to drop a planned
walkout of Parliament during Mugabe's annual address at the opening of
the legislature.

Mugabe told the church leaders he hoped this was the beginning of new
thinking in the MDC ranks and that he looked forward to brighter things
to come. – Sapa

*****

Zimbabwe: the terror goes on

Bulawayo

28 July 2003 13:46

State-sponsored political violence increased with 113 cases of torture,
assault and other human rights violations recorded in June, according to
a report released by Zimbabwe Human Rights (ZimRights) on Monday.

The opposition believes political violence is expected to escalate in
the next few weeks ahead of next month's municipal elections.

ZimRights, a human rights watchdog, said the country's human rights
record had deteriorated to "pathetic" levels as ruling Zanu-PF
supporters continued to terrorise perceived opposition Movement for
Democratic Change supporters.

"In continued contravention of Section 21(1) of the Zimbabwean
Constitution, citizens are being routinely targeted on the basis of
genuine or perceived political affiliation," said ZimRights.

The report fingered state security agents as the main perpetrators of
violence apparently pandering to the whims of President Robert Mugabe to
consolidate his power. The retribution campaign also spilt over to
learning institutions as they were viewed by the government as the
breeding ground for opposition politics, said the report.

"State agents have reportedly been witnessed engaging in organised
violence and torture and intimidatory activities at institutions of
higher learning and medical facilities.

"Students from the University of Zimbabwe were among those victimised
by state agents, on suspicion that they were convening meetings in
support of the 'final push'," read the report.

The MDC last month called for street demonstrations, dubbed the "final
push", which they said were aimed at forcing Mugabe to the negotiating
table to hatch a solution to the ever-worsening socio-economic and
political crisis in the country.

The protests were violently quelled by heavily armed riot police, while
hundreds of angry protesters were nabbed, including the opposition party
leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

"While the Human Rights Forum unreservedly condemns the use of violent
means in the exercise of the rights to freedom of expression and
movement by an individual or political party, (particularly the two
dominant parties in Zimbabwe, Zanu-PF and MDC) it equally condemns
regular use of organised violence and torture as a means to curtail this
right or to enforce law and order."

Particularly disturbing, said the report, were allegations that
high-level government officials were actively involved in organised
violence and torture.

ZimRights said more than five victims made allegations that the
minister of youth development, gender and employment creation, Elliot
Manyika, was actively involved in the torture of residents in high
density suburbs in Harare, specifically Glen View and Marondera. No
comment could be obtained from Manyika. - Sapa

*****

[out of our usual scope of interest, but just way too extraordinary not
to include]

Equatorial Guinea's "God"

State radio in the tiny west African state of Equatorial Guinea has
hailed the nation's leader as "the country's God".

In a programme called Bidze-Nduan (Bury the fire) which deals with
"peace, tranquillity and the order reigning in the country" the radio
declared that President Teodoro Obiang Nguema was "in permanent contact
with the Almighty".

It said that the president was "like God in heaven" who has "all power
over men and things".

The BBC's reporter in Rodrigo, Angue Nguema, says a large proportion of
the national population listens to state radio and that there are no
newspapers in the country.

President Nguema won the 2002 presidential elections by almost 100% to
serve a third, seven-year term.

Warning

"He can decide to kill without anyone calling him to account and
without going to hell because it is God himself, with whom he is in
permanent contact, and who gives him this strengtho," a presidential
aide announced on the show.

The radio show, which claims to "inform and mobilise the masses on
issues of national interest", has warned against any attempt to disrupt
the peace and order which, it said, had reigned since President Obiang,
61, took power in a coup 23 years ago.

The remarks were made in a weekly programme presented by the
presidential aide and broadcast in Fang, the language used by the
majority ethnic group, which makes up 80% of the population of about
500,000.

#3859 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Mon Jul 28, 2003 4:45 pm
Subject: job listing
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
---------- Original Message ----------------------------------
From: Natalie Rainer <rainern@...>
Date:  Fri, 25 Jul 2003 10:15:46 -0400

Please Post (July 25, 2002)

Position Available:
Researcher
HRW Women's Rights Division
(based preferably in NY; DC base possible)

Human Rights Watch, the international human rights monitoring and
advocacy organization, is known for its impartial and reliable human
rights reporting and its innovative and high-profile advocacy
campaigns.   Its Women's Rights Division was established in 1990 to
monitor state-sponsored and state-tolerated violence against women and
sex discrimination in all regions of the world.  Much of its work
consists of gathering detailed information on abuses against women and
publishing reports that are as reliable, comprehensive and timely as
possible, so as to effect change in repressive practices.  The work of
the Division seeks to expand the scope of human rights work to address
abuses against women that have been traditionally overlooked.

Description:  This full-time Researcher will work within the Women's
Rights Division of Human Rights Watch to improve awareness and
accountability for human rights violations against women by, among
other
things, conducting fact-finding missions; writing and publicizing
reports on the findings; and presenting human rights concerns to
government officials, inter-governmental agencies, and the press.  The
researcher's responsibilities will also include monitoring legislative
and/or policy developments related to women's rights and liaising with
human rights and women's organizations in the U.S. and in the
countries
she or he will cover.  She or he will be based preferably in our New
York City office, although a base in DC may be considered.

Qualifications:  An advanced (graduate) degree in international
relations, journalism, law or the social sciences as well as prior
demonstrated experience (two to three years) with human rights and/or
women's rights issues; regional sub-Saharan Africa expertise is
required.  She or he must have excellent writing, editing, and oral
communication skills in English.  She or he must have experience in
field research; strong advocacy abilities; and be able to work under
pressure and juggle multiple tasks, be collegial and team-oriented yet
able to work independently, and be able to travel overseas for two to
three weeks at a time.

Salary & Benefits:  Human Rights Watch seeks exceptional candidates
and
offers competitive compensation and generous employer-paid benefits.
HRW will pay reasonable relocation expenses and will assist employees
in
obtaining necessary U.S. work authorization; non-US citizens are
encouraged to apply.

APPLY IMMEDIATELY (deadline: August 25, 2003) by emailing together a
letter of interest, resume, names of references, and an unedited
writing
sample (approximately five pages) to wrd@.... Please specify in
the
subject line "Africa Researcher." Incomplete applications will not be
considered. If email is not possible, you may fax your application to
212-736-1300, Att:  WRD Africa Researcher.  (Email is highly
preferred;
do not split an application between email and fax.) NO CALLS PLEASE.

Human Rights Watch is an equal opportunity employer.




---------------------------------------------------------------------
For further info, please respond to the address indicated in the
posting - not to Margarita Lacabe or Donna King.
To post an announcement: hr-professionals@...
To subscribe, e-mail: hr-professionals-subscribe@...
To unsubscribe, e-mail: hr-professionals-unsubscribe@...
For additional commands, e-mail: hr-professionals-help@...

#3860 From: sgeibel@...
Date: Tue Jul 29, 2003 4:23 pm
Subject: RE: non-Malawi news
scottgeibel
Send Email Send Email
 
I hope nobody minds a little personal Zim update; I was in Harare yesterday and
am in Bulawayo today. When I was here a few months ago, the fuel queues were
amazing, but now they're gone as the petrol market has gone completely black
market. The stations aren't even bothering with the governments price controls
anymore. Interestingly, the petrol queues have been replaced by "cash queues."
The lines at banks or cash machines are going literally around the city blocks.
The government has not printed any money (I assume to try and control
inflation), so paper money is now in very very short supply. In fact, people are
actually "selling cash." For example, if I wanted to buy, say, 1,000,000 Zim$ in
paper money from somebody, I would have to write them a personal check for
Zim$1,250,000.
So even if you have money here for a loaf of bread, it's difficult just getting
the paper to pay for it!

Scott


"Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...> wrote:

>Mugabe holds talks with churches
>
>Harare  
>
>27 July 2003 11:10
>
>

__________________________________________________________________
McAfee VirusScan Online from the Netscape Network.
Comprehensive protection for your entire computer. Get your free trial today!
http://channels.netscape.com/ns/computing/mcafee/index.jsp?promo=393397

Get AOL Instant Messenger 5.1 free of charge.  Download Now!
http://aim.aol.com/aimnew/Aim/register.adp?promo=380455

#3861 From: "Weber" <weber@...>
Date: Tue Jul 29, 2003 8:52 pm
Subject: Re: non-Malawi news
weber@...
Send Email Send Email
 
For ourselves...we don't mind!  We appreciate personal updates.  They're
more reliable, more fun, more interesting, and seem to be more of what we
can identify with or visualize than press reports.  Thanks.  Cathy and Don

-----Original Message-----
From: sgeibel@... <sgeibel@...>
To: ujeni@yahoogroups.com <ujeni@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Tuesday, July 29, 2003 9:23 AM
Subject: RE: [ujeni] non-Malawi news


>I hope nobody minds a little personal Zim update; I was in Harare yesterday
and am in Bulawayo today. When I was here a few months ago, the fuel queues
were amazing, but now they're gone as the petrol market has gone completely
black market. The stations aren't even bothering with the governments price
controls anymore. Interestingly, the petrol queues have been replaced by
"cash queues." The lines at banks or cash machines are going literally
around the city blocks. The government has not printed any money (I assume
to try and control inflation), so paper money is now in very very short
supply. In fact, people are actually "selling cash." For example, if I
wanted to buy, say, 1,000,000 Zim$ in paper money from somebody, I would
have to write them a personal check for Zim$1,250,000.
>So even if you have money here for a loaf of bread, it's difficult just
getting the paper to pay for it!
>
>Scott
>
>
>"Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...> wrote:
>
>>Mugabe holds talks with churches
>>
>>Harare
>>
>>27 July 2003 11:10
>>
>>
>
>__________________________________________________________________
>McAfee VirusScan Online from the Netscape Network.
>Comprehensive protection for your entire computer. Get your free trial
today!
>http://channels.netscape.com/ns/computing/mcafee/index.jsp?promo=393397
>
>Get AOL Instant Messenger 5.1 free of charge.  Download Now!
>http://aim.aol.com/aimnew/Aim/register.adp?promo=380455
>
>
>
>
>Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
>
>

#3862 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Tue Jul 29, 2003 9:01 pm
Subject: job notice
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Date:  07/29/2003
Subject:  USAID/Zimbabwe: Solicitation for Personal Service Contractor
(PSC) Position, HIV/AIDS Program Specialist
Type:  Personnel
Agency Notice Message:

												 USAID/General
Notice
			 PERSONNEL  EXO/Zimbabwe
						 07/29/2003


SUBJECT: USAID/Zimbabwe:  Solicitation for Personal Service
	  Contractor (PSC) Position, HIV/AIDS Program Specialist

The United States Government, represented by the U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID), is seeking applications from
U.S. Citizens, green card holders or third country nationals
interested in providing the PSC services described as follows.
Third Country Nationals may apply but preference will be given
to US Citizen or green card holders.  This solicitation may be
cancelled at any time due to non-funds availability.

Basic Function of the Position

The HIV/AIDS Program Specialist is generally responsible for
managing and assisting in various capacities in the successful
implementation of HIV/AIDS Crisis Mitigation activities identified
below.  The HIV/AIDS Program Specialist's primary responsibilities
for these activities include 1) providing technical inputs into
ongoing program planning and implementation, 2) ensuring effective
program financial management and administration, 3) monitoring,
evaluating and documenting successful program implementation and
achievement, and 4) maintaining effective communications with and
oversight of the program's Governmental, NGO, university, private
sector and other donor partners and stakeholders.

The market value for this position is GS-13 ($61,251 to $79,629 per
annum).  The period of performance is two years with an option
to extend, based on performance and funds availability.

HIV/AIDS Crisis Mitigation Strategic Objective (SO) Duties:

Under the direction of the HIV/AIDS Team Leader, the HIV/AIDS
Program Specialist shares responsibility with the HIV/AIDS Team for
successful achievement of the HIV/AIDS Strategic Objective, and is
specifically responsible for at least one of three Intermediate
Results (IR). The HIV/AIDS Program Specialist's major
responsibilities on the designated IR include working closely with
the SO Team Leader (TL), other SO Team members and mission office
staff, the selected SO contractor(s) and/or Cooperating Agencies,
and other program partners and customers in facilitating and
monitoring the final design and effective implementation of program
activities.  Specific tasks in this area will be defined following
award of the procurement mechanism(s) for this SO.

Other USAID/HIVAIDS Crisis Mitigation Team Duties:

The HIV/AIDS Program Specialist also serves as a member of the
USAID staff and the HIV/AIDS Crisis Mitigation Team. As a member of
the USAID staff, the incumbent is expected to know/learn and
understand USAID Mission strategy, policy, and procedures. The
incumbent is expected to know/learn and demonstrate commitment to
USAID and Mission values.

As a member of USAID staff and the HIV/AIDS Team, the HIV/AIDS
Program Specialist will contribute as needed to other USAID and
Health Team General Management and Administrative Duties, such as:
USAID Zimbabwe HIVAIDS strategy, program design, management, and
monitoring and evaluation; program management and administrative
oversight; promotion of collaboration and coordination among/with
partners of USAID Zimbabwe (including the MOH, NAC, UN agencies,
other bilateral agencies, NGOs, Foundations, Community-Based
Organizations, etc.).

Other health sector technical activities:


The HIV/AIDS Program Specialist works with the Health Team Leader
to provide technical expertise to manage and monitor ongoing USAID
health sector program activities, including representing the USG
and/or USAID in Government-Donor-NGO meetings as required.  The
incumbent is also responsible for maintaining effective relations
with designated program partners, as well as key stakeholders
involved in health sector activities in Zimbabwe.  In addition, the
incumbent monitors and reports on the status of designated health
sector activity implementation nationwide, including field visits
and attending/representing USG/USAID interests at workshops,
conferences and meetings, with appropriate reporting feedback, as
required.

Responsibilities

In addition to the more general, major duties described above, the
HIV/AIDS Program Specialist will perform the following specific
tasks:

	 i. remain thoroughly informed about program activities -
		 e.g., program goals, purposes, objectives and expected
		 results; program design, structure and organization;
		 program target areas, beneficiary groups and
implementing
		 partner organizations; as well as operational plans,
and
		 performance targets and indicators;

	 ii. lead, manage, and administer program activities,
including
		 monitoring and evaluating the achievement of program
		 objectives and intermediate results by means of
empirically
		 verifiable performance indicators;

	 iii. define program technical assistance needs and
implementation
		 requirements/arrangements, including commodity and
personnel
		 requirements, and help manage and monitor implementation
of
		 agreed upon procurements and activities;

	 iv. coordinate implementation activities between/among
program
		 partners and with other Mission offices/teams, as
appropriate,
		 by maintaining/facilitating communication, conducting
regular
		 site/office visits, and identifying/trouble-shooting
problems
		 related to program administration and implementation,
and
		 recommending appropriate solutions;

	 v. prepare USAID technical, analytical or reporting
documents
		 (e.g., Annual Report) and any other
technical/program-related
		 submissions that may be required;

	 vi. identify the need for and prepare modifications to
program
		 strategic and implementation documentation;

	 vii. represent USG and USAID/Zimbabwe interests at local,
national
		 and regional meetings, workshops and conferences on both

		 program-specific and program - related topics;

	 viii. advise partner implementing organizations about
regulations
		 covering the administration of USAID funds, commodities
and
		 program resources;

	 ix. prepare program implementation documents (e.g., MAARDS,
PILs,
		 etc.), as required;

	 x. prepare official correspondence, and reports covering
site
		 visits, meetings or other significant program events,
as
		 required;

	 xi. collect, collate and analyze program-relevant data and
		 prepare, oversee and/or assist in the preparation by
others
                 (e.g., program partners, other mission teams, etc.) of
any
  		 reports required for program management and
administration,
		 and performance monitoring and evaluation;

	 xii. Manage/administer program-funded grants, cooperative
		 agreements and contracts: 1) provide technical
		 information/advice regarding planning and
implementation;
		 2) review/clear specific (sub-) grants and
(sub-)contracts,
		 and modifications thereto; 3) review/approve budget
		 submissions and payment vouchers; 4) review progress
reports
		 and implementation plans; 5) visit field sites and
monitoring
		 contractor performance; 6) assist in troubleshooting
		 implementation issues/problems, and otherwise
facilitating
		 successful contract execution; 7) prepare annual
contractor
		 performance evaluation reports; and, 8) prepare
contract
		 close-out documentation (all as required);

	 xiv. represent the USG and USAID, as designated, on various
		 bilateral and regional program management structures
and
		 facilitate the effective management and coordination
of
		 program activities;

	 xv. facilitate effective program coordination and
communication
		 within the program's various teams, and with other
mission
		 offices/teams, concerned staff of other USG agencies,
		 Zimbabwean and regional program partners, and virtual
team
		 members from other USAID operating units;

	 xvi. manage program-funded strategic assessments, audits and

		 evaluations; review findings with mission management and

		 team members and concerned program partners, implement
		 corrective actions, and ensure that audit
recommendations
		 are finalized/implemented;

	 xvii. liaise with other donor organizations supporting
		 related program activities to ensure effective
		 sector and program-specific coordination; and,

	 xviii.  perform any other Office duties as may be assigned by
	       	 the Health Team Leader.

The Contractor will need to obtain a Class 1A Medical Clearance
(as defined by the Department of State Medical Unit) prior to
service overseas, and must obtain a secret security clearance.

Please contact Ashleigh Appel or Tendai Sirewu in the Human
Resources Division for more information and questions on this
position.

TELEPHONE NUMBER: (263) 04-252401/252590 Ext. 235 or Ext. 256
FAX NUMBER:       (263) 04-252592/252478
E-MAIL ADDRESS:   aappel@... or tsirewu@...

APPLYING:
Qualified individuals are requested to submit:
For PSCs, Optional Form 612 (available at the USAID website),
http://www.usaid.gov/procurement_bus_opp/procurement/forms
or internet http://fillform.gsa.gov or at Federal offices).

	 OPEN:  July 30, 2003 CLOSE:  August 27, 2003


Point of Contact:  Any question ceoncerning this Notice may
be directed to Ashleigh Appel, Human Resources Specialist,
USAID/Zimbabwe, (263) 04-251012/251238, aappel@....

#3863 From: "Christine Chumbler" <cchumble@...>
Date: Wed Jul 30, 2003 1:50 pm
Subject: news
ornythirincus
Send Email Send Email
 
Food Shortages Linked to Child Rights Abuses

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

July 28, 2003
Posted to the web July 29, 2003

Johannesburg

Hunger is responsible for the re-emergence of a custom which sees
families forcing young daughters into relationships with older men in
order to pay off debts or secure loans, the Malawi Human Rights
Commission (MHRC) has found.

An MHRC report said the practice of "kupimbira" - which allows for a
poor family to approach a rich man for a loan of cattle or money in
exchange for their daughter, regardless of her age - "has resurfaced
over the past two years or so, due to the devastating hunger that has
ravaged the areas" in the north of Malawi.

The country only recently made a recovery from the widespread food
shortages brought on by a combination of erratic weather conditions, the
impact of HIV/AIDS and the controversial sale of the national strategic
grain reserves. More than three million people required food aid at the
height of last year's food crisis.

The situation is aggravated by the fact that Malawi is among the
world's poorest nations, with about 65 percent of the population living
in abject poverty, on less than US $1 a day.

The author of the MHRC report, the commission's principal
investigations officer, Harry Kambwembwe, conducted an inquiry into the
practice following a letter to the commission from a concerned citizen.

The letter "singled out a particular case at Iponga [in the far north
of the country] in which a young girl of 13 years was forced by her
parents to marry an elderly man in repayment of K4,000 [about $45] which
the parents owed the man", the report said.

Upon conducting interviews and getting written statements from
community leaders, witnesses and church groups, Kambwembwe confirmed
with locals that the incident had taken place and other similar customs
violating the rights of children were being practiced in the area.

His report noted that the custom of "kuhaha/kuhara" were among those
being practiced but not openly spoken of.

"This is when a man admires a small girl and arranges with her parents
to take care of her until she is mature enough to marry him. The suitor
provides the girl's necessities, including school fees. But the man has
the right to stop her schooling whenever he feels like it. Even before
puberty the man has the right to take her as a wife. The girl cannot
refuse such an arrangement because here parents will have already taken
the dowry," the report explained.

The kupimbira practice was "popular" among the Nyakyusa and Ngonde
peoples in the borderland areas.

Church groups were conducting education and awareness campaigns to
prevent the continuation of "this gruesome practice which enslaves young
girls to elderly men against their will".

Kambwembwe noted that all such practices are unconstitutional and
slave-like.

"This is a very archaic and inhuman practice that should not be
tolerated in this democratic dispensation. The commission [MHRC],
therefore has an obligation to safeguard and promote the rights of such
vulnerable young girls," the report said.

It called for urgent intervention through the designing of "relevant
and well-focused civic education strategies", noting that because the
areas concerned are remote "with little or no communication (newspapers,
radio and television)," on-site campaigns were needed.

The study cautioned that "in designing intervention programmes in the
area, language choice is very critical because most of the people are
not conversant with neither English nor Chichewa, [the two official
languages]".

As a starting point, the report recommended that the MHRC should
explore designing joint programmes with the churches, which already have
some programmes in the areas concerned.

*****

Muluzi 'regrets' terror arrests

By Raphael Tenthani
BBC Blantyre


The Malawian president has reportedly apologised to the families of
five al-Qaeda suspects who were arrested and whisked out of Malawi, last
month.

Two of the wives of the suspects said on Tuesday that President Bakili
Muluzi had invited them at the weekend and apologised for the
embarrassment caused to their families.

Ella Ulusam, a Malawian, married to one of the Turkish suspects, said
the president was very apologetic and had told her that her husband's
ordeal must be blamed on the Americans.

Last month the suspects' lawyers told a court that they had been taken
away to Guantanamo Bay in Cuba to be interrogated by US officials.

However, last week, Sudanese officials said the five, who were later
freed in Khartoum, had never left Africa.

One of the five contacted a local radio station in Malawi on Monday, to
confirm that all of them were alive and well.

Assured

Mrs Ulusam said that the president assured her that her husband was now
free after being found innocent.

The wife of the Sudanese suspect, Sheik Mahmud Sardar Issa, also
confirmed the meeting with the president over the weekend.

Salidali Issa quoted President Muluzi as saying that he was sorry and
surprised that the suspects had been linked to al-Qaeda since he had
known them for the past 10 years.

The five, two Turkish nationals, a Kenyan, a Saudi and one Sudanese -
were arrested in Blantyre last month.

They were said to have been on the CIA watch-list since the 1998
bombing of US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

'Cleared'

Mrs Ulusam told me in the business district of Limbe that her husband
called her from Istanbul, in Turkey, to say that they were kept for 29
days in the Zimbabwean capital, Harare, where US and Malawian
intelligence officials eventually cleared them.

They had been taken from Harare to the Sudanese capital, Khartoum,
where they were released to their respective embassies after
questioning.

She quoted her husband as saying that they were well treated and in
good health.

The wife of the Kenyan, Sheik Khalifa Abdi Hassan, has already left for
Nairobi.

The other Turkish national, Ibrahim Itabaci and the Saudi, Fahad Ral
Bahli have no families in Malawi.

Justified


President Bakili Muluzi had repeatedly justified the way Malawi handled
the issue, joining forces with American intelligence to arrest the men.


He had stressed that he did not approve of the arrest but acquiesced in
order to please the Americans.

President Muluzi is currently on a tour of northern Malawi.

His aides would not comment on the reported meeting between the women
and the president.

*****

Zimbabwe to abolish notes to ease cash shortage

Harare

30 July 2003 08:20

The government of Zimbabwe on Tuesday announced that it would abolish
the highest denomination of the country's currency in circulation within
60 days as one way to curb the current cash shortage that has hit the
country.

Zimbabwe is in its fourth month of a local cash crunch attributed to a
sharp rise in inflation, a growing foreign exchange parallel market and
lack of confidence in the system that have led to higher demand for cash
and hoarding.

Admitting that the current "severe cash shortage" was unprecedented,
Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa, said as a way to encourage people to
deposit into banks the cash they were hoarding, the current 500 dollar
note (0,63 US dollars) would
lose value after 60 days.

"Government will introduce a new 500 dollar note within the next 60
days by which time the current 500 dollar note will cease to be legal
tender," Murerwa told reporters.

A law to prevent hoarding of and trading in cash is to be put in place
immediately, the minister said.

Although lacking estimates of the amount of cash not circulating but
being stashed away for trading on the parallel market, Murerwa said the
central bank had been injecting 700 million dollars into the market
daily but that did not ease the shortage.

Inflation in the troubled southern African nation more than doubled in
18 months from 112% at the end 2001 to 365% last month, yet the currency
in circulation only rose from 90-billion dollars to 170-billion dollars
over the same period.

The introduction of a higher denomination note of 1 000 dollars which
was scheduled for the end of November, has been brought forward to the
start of October.

Murerwa said retailers would be required to deposit their cash with
banks "promptly" and that banks had abolished handling charges levied
for deposits and withdrawals of cash.

Tempers have been rising at banking halls in recent days as people
tried to withdraw their wages to pay end-of-month bills with some
failing to get what they wanted.

Economists have described the cash shortage as an "emergency of the
highest order".

The government also set up a cabinet task force to handle the cash
crisis. - Sapa-AFP

*****

Zambian police grill Chiluba

Lusaka

30 July 2003 14:43

Former Zambian president Frederick Chiluba was being grilled by police
on Wednesday over allegations that he stole millions of dollars in state
funds during his 10-year reign in the southern African country.

Chiluba, accompanied by his lawyers, reported to a police station near
his Lusaka home and was still being questioned by investigators at
midday, said a police source.

Several police officers armed with tear gas were at the station,
possibly in case of demonstrations by Chiluba's supporters.

Chiluba, who left office in 2001, was arrested in February this year
along with other top officials in his government on charges of abuse of
office, theft and corruption. He is currently free on bail.

His trial has been delayed while his lawyers appeal for the proceedings
to take place in the country's high court, arguing that he will not get
a fair hearing if he is tried in a lower court.

It was not immediately clear why Chiluba had been called in for
questioning, his second grilling by police this year.

Criminal proceedings against Chiluba were set in motion last year when
parliament voted in favour of stripping him of the immunity he enjoyed
as a head of state.

His successor Levy Mwanawasa has made the fight against corruption a
key plank in his domestic policy, vowing to stamp out the scourge in the
southern African nation.

But the anti-corruption crusade suffered a setback recently when the
courts set free ex-foreign minister Katele Kalumba, a former Chiluba
associate, who was detained for eight months on charges of stealing a
government vehicle.

The court found no case against him. - Sapa-AFP

#3864 From: Rand Wise <wiserd@...>
Date: Wed Jul 30, 2003 11:06 pm
Subject: Veronica Shivers?
randwise
Send Email Send Email
 
Anyone out there know a person called Veronica Shivers?

Rands

Messages 3835 - 3864 of 5535   Oldest  |  < Older  |  Newer >  |  Newest
Add to My Yahoo!      XML What's This?

Copyright © 2010 Yahoo! Inc. All rights reserved.
Privacy Policy - Terms of Service - Guidelines NEW - Help