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#4249 From: Jeremy Cohan <thusspokejeremy@...>
Date: Tue Dec 15, 2009 10:18 pm
Subject: Fwd: [rfls] Call for Papers: Rosa Luxemburg's Political Economy
gatsby6060
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---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: michael mccarthy <mam726@...>
Date: Wed, Dec 9, 2009 at 2:08 PM
Subject: [rfls] Call for Papers: Rosa Luxemburg's Political Economy
To: radical-film-lecture-series@..., Charles Post <charlespost@...>


FYI

Sébastien Budgen
Sent: Monday, December 07, 2009 9:54 AM
To: historicalmaterialism@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [historicalmaterialism] Call for Papers: Rosa Luxemburg's Political Economy: Contributions to Contemporary Political Theory and Practice

Call for Papers





Rosa Luxemburg's Political Economy:

Contributions to Contemporary Political Theory and Practice

A Special Issue of

Socialist Studies:

Journal of the Society for Socialist Studies

Fall 2010



Since her assassination, Rosa Luxemburg has been treated as an icon
while her political and theoretical work is largely forgotten,
neglected, or rejected. Recently, though, David Harvey used her ideas
on capitalist expansion to explain the new imperialism. Other elements
of her work are promising for socialist studies and the left, today.
Her analysis of mass strikes in Russia in 1905, for example, may cast
new light on workers' struggles in China. Luxemburg's critical
discussion of nations' right to self-determination inform, or ought to
inform, contemporary Latin American struggles against imperialist
domination. Her writings on mass strikes, parties and trade unions,
like her better-known writings on 'social reform or revolution', offer
insights into the role of (weakly) organized labour in political
change. Although Luxemburg didn't engage much with women's issues
directly, her work and its reception nonetheless have an important
gender dimension. In particular, feminist women scholars have been
quicker to recognize Luxemburg's contributions to socialist political
economy than their male colleagues.

This call invites articles on Luxemburg's political economy, assessing
her contributions to socialist debates in light of current political
challenges. Papers may consider the implications of her work for
contemporary anti-imperialist struggle, the dynamics of worker
organization and progressive political change, and feminist
scholarship within the left, or any other topic concerning Luxemburg's
theoretical and political contributions to socialist political economy
and political struggle.  In keeping with the Socialist Studies
mandate, perspectives from all disciplines are welcome.

Deadline: May 30, 2010. Please see: www.socialiststudies.com for
information about submissions (word count, format, etc.).



Contact:

Ingo Schmidt: ingos@..., special issue coordinator


--
Mike McCarthy
NYU Sociology

Solidarity is not a matter of sentiment but a fact, cold and impassive as the granite foundations of a skyscraper. If the basic elements, identity of interest, clarity of vision, honesty of intent, and oneness of purpose, or any of these is lacking, all sentimental pleas for solidarity, and all other efforts to achieve it will be barren of results.
----- E. Debs

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#4248 From: rer137@...
Date: Tue Dec 15, 2009 12:08 pm
Subject: Fwd: Hope in 100,000 Flavours
shempenmanhce
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I can't help feeling that Copenhagen serves some people as a substitute
for Seattle.

-----Original Message-----
From: moderator@...
To: PORTSIDE@...
Sent: Mon, Dec 14, 2009 10:41 pm
Subject: Hope in 100,000 Flavours

Hope in 100,000 Flavours

Posted on 13 December 2009 by editor

http://www.ips.org/TV/copenhagen/hope-in-100000-flavours/

(Photo) One of many marches Saturday in Copenhagen:
Credit: Nasseem Ackbarally/IPS

By Terna Gyuse*

COPENHAGUE (IPS/TerraViva) The midpoint of a conference
on climate change in which tremendous hope has been
invested; unsurprising then that demonstrations of
popular desire for decisive action against global
warming took place around the world.

Candlelight vigils were planned for 139 countries
Saturday, halfway through the COP15.

In Copenhagen itself, in Halmtorvet near the site of a
parallel conference organised by civil society, Friends
of the Earth International (FoEI) held the Flood for
Climate Justice. Some 5,000 people, many clad in blue
plastic ponchos, surged through the streets bearing
signs calling for "Climate Justice Now" before merging
with a march of 100,000 people.

Marchers challenged some of the accepted orthodoxies
that shape the proposals being officially debated. FoEI
chair Nnimmo Bassey rejected the idea that carbon
offsetting - trading funding for green projects for the
"right" to pollute in excess of agreed targets - could
benefit the planet.

"Carbon offsetting has no benefits for the climate or
for developing countries - it only benefits developed
countries, carbon speculators and major polluters who
want to continue business as usual," Bassey declared.

Fellow FoEI activist Marta Zogbi told TerraViva carbon
trading was a false solution, opposed by civil society.
"We have an enormous influence; the issue of climate
change has been carried forward by organised civil
society," she said. "The corporate lobby is also very
powerful, which is why society cannot advance as fast
as it would like."

The "Flood" march advanced to Parliament Square, where
it joined a broader mobilisation involving trade unions
and environmentalists, peace activists and relief
organisations, political parties and carbon traders.

Hope in a hundred flavours has been invested in this
Conference of Parties. The aim of drawing 60,000 people
to peacefully demonstrate popular desire for decisive
action was easily achieved. Danish police estimated
100,000 took part in the six kilometre procession from
the Christiansborg Slodsplads to the Bella Center where
the UN Conference on Climate Change is taking place.

This sea of people contained a range of opinions.

Activist Clodimir Bogaert came from Belgium just for
Saturday's march. "We hope things change, because the
problem is urgent. We see that the first to suffer the
effects of climate change are the poorest countries."

Peter Sprengers, a carbon business analyst with
Norwegian renewable energy company Statkraft, said "I
came to Copenhagen to get a feeling about what is going
to happen with CO2 and energy policies, because it has
a huge impact on our business."

He said he did not come to Copenhagen to lobby or try
to influence the agreement because he does not think he
can have an impact: "The main decision-makers are the
U.S. and China at the moment."

At the other end of the spectrum was Chilean activist
Alicia Munoz of the international small farmers
movement Via Campesina, who has spent a week taking
part in different activities in Klimaforum, the civil
society meet held parallel to COP15.

"It is very clear to Via Campesina that we must
pressure for an agreement to be reached, because we
know the negotiations are not coming up with positive
results," Munoz told TerraViva.

Also part of the main march as it set off was the
now-familiar Black Bloc which brings a radical critique
to most major demonstrations.

"I think the Copenhagen Conference is a good sign, but
I doubt this meeting will bring a true agreement. It
will be just like Kyoto," Henrik, one of those marching
with the anarchists, told TerraViva.

"I am here because we must do something, bureaucrats
cannot solve anything. It is the people who must have
the power."

Wearing black clothes, many covering their mouths, the
Black Bloc demonstrated with the main march for about
half an hour, part of a group calling for "System
Change, Not Climate Change" and shouting slogans
against capitalism and the police.

Not far from the Amagerbro Metro station in central
Copenhagen, police blocked the march's main route with
vehicles and arrested at least 100 of the anarchists.

Elsewhere in the city, a separate anarchist march under
the slogan "Never Trust a COP" was broken up by police.
By evening, 900 people had been arrested. Climate
Justice Action issued a press statement condemning
police handling of those arrested - the group says many
were kept waiting out in the open for several hours,
denied access to water, toilets or medical attention.

The Climate Justice Action (CJA) global network also
questioned arrests that took place far from any sign of
trouble. Activist Helga Matthiessen, held for an hour
before being released, said "Not only have we been
denied the right to protest, but our basic human rights
have also been ignored in this ludicrous, staged police
exercise."

At the Bella Center, the final event of the day was a
candlelight vigil attended by Noel Laureate Desmond
Tutu.

They were calling for negotiators, in the remaining six
days, to agree a deal that is fair - providing $200
billion to help poorer countries cope with climate
change; ambitious - responding to the scientific
consensus that emissions must peak no later than 2015
to keep carbon dioxide levels below 350 parts per
million;  and binding - only a legally enforceable deal
will hold governments accountable.

*Claudia Ciobanu, Daniela Estrada, and Raul Pierri
contributed to this report.

(END/2009)

_____________________________________________

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#4247 From: flwrboi5000@...
Date: Tue Dec 15, 2009 5:11 am
Subject: NYTimes.com: Poll Reveals Depth and Trauma of Joblessness in U.S.
flwrboi5000@...
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E-Mail This
The New York Times E-mail This
This page was sent to you by:  flwrboi5000@...

US   | December 15, 2009
Poll Reveals Depth and Trauma of Joblessness in U.S.
By MICHAEL LUO and MEGAN THEE-BRENAN
Unemployment has caused major life changes and mental health issues for millions of Americans, a New York Times/CBS News poll found.

Crazy Heart - starring four-time Academy Award nominee Jeff Bridges, Maggie Gyllenhaal and Robert Duvall.
In Select Theaters Wednesday.
Click here to view trailer


 

#4246 From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Date: Mon Dec 14, 2009 11:28 pm
Subject: Re: inside the Chapati Mystery
schwartzweiss
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What's shocking about the dialogue between Greg and Conrad is the impossibility of this Conrad recognizing internationalism as anything but U.S. military intervention!

So I agree with Spencer that Greg is probably wasting his time there, especially as it becomes race-baiting pretty quickly:

"It is very important to understand the nature and exact realities of societies very different and far removed from one’s own before advocating any sort of direct intervention there and to understand the limitations of such an approach."

!

-- Chris

--- On Mon, 12/14/09, Spencer Leonard <secondasfarce@...> wrote:

From: Spencer Leonard <secondasfarce@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] inside the Chapati Mystery
To: platypus1917@yahoogroups.com
Date: Monday, December 14, 2009, 4:45 PM

 

As one who knows whereof he speaks, I would not waste your time with
the Chapati Mystery folks. As evident from their nasty and vulgar
commentary on Atiya's piece, they are really not worth engaging,
especially this Conrad character you've gotten yourself into dialogue
with. My council would be to abort.

On 12/14/09, Greg Gabrellas <flwrboi5000@ gmail.com> wrote:
> There is some discussion on Chapati Mystery (
> http://www.chapatim ystery.com/ archives/ noted/more_ failures. html) about Atiya
> Khan's recent article in the Platypus Review (
> http://platypus1917 .org/2009/ 12/06/the- poverty-of- pakistan% E2%80%99s- politics- ppp/
> );
>
> The owner of the blog, Manan Ahmed, recently appeared on Democracy Now to
> discuss the situation in Pakistan: http://www.democrac ynow.org/ 2009/5/7/ pak
>



#4245 From: Spencer Leonard <secondasfarce@...>
Date: Mon Dec 14, 2009 10:45 pm
Subject: Re: inside the Chapati Mystery
spencerleona...
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As one who knows whereof he speaks, I would not waste your time with
the Chapati Mystery folks. As evident from their nasty and vulgar
commentary on Atiya's piece, they are really not worth engaging,
especially this Conrad character you've gotten yourself into dialogue
with. My council would be to abort.

On 12/14/09, Greg Gabrellas <flwrboi5000@...> wrote:
> There is some discussion on Chapati Mystery (
> http://www.chapatimystery.com/archives/noted/more_failures.html) about Atiya
> Khan's recent article in the Platypus Review (
>
http://platypus1917.org/2009/12/06/the-poverty-of-pakistan%E2%80%99s-politics-pp\
p/
> );
>
> The owner of the blog, Manan Ahmed, recently appeared on Democracy Now to
> discuss the situation in Pakistan: http://www.democracynow.org/2009/5/7/pak
>

#4244 From: Greg Gabrellas <flwrboi5000@...>
Date: Mon Dec 14, 2009 7:27 pm
Subject: inside the Chapati Mystery
flwrboi5000@...
Send Email Send Email
 
There is some discussion on Chapati Mystery (http://www.chapatimystery.com/archives/noted/more_failures.html) about Atiya Khan's recent article in the Platypus Review (http://platypus1917.org/2009/12/06/the-poverty-of-pakistan%E2%80%99s-politics-ppp/);

The owner of the blog, Manan Ahmed, recently appeared on Democracy Now to discuss the situation in Pakistan: http://www.democracynow.org/2009/5/7/pak

#4243 From: rer137@...
Date: Mon Dec 14, 2009 2:49 pm
Subject: Lincoln , "a great conservative" ?
shempenmanhce
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<<"I think and feel he's very much in the John F. Kennedy
tradition - he embodies the humanities, essentially,"
said Jim Leach, a former Republican congressman from
Iowa whom Obama named chairman of the National Endowment
for the Humanities. "That doesn't mean a conservative
leader can't also. Abraham Lincoln was a great
conservative who embodied the humanities." >>

How strange that anyone would describe Lincoln--the most radical
president the US ever had-- as a "conservative" !!

-----Original Message-----
From: moderator@...
To: PORTSIDE@...
Sent: Sun, Dec 13, 2009 11:13 pm
Subject: Obama Shapes An Arts Policy ... Cautiously

Obama Shapes An Arts Policy ... Cautiously

BY BRETT ZONGKER Associated Press
Chicago Sun-Times
December 8, 2009
http://www.suntimes.com/news/politics/obama/1925708,obama-arts-policy-nea-120809\
.article

WASHINGTON - In his first year, President Barack Obama
has marshaled the largest infusion of cultural funding
in decades - despite a few stumbles.

Though still far less than arts advocates contend is
needed, they have high hopes this president could
transform cultural policy, funding and arts education
for years to come.

"I think and feel he's very much in the John F. Kennedy
tradition - he embodies the humanities, essentially,"
said Jim Leach, a former Republican congressman from
Iowa whom Obama named chairman of the National Endowment
for the Humanities. "That doesn't mean a conservative
leader can't also. Abraham Lincoln was a great
conservative who embodied the humanities."

Across Washington, cultural leaders have taken note of
Obama's approach. They're impressed with the variety of
musical performances and workshops held at the White
House this year, covering classical, jazz, Latin and
country tunes.

There's also the $100 million in new funding for the
arts, including a one-time $50 million infusion from the
economic stimulus package to preserve arts jobs. There
were sizable increases as well in the annual
appropriations for the arts and humanities endowments.
Both agencies will receive $167.5 million in 2010, their
largest allocations in 16 years.

Arts supporters wanted more money, but they say the
increases were significant and symbolic of Obama's
commitment.

"It's still a relatively small amount of money - a $12.5
million increase [for 2010] spread over 100,000 arts
organizations," said Michael Kaiser, president of the
John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts. "But
symbolically, it was very important because so many
state and local arts agencies are being cut by their
state and local governments, so to have the federal
government ... actually put more into arts, I think was
very important."

Obama's efforts in the arts ran afoul of critics in
August when a National Endowment for the Arts official
asked artists to coordinate with the Corporation for
Public Service on ways to help bolster Obama's public
service agenda.

"I would encourage you to pick something, whether it's
health care, education, the environment - you know,
there's four key areas that the corporation has
identified as the areas of service," the NEA's Yosi
Sergant told artists on the call. He was reassigned
after the call became public and later left the agency.

Critics said it was an overreach at Obama's NEA, while
supporters argued that the episode was overblown. Still,
the White House issued an advisory for government
agencies to avoid even the appearance of politics
playing a role in federal grants.

At a dinner during last weekend's Kennedy Center Honors,
Education Secretary Arne Duncan said improving arts
education will be a key element of his proposed changes
in former President George W. Bush's No Child Left
Behind law. He said parents, teachers and students all
have noticed a "narrowing of the curriculum."

"I'm convinced when students are engaged in the arts,
graduation rates go up, dropout rates go down," Duncan
said.

The Obamas presided over the Kennedy Center Honors, but
they also have been frequent guests at Kennedy Center
performances and at New York's museums and theaters.

"Both the president and the first lady have demonstrated
an interest in the arts that is more active than most of
their predecessors," said George Stevens Jr., who has
produced the Kennedy Center Honors as a national
celebration of the arts for the past 32 years. "They're
young and connected to what's going on in the world, and
a part of that is the performing arts."

Stevens has been enlisted to co-chair the President's
Committee on the Arts and the Humanities. The Obamas
also have quietly recruited some of the biggest names in
music, architecture, dance and show business to help
guide arts initiatives. "Sex and the City" star Sarah
Jessica Parker, acclaimed cellist Yo-Yo Ma, and actors
Forest Whitaker and Alfre Woodard are among 25 members
appointed to the committee.

Other key arts appointments also have broken the mold.

At the NEA, which has been cautiously rebuilding since
congressional conservatives slashed funding to less than
$100 million in 1996, Obama appointed an outspoken
Broadway producer, Rocco Landesman, as the nation's top
arts official.

Landesman has said he would like to resume making grants
to individual artists, a longtime practice targeted in
the 1990s when conservatives said the NEA was supporting
obscene art. He may hold off, though. The NEA's annual
funding has yet to fully rebound to its high of nearly
$176 million from 1992.

At the National Endowment for the Humanities, Obama
chose Leach, who contends that inadequate consideration
of Iraqi cultural issues may have contributed to the
march to war in Iraq.

"To shortchange the humanities can be very expensive if
you make mistakes based upon not factoring in cultural
considerations to policy," he said.

Leach said arts and humanities programs are most
essential in difficult times. As the nation is faced
with two wars, a weak economy and a polarizing debate
over health care, Leach is conducting a 50-state
"civility tour" to promote respectful discourse. He also
plans to promote better understanding of foreign
cultures.

"I'd point out in a historical way that during the Great
Depression we were spending vastly higher percentages of
federal resources on the arts and humanities than we do
today," he said. "The public coalesced around the notion
that it was important to bring perspective to issues of
the day."

In pressing to restore arts funding, the advocacy group
Americans for the Arts has stressed the economic impact
of the arts, totaling nearly 6 million nonprofit jobs
among 100,000 organizations. That's up from just 7,000
nonprofit arts groups 50 years ago.

Federal grants helped fuel that growth, said Robert
Lynch, president and chief executive of the lobbying
group, by leveraging other public support and private
funding for the arts. "It's been so successful over the
past 50 years, it's good business sense for there to be
a bigger investment," Lynch said.

Despite the increased funding this year, it's too soon
to judge Obama's impact, he said.

_____________________________________________

Portside aims to provide material of interest
to people on the left that will help them to
interpret the world and to change it.

Submit via email: moderator@...
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#4242 From: Jeremy Cohan <thusspokejeremy@...>
Date: Sun Dec 13, 2009 3:09 pm
Subject: Trotsky on the Communist Manifesto
gatsby6060
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This came up in our reading group a few weeks ago--thought I would send it out. Perhaps we should do another like it, now that we are 161 years past?

Trotsky's emphasis on the continuing relevance of internationalism, politics, and crises is much appreciated--and his forthright acceptance that Marx and Engels had some things wrong


http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1937/10/90manifesto.htm

Leon Trotsky

Ninety Years of the
Communist Manifesto

(October 1937)


Written: October 30, 1937
First Published: In Afrikaans in South Africa for the first edition of the The Communist Manifesto in that language.
First published in English in The New International [New York], Vol.IV No.2, February 1938, pp.53-55, 63.
This version from Fourth International [New York], Vol.IX No.1, January-February 1948, pp.28-31.
Transcription/HTML Markup: David Walters.
Copyleft: Leon Trotsky Internet Archive (www.marxists.org) 2003. Permission is granted to copy and/or distribute this document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License.


It is hard to believe that the centennial of the Manifesto of the Communist Party is only ten years away! This pamphlet, displaying greater genius than any other in world literature, astounds us even today by its freshness. Its most important sections appear to have been written yesterday. Assuredly, the young authors (Marx was twenty-nine, Engels twenty-seven) were able to look further into the future than anyone before them, and perhaps than anyone since them.

As early as their joint preface to the edition of 1872, Marx and Engels declared that despite the fact that certain secondary passages in the Manifesto were antiquated, they felt that they no longer had any right to alter the original text inasmuch as the Manifesto had already become a historical document, during the intervening period of twenty-five years. Sixty-five additional years have elapsed since that time. Isolated passages in the Manifesto have receded still further into the past. We shall try to establish succinctly in this preface both those ideas in the Manifesto which retain their full force today and those which require important alteration or amplification.

1. The materialist conception of history, discovered by Marx only a short while before and applied with consummate skill in the Manifesto, has completely withstood the test of events and the blows of hostile criticism. It constitutes today one of the most precious instruments of human thought. All other interpretations of the historical process have lost all scientific meaning. We can state with certainty that it is impossible in our time to be not only a revolutionary militant but even a literate observer in politics without assimilating the materialist interpretation of history.

2. The first chapter of the Manifesto opens with the following words: “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.” This postulate, the most important conclusion drawn from the materialist interpretation of history, immediately became an issue in the class struggle. Especially venomous attacks were directed by reactionary hypocrites, liberal doctrinaires, and idealistic democrats against the theory which substituted the struggle of material interests for “common welfare,” “national unity,” and “eternal moral truths” as the driving force of history. They were later joined by recruits from the ranks of the labor movement itself, by the so-called revisionists, i.e., the proponents of reviewing (“revising”) Marxism in the spirit of class collaboration and class conciliation. Finally, in our own time, the same path has been followed in practice by the contemptible epigones of the Communist International (the “Stalinists”): the policy of the so-called People’s Front flows wholly from the denial of the laws of the class struggle. Meanwhile, it is precisely the epoch of imperialism, bringing all social contradictions to the point of highest tension, which gives to the Communist Manifesto its supreme theoretical triumph.

3. The anatomy of capitalism, as a specific stage in the economic development of society, was given by Marx in its finished form in Capital (1867). But even in the Communist Manifesto the main lines of the future analysis are firmly sketched: the payment for labor power as equivalent to the cost of its reproduction; the appropriation of surplus value by the capitalists; competition as the basic law of social relations; the ruination of intermediate classes, i.e., the urban petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry; the concentration of wealth in the hands of an ever-diminishing number of property owners, at the one pole, and the numerical growth of the proletariat, at the other; the preparation of the material and political preconditions for the socialist regime.

4. The proposition in the Manifesto concerning the tendency of capitalism to lower the living standards of the workers, and even to transform them into paupers, had been subjected to a heavy barrage. Parsons, professors, ministers, journalists, Social Democratic theoreticians, and trade union leaders came to the front against the so-called “theory of impoverishment.” They invariably discovered signs of growing prosperity among the toilers, palming off the labor aristocracy as the proletariat, or taking a fleeting tendency as permanent. Meanwhile, even the development of the mightiest capitalism in the world, namely, US capitalism, has transformed millions of workers into paupers who are maintained at the expense of federal, municipal, or private charity.

5. As against the Manifesto, which depicted commercial and industrial crises as a series of ever more extensive catastrophes, the revisionists vowed that the national and international development of trusts would assure control over the market, and lead gradually to the abolition of crises. The close of the last century and the beginning of the present one were in reality marked by a development of capitalism so tempestuous as to make crises seem only “accidental” stoppages. But this epoch has gone beyond return. In the last analysis, truth proved to be on Marx’s side in this question as well.

6. “The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.” This succinct formula, which the leaders of the Social Democracy looked upon as a journalistic paradox, contains in fact the only scientific theory of the state. The democracy fashioned by the bourgeoisie is not, as both Bernstein and Kautsky thought, an empty sack which one can undisturbedly fill with any kind of class content. Bourgeois democracy can serve only the bourgeoisie. A government of the “People’s Front,” whether headed by Blum or Chautemps, Caballero or Negrin, is only “a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.” Whenever this “committee” manages affairs poorly, the bourgeoisie dismisses it with a boot.

7. “Every class struggle is a political struggle.” “The organization of the proletariat as a class [is] consequently its organization into a political party.” Trade unionists, on the one hand, and anarchosyndicalists, on the other, have long shied away – and even now try to shy away – from the understanding of these historical laws. “Pure” trade unionism has now been dealt a crushing blow in its chief refuge: the United States. Anarchosyndicalism has suffered an irreparable defeat in its last stronghold – Spain. Here too the Manifesto proved correct.

8. The proletariat cannot conquer power within the legal framework established by the bourgeoisie. “Communists openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.” Reformism sought to explain this postulate of the Manifesto on the grounds of the immaturity of the movement at that time, and the inadequate development of democracy. The fate of Italian, German, and a great number of other “democracies” proves that “immaturity” is the distinguishing trait of the ideas of the reformists themselves.

9. For the socialist transformation of society, the working class must concentrate in its hands such power as can smash each and every political obstacle barring the road to the new system. “The proletariat organized as the ruling class” – this is the dictatorship. At the same time it is the only true proletarian democracy. Its scope and depth depend upon concrete historical conditions. The greater the number of states that take the path of the socialist revolution, the freer and more flexible forms will the dictatorship assume, the broader and more deepgoing will be workers’ democracy.

10. The international development of capitalism has predetermined the international character of the proletarian revolution. “United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.” The subsequent development of capitalism has so closely knit all sections of our planet, both “civilized” and “uncivilized,” that the problem of the socialist revolution has completely and decisively assumed a world character. The Soviet bureaucracy attempted to liquidate the Manifesto with respect to this fundamental question. The Bonapartist degeneration of the Soviet state is an overwhelming illustration of the falseness of the theory of socialism in one country.

11. “When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character.” In other words: the state withers away. Society remains, freed from the straitjacket. This is nothing else but socialism. The converse theorem: the monstrous growth of state coercion in the USSR is eloquent testimony that society is moving away from socialism.

12. “The workingmen have no fatherland.” These words of the Manifesto have more than once been evaluated by philistines as an agitational quip. As a matter of fact they provided the proletariat with the sole conceivable directive in the question of the capitalist “fatherland.” The violation of this directive by the Second International brought about not only four years of devastation in Europe, but the present stagnation of world culture. In view of the impending new war, for which the betrayal of the Third International has paved the way, the Manifesto remains even now the most reliable counselor on the question of the capitalist “fatherland.”


Thus, we see that the joint and rather brief production of two Young authors continues to give irreplaceable directives upon the most important and burning questions of the struggle for emancipation. What other book could even distantly be compared with the Communist Manifesto? But this does not imply that after ninety years of unprecedented development of productive forces and vast social struggles, the Manifesto needs neither corrections nor additions. Revolutionary thought has nothing in common with idol-worship. Programs and prognoses are tested and corrected in the light of experience, which is the supreme criterion of human reason. The Manifesto, too, requires corrections and additions. However, as is evidenced by historical experience itself, these corrections and additions can be successfully made only by proceeding in accord with the method lodged in the foundation of the Manifesto itself. We shall try to indicate this in several most important instances.

1. Marx taught that no social system departs from the arena of history before exhausting its creative potentialities. The Manifesto excoriates capitalism for retarding the development of the productive forces. During that period, however, as well as in the following decades, this retardation was only relative in nature. Had it been possible in the second half of the nineteenth century to organize economy on socialist beginnings, its tempos of growth would have been immeasurably greater. But this theoretically irrefutable postulate does not invalidate the fact that the productive forces kept expanding on a world scale right up to the world war. Only in the last twenty years, despite the most modern conquests of science and technology, has the epoch of out-and-out stagnation and even decline of world economy begun. Mankind is beginning to expend its accumulated capital, while the next war threatens to destroy the very foundations of civilization for many years to come. The authors of the Manifesto thought that capitalism would be scrapped long prior to the time when from a relatively reactionary regime it would turn into an absolutely reactionary regime. This transformation took final shape only before the eyes of the present generation, and changed our epoch into the epoch of wars, revolutions, and fascism.

2. The error of Marx and Engels in regard to the historical dates flowed, on the one hand, from an underestimation of future possibilities latent in capitalism, and, on the other, an overestimation of the revolutionary maturity of the proletariat. The revolution of 1848 did not turn into a socialist revolution as the Manifesto had calculated, but opened up to Germany the possibility of a vast future capitalist ascension. The Paris Commune proved that the proletariat, without having a tempered revolutionary party at its head, cannot wrest power from the bourgeoisie. Meanwhile, the prolonged period of capitalist prosperity that ensued brought about not the education of the revolutionary vanguard, but rather the bourgeois degeneration of the labor aristocracy, which became in turn the chief brake on the proletarian revolution. In the nature of things, the authors of the Manifesto could not possibly have foreseen this “dialectic.”

3. For the Manifesto, capitalism was – the kingdom of free competition. While referring to the growing concentration of capital, the Manifesto did not draw the necessary conclusion in regard to monopoly, which has become the dominant capitalist form in our epoch and the most important precondition for socialist economy. Only afterwards, in Capital, did Marx establish the tendency toward the transformation of free competition into monopoly. It was Lenin who gave a scientific characterization of monopoly capitalism in his Imperialism.

4. Basing themselves on the example of “industrial revolution” in England, the authors of the Manifesto pictured far too unilaterally the process of liquidation of the intermediate classes, as a wholesale proletarianization of crafts, petty trades, and peasantry. In point of fact, the elemental forces of competition have far from completed this simultaneously progressive and barbarous work. Capitalism has ruined the petty bourgeoisie at a much faster rate than it has proletarianized it. Furthermore, the bourgeois state has long directed its conscious policy toward the artificial maintenance of petty-bourgeois strata. At the opposite pole, the growth of technology and the rationalization of largescale industry engenders chronic unemployment and obstructs the proletarianization of the petty bourgeoisie. Concurrently, the development of capitalism has accelerated in the extreme the growth of legions of technicians, administrators, commercial employees, in short, the so-called “new middle class.” In consequence, the intermediate classes, to whose disappearance the Manifesto so categorically refers, comprise even in a country as highly industrialized as Germany about half of the population. However, the artificial preservation of antiquated petty-bourgeois strata in no way mitigates the social contradictions, but, on the contrary, invests them with a special malignancy, and together with the permanent army of the unemployed constitutes the most malevolent expression of the decay of capitalism.

5. Calculated for a revolutionary epoch the Manifesto contains (end of Chapter II) ten demands, corresponding to the period of direct transition from capitalism to socialism. In their preface of 1872, Marx and Engels declared these demands to be in part antiquated, and, in any case, only of secondary importance. The reformists seized upon this evaluation to interpret it in the sense that transitional revolutionary demands had forever ceded their place to the Social Democratic “minimum program,” which, as is well known, does not transcend the limits of bourgeois democracy. As a matter of fact, the authors of the Manifesto indicated quite precisely the main correction of their transitional program, namely, “the working class cannot simply lay hold of the readymade state machinery and wield it for its own purposes.” In other words, the correction was directed against the fetishism of bourgeois democracy. Marx later counterposed to the capitalist state, the state of the type of the Commune. This “type” subsequently assumed the much more graphic shape of soviets. There cannot be a revolutionary program today without soviets and without workers’ control. As for the rest, the ten demands of the Manifesto, which appeared “archaic” in an epoch of peaceful parliamentary activity, have today regained completely their true significance. The Social Democratic “minimum program,” on the other hand, has become hopelessly antiquated.

6. Basing its expectation that “the German bourgeois revolution ... will be but a prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution,” the Manifesto cites the much more advanced conditions of European civilization as compared with what existed in England in the seventeenth century and in France in the eighteenth century, and the far greater development of the proletariat. The error in this prognosis was not only in the date. The revolution of 1848 revealed within a few months that precisely under more advanced conditions, none of the bourgeois classes is capable of bringing the revolution to its termination: the big and middle bourgeoisie is far too closely linked with the landowners, and fettered by the fear of the masses; the petty bourgeoisie is far too divided and in its top leadership far too dependent on the big bourgeoisie. As evidenced by the entire subsequent course of development in Europe and Asia, the bourgeois revolution, taken by itself, can no more in general be consummated. A complete purge of feudal rubbish from society is conceivable only on the condition that the proletariat, freed from the influence of bourgeois parties, can take its stand at the head of the peasantry and establish its revolutionary dictatorship. By this token, the bourgeois revolution becomes interlaced with the first stage of the socialist revolution, subsequently to dissolve in the latter. The national revolution therewith becomes a link of the world revolution. The transformation of the economic foundation and of all social relations assumes a permanent (uninterrupted) character.

For revolutionary parties in backward countries of Asia, Latin America, and Africa, a clear understanding of the organic connection between the democratic revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat – and thereby, the international socialist revolution – is a life-and-death question.

7. While depicting how capitalism draws into its vortex backward and barbarous countries, the Manifesto contains no reference to the struggle of colonial and semicolonial countries for independence. To the extent that Marx and Engels considered the social revolution “in the leading civilized countries at least,” to be a matter of the next few years, the colonial question was resolved automatically for them, not in consequence of an independent movement of oppressed nationalities but in consequence of the victory of the proletariat in the metropolitan centers of capitalism. The questions of revolutionary strategy in colonial and semicolonial countries are therefore not touched upon at all by the Manifesto. Yet these questions demand an independent solution. For example, it is quite self-evident that while the “national fatherland” has become the most baneful historical brake in advanced capitalist countries, it still remains a relatively progressive factor in backward countries compelled to struggle for an independent existence.

“The Communists,” declares the Manifesto, “everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things.” The movement of the colored races against their imperialist oppressors is one of the most important and powerful movements against the existing order and therefore calls for the complete, unconditional, and unlimited support on the part of the proletariat of the white race. The credit for developing revolutionary strategy for oppressed nationalities belongs primarily to Lenin.

8. The most antiquated section of the Manifesto – with respect not to method but to material – is the criticism of “socialist” literature for the first part of the nineteenth century (Chapter III) and the definition of the position of the Communists in relation to various opposition parties (Chapter IV). The movements and parties listed in the Manifesto were so drastically swept away either by the revolution of 1848 or by the ensuing counterrevolution that one must look up even their names in a historical dictionary. However, in this section, too, the Manifesto is perhaps closer to us now than it was to the previous generation. In the epoch of the flowering of the Second International, when Marxism seemed to exert an undivided sway, the ideas of pre-Marxist socialism could have been considered as having receded decisively into the past. Things are otherwise today. The decomposition of the Social Democracy and the Communist International at every step engenders monstrous ideological relapses. Senile thought seems to have become infantile. In search of all-saving formulas the prophets in the epoch of decline discover anew doctrines long since buried by scientific socialism.

As touches the question of opposition parties, it is in this domain that the elapsed decades have introduced the most deepgoing changes, not only in the sense that the old parties have long been brushed aside by new ones, but also in the sense that the very character of parties and their mutual relations have radically changed in the conditions of the imperialist epoch. The Manifesto must therefore be amplified with the most important documents of the first four congresses of the Communist International, the essential literature of Bolshevism, and the decisions of the conferences of the Fourth International.

We have already remarked above that according to Marx no social order departs from the scene without first exhausting the potentialities latent in it. However, even an antiquated social order does not cede its place to a new order without resistance. A change in social regimes presupposes the harshest form of the class struggle, i.e., revolution. If the proletariat, for one reason or another, proves incapable of overthrowing with an audacious blow the outlived bourgeois order, then finance capital in the struggle to maintain its unstable rule can do nothing but turn the petty bourgeoisie ruined and demoralized by it into the pogrom army of fascism. The bourgeois degeneration of the Social Democracy and the fascist degeneration of the petty bourgeoisie are interlinked as cause and effect.

At the present time, the Third International far more wantonly than the Second performs in all countries the work of deceiving and demoralizing the toilers. By massacring the vanguard of the Spanish proletariat, the unbridled hirelings of Moscow not only pave the way for fascism but execute a goodly share of its labors. The protracted crisis of the international revolution, which is turning more and more into a crisis of human culture, is reducible in its essentials to the crisis of revolutionary leadership.

As the heir to the great tradition, of which the Manifesto of the Communist Party forms the most precious link, the Fourth International is educating new cadres for the solution of old tasks. Theory is generalized reality. In an honest attitude to revolutionary theory is expressed the impassioned urge to reconstruct the social reality. That in the southern part of the Dark Continent our cothinkers were the first to translate the Manifesto into the Afrikaans language is another graphic illustration of the fact that Marxist thought lives today only under the banner of the Fourth International. To it belongs the future. When the centennial of the Communist Manifesto is celebrated, the Fourth International will have become the decisive revolutionary force on our planet.



#4241 From: rer137@...
Date: Sun Dec 13, 2009 1:00 pm
Subject: Fwd: A Scandal About Afghanistan Shakes Berlin
shempenmanhce
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Subject: A Scandal About Afghanistan Shakes Berlin

A Scandal About Afghanistan Shakes Berlin

By Victor Grossman

Berlin

Like the peaks of the Hindu Kusch dominating much of
Afghanistan, the war in that unhappy country
increasingly overshadows the political scenery in
Germany. Parallels with the situation in the USA are
unmistakable.

On December 3rd the Bundestag voted on prolonging the
use of German troops in Afghanistan for another year.
But before the delegates crowded to the front of the
house to put their ballots in the container, they were
surprised to hear an unusual statement. It came close
to a confession.

For three months one event has repeatedly grabbed the
headlines: the bombing on September 4th of two hijacked
German fuel trucks in Kunduz, in northern Afghanistan.
The air attack, ordered by a German colonel, resulted
in the deaths of 142 people, including women, children
and many other civilians despite the fact that the
trucks, stuck in the mud while crossing a river, were
of no immediate danger to German troops.  American
pilots suggested flying low over them to frighten
civilians and the Taliban hijackers away. But no, the
colonel insisted on bombs - and got them. The fuel
caused a terrible explosion.

Army spokespersons, including Franz Josef Jung,
Minister of Defense, tried to belittle the matter and
denied any certainty about even a few civilian
casualties. This was a crucial matter; it was the first
such case involving German troops in Afghanistan and
the worst bloodshed caused by Germans in uniform since
World War Two.

As more and more facts and videos leaked out about the
horror in Kunduz and the cover-up, both the army
inspector-general and a deputy minister were forced to
resign. The Minister of Defense kept denying any
knowledge of the full facts but began to look paler and
paler in public, even though Angela Merkel had demoted
him to a lesser and less vulnerable job as Minister of
Labor. But this switch could not save him; he had
obviously lied in covering up the atrocity and, still
pouting defiantly, he too was thrown to the wolves.

One aspect became embarrassingly obvious:  the bombing
and the early attempts to downplay it were in
September, only weeks before the national Bundestag
elections on September 27th. All parties represented in
the Bundestag had supported military action in
Afghanistan with a single exception, The Left, the
common foe of all the others. It had opposed sending
troops and AWAC planes from the start, insisting that
the action was not really helping the Afghans or
gaining increasing security in the world, but was
rather a way to strengthen German military involvement
abroad and expand influence generally.

Since 60 to 70 percent of the German public was also
opposed to military involvement the four older parties
agreed tacitly to avoid the whole subject during the
election campaign. Of course The Left took every chance
to raise what it saw as a key issue. However, as usual
it was largely excluded from a fair hearing in the mass
media. But then along came this brutal affair which
threatened to upset the whole apple-cart and the
relative silence was greatly disturbed.

It is hard to say what direct influence this had on the
outcome, but both of the two main war advocates, the
Christian Democrats and, to a far greater extent the
Social Democrats, lost millions of voters, while The
Left jumped to 12 percent (more exactly, 11.9 %),
higher than ever before.

Now, three months later, this issue still haunts the
political scene. During a discussion of the bombing in
November the new Defense Minister, the elegant Bavarian
noble Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg, told the Bundestag
that the Kunduz bombing had after all been "an
appropriate action", thus justifying the killing. But
on December 3rd, after more of the truth had emerged
and pressures from many sides increased, and just
before the vote on extending the mission, Herr zu
Guttenberg suddenly decided to change his policy and
make a confession: in truth, he announced, the bombing
had been "militarily inappropriate" after all.  He had
simply not known all the facts when he made the first
statement, he explained.

But then, thanks to the International Red Cross, it was
found that a full report on the tragic results had been
placed on his desk prior to his earlier statement; he
must have known the facts and he must have been lying.
The position of this elegant politician, who some
viewed as a candidate to follow Merkel, began to
teeter. Worse yet, some heretic voices raised another
awful question: how early did Angela Merkel know the
facts about Kunduz and keep her silence? An all-party
committee will now investigate the case. Will the
result be a whitewash? Perhaps luckily for her, Frau
Merkel is now off in Copenhagen trying to defend her
reputation as a heroine in the fight against global
warming. She will probably weather both storms, but may
get a bit battered in the process.

Soon after the Defense Minister made his confession,
the vote was taken on extending the stay of the 4500
German soldiers in Afghanistan for another year. During
the debate the Greens and the Social Democrats, now in
the opposition, lustily joined in attacking Herr zu
Guttenberg, Frau Merkel and the army brass, pounding
the lectern in righteous indignation about their
violation of the truth. They had to choose their angry
words carefully, however, since both parties had
supported the war from the start. It had been a Social
Democratic Defense Minister, Struck, who declared in
late 2001 that Germany's security is being defended in
the Hindu Kusch mountains.  But words are cheap, and
the time came to make a decision.

Of course, the two government parties voted en masse
to prolong the mission; only 3 of the ?Christians? and
2 of the Free Democrats had the guts to vote No.
Eleven Social Democrats were opposed but the majority,
121, voted to keep sending troops. The Greens were
again split, reflecting pressures from their grass
roots membership: 8 voted to continue the mission, 19
voted against it, 40 sat firmly on the fence by
abstaining. Of course all of the 70 delegates from The
Left, reflecting the wishes of most people in Germany,
voted No.

Thus, the government got its majority vote and German
soldiers will continue to fight, kill and also die in
dusty north Afghanistan. In January it and other NATO
members will decide whether to comply with the wishes
of Nobel-prize President Obama and increase their
contingents. More details in the Kunduz scandal may
also be expected; it seems that the elite, super-secret
German commando force was involved or perhaps
responsible for the Kunduz disaster. And more heads
could roll before this scandal is replaced by some new
one.

I recall the giant meeting with Obama in Berlin during
his election campaign. His eloquent speech received
plenty of applause - though some things he said were
received more thoughtfully, if not coolly. Near where I
stood, high up on a lantern, unnoticed by the police
and certainly by the great orator far to the front, and
in defiance of a ban on posters or banners, there was a
sign saying "No Troops for Afghanistan". It looked a
bit lonely at the time. The movement to find better
solutions for that war-torn land has grown since then,
but needs to grow a lot faster.

December 12, 2009

#4240 From: gabriel <gabrielitodecastero@...>
Date: Thu Dec 10, 2009 4:02 pm
Subject: Re: "Bruno" sued over terrorism claim
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I remember wondering how they got an interview with someone from the al-Aqsa Martyr's Brigade...

Cohen's humor has devolved from the more hysterical physical comedy of Borat to the shock-comedy of Bruno and (making people look at) dildos.



On Thu, Dec 10, 2009 at 8:57 AM, Ralph Dumain <rdumain@...> wrote:
 

I just watched Bruno a week ago. Cohen is funny, but he's just a fuckwit.

At 09:48 AM 12/10/2009, rer137@... wrote:

 


http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/10/baron-cohen-sued-over-terrorism-claim Â

__._,


#4239 From: rer137@...
Date: Thu Dec 10, 2009 4:32 pm
Subject: Re: "Bruno" sued over terrorism claim
shempenmanhce
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"just a fuckwit" ?

Please explain further. I saw a bit of it over thanksgiving when my
sister and brother-in-law and nephews were watching it and I wandered
in and out of the room. I was not impressed by the little bits that I
saw.

-----Original Message-----
From: Ralph Dumain <rdumain@...>
To: platypus1917@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Thu, Dec 10, 2009 9:57 am
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "Bruno" sued over terrorism claim

 
I just watched Bruno a week ago. Cohen is funny, but he's just a
fuckwit.

At 09:48 AM 12/10/2009, rer137@... wrote:
 


http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/10/baron-cohen-sued-over-terrorism-clai\
mÂ


__._,

#4238 From: Ralph Dumain <rdumain@...>
Date: Thu Dec 10, 2009 2:57 pm
Subject: Re: "Bruno" sued over terrorism claim
rdumain
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I just watched Bruno a week ago. Cohen is funny, but he's just a fuckwit.

At 09:48 AM 12/10/2009, rer137@... wrote:
 


http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/10/baron-cohen-sued-over-terrorism-claim Â

__._,

#4237 From: rer137@...
Date: Thu Dec 10, 2009 2:48 pm
Subject: "Bruno" sued over terrorism claim
shempenmanhce
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#4236 From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Date: Thu Dec 10, 2009 2:33 pm
Subject: Fwd: Are Americans Too Broken?
schwartzweiss
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Something to ponder. The problem with this article, of course, is that it fails to distinguish among pseudo-activities, and fails to recognize how "politics" can itself become a pseudo-activity -- as in the 1960s New Left -- and not merely the "consumerism" of the Culture Industry. (Pseudo-)"Politics" might be the most pernicious form of pseudo-activity of all, because at least a couch potato knows that he's not really doing anything. Those of us who have become "active," for instance through Platypus, need to always question the reality or irreality of what exactly we are "doing" in trying to break the spell. The psychology of shame at being beaten might be debilitating in the downward spiral described here, but precisely the problem with the (fake) "Left" is that it has no shame (its shameful melancholia is repressed by its outward appearance -- and inner experience -- of mania).

-- Chris

http://www.informat ionclearinghouse .info/article241 26.htm



In Search of Morale

Are Americans Too Broken for the Truth to Set Us Free?

By Bruce E. Levine

December 05, 2009 "Counterpunch" -- Can people become so broken that
truths of how they are being screwed do not "set them free" but
instead further demoralize them? Has such a demoralization happened in
the United States? Do some totalitarians actually want us to hear how
we have been screwed because they know that humiliating passivity in
the face of obvious oppression will demoralize us even further? What
forces have created a demoralized, passive, disCouraged U.S.
population? Can anything be done to turn this around?

Can people become so broken that truths of how they are being screwed
do not "set them free" but instead further demoralize them?

YES. It is called the "abuse syndrome." How do abusive pimps, spouses,
bosses, corporations, and governments stay in control? They shove
lies, emotional and physical abuses, and injustices in their victims'
faces, and when victims are afraid to exit from these relationships,
they get weaker; and so the abuser then makes their victims eat even
more lies, abuses, and injustices, resulting in victims even weaker as
they remain in these relationships.

Does the truth of their abuse set people free when they are deep in
these abuse syndromes? NO. For victims of the abuse syndrome, the
truth of their passive submission to humiliating oppression is more
than embarrassing -- it can feel shameful; and there is nothing more
painful than shame. And when one already feels beaten down and
demoralized, the likely response to the pain of shame is not
constructive action but more attempts to shut down or divert oneself
from this pain. It is not likely that the truth of one's humiliating
oppression is going to energize one to constructive actions.

Has such a demoralization happened in the U.S.?

In the United States, 47 million people are without health insurance
and many millions more are underinsured or a job layoff away from
losing their coverage. But despite the current sellout by their
elected officials to the insurance industry, there is no outpouring of
millions of U.S. citizens on the streets of Washington D.C. protesting
this betrayal.

Polls show that the majority of Americans oppose U.S. wars in
Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the taxpayer bailout of the financial
industry, yet only a handful of U.S. citizens have protested any of
this.

Remember the 2000 U.S. presidential election? That's the one in which
Al Gore received 500,000 more votes than George W. Bush. That's also
the one that the Florida Supreme Court's order for a recount of the
disputed Florida vote was over-ruled by the U.S. Supreme Court in a
politicized 5-4 decision, of which dissenting Justice John Paul
Stevens remarked: "Although we may never know with complete certainty
the identity of the winner of this year's presidential election, the
identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation's
confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the rule of law."
Yet, even all this provoked few demonstrators.

When people become broken, they cannot act on truths of injustice.
Furthermore, when people have become broken, more truths about how
they have been victimized can lead to shame about how they have
allowed it. And shame, like fear, is one more psychological way we
become even more broken.

U.S. citizens do not actively protest obvious injustices for the same
reasons that people cannot leave their abusive spouses. They feel
helpless to effect change. The more we don't act, the weaker we get.
And ultimately to deal with the painful humiliation over inaction in
the face of an oppressor, we move to shutdown and escape strategies
such as depression, substance abuse, and other diversions, which
further keep us from acting. This is the vicious cycle of all abuse
syndromes.

Do some totalitarians actually want us to hear how we have been
screwed because they know that humiliating passivity in the face of
obvious oppression will demoralize us even further?

Maybe.

Shortly before the 2000 U.S. presidential election, millions of
Americans saw a clip of George W. Bush joking to a wealthy group of
people, "What a crowd tonight: the haves and the haves more. Some
people call you the elite; I call you my base." Yet, even with these
kind of inflammatory remarks, the tens of millions of U.S. citizens
who had come to despise Bush and his arrogance remained passive in the
face of the 2000 non-democratic presidential elections.

Perhaps the "political genius" of the Bush-Cheney regime was fully
realizing that Americans were so broken that they could get away with
damn near anything. And the more people did nothing about the boot
slamming on their faces, the weaker people became.

What forces have created a demoralized, passive, disCouraged U.S.
population?

The U.S. government-corporat e partnership has used its share of guns
and terror to break Native Americans, labor union organizers, and
other dissidents and activists. But today, most U.S. citizens are
broken by financial fears. There is potential legal debt if we speak
out against a powerful authority, and all kinds of other debt if we do
not comply on the job. Young people are broken by college-loan debts
and fear of having no health insurance.

The U.S. population is increasingly broken by the social isolation
created by corporate-governmen tal policies. A 2006 American
Sociological Review study ("Social Isolation in America: Changes in
Core Discussion Networks over Two Decades") reported that 25 percent
of Americans did not have a single confidant in 2004 (10 percent of
Americans lacked a single confidant in 1985). Sociologist Robert
Putnam in Bowling Alone (2000) describes how social connectedness is
disappearing in virtually every aspect of U.S. life. For example,
there has been a significant decrease in face-to-face contact with
neighbors and friends due to suburbanization, commuting, electronic
entertainment, time and money pressures and other variables created by
governmental- corporate policies. And union activities and other formal
or informal ways that people give each other the support necessary to
resist oppression have also decreased.

We are also broken by a corporate-governmen t partnership that has
rendered most of us out of control when it comes to the basic
necessities of life, including our food supply. And we, like many
other people in the world, are broken by socializing institutions that
alienate us from our basic humanity. A few examples:

Schools and Universities: Do most schools teach young people to be
action-oriented- or to be passive? Do most schools teach young people
that they can affect their surroundings- or not to bother? Do schools
provide examples of democratic institutions - or examples of
authoritarian ones?

A long list of school critics from Henry David Thoreau to John Dewey,
John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Alfie Kohn, Ivan Illich, and
John Taylor Gatto have pointed out that a school is nothing less than
a miniature society: what young people experience in schools is the
chief means of creating our future society. Schools are routinely
places where kids -- through fear -- learn to comply to authorities
for whom they often have no respect, and to regurgitate material they
often find meaningless. These are great ways of breaking someone.
Today, U.S. colleges and universities have increasingly become places
where young people are merely acquiring degree credentials -- badges
of compliance for corporate employers -- in exchange for learning to
accept bureaucratic domination and enslaving debt.

Mental Health Institutions: Aldous Huxley predicted, "And it seems to
me perfectly in the cards that there will be within the next
generation or so a pharmacological method of making people love their
servitude." Today, increasing numbers of people in the U.S. who do not
comply with authority are being diagnosed with mental illnesses and
medicated with psychiatric drugs that make them less pained about
their boredom, resentments, and other negative emotions, thus
rendering them more compliant and manageable.

Oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) is an increasingly popular
diagnosis for children and teenagers. The official symptoms of ODD
include, "often actively defies or refuses to comply with adult
requests or rules," and "often argues with adults." An even more
common reaction to oppressive authorities than the overt defiance of
ODD is some type of passive defiance -- for example, attention deficit
hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Studies show that virtually all
children diagnosed with ADHD will pay attention to activities that
they actually enjoy or that they have chosen. In other words, when
ADHD-labeled kids are having a good time and in control, the "disease"
goes away.

When human beings feel too terrified and broken to actively protest,
they may stage a "passive-aggressive revolution" by simply getting
depressed, staying drunk, and not doing anything - this is one reason
why the Soviet Empire crumbled. However, the diseasing/medicaliz ing of
rebellion and drug "treatments" have weakened the power of even this
passive-aggressive revolution.

Television: In his book Four Arguments for the Elimination of
Television (1978), Jerry Mander (after reviewing totalitarian critics
such as George Orwell, Aldous Huxley, Jacques Ellul, and Ivan Illich)
compiled a list of the "Eight Ideal Conditions for the Flowering of
Autocracy."

Television, Mander claimed, helps create all eight conditions for
breaking a population. Television: (1) occupies people so that they
don't know themselves-and what a human being is; (2) separates people
from one another; (3) creates sensory deprivation; (4) occupies the
mind and fills the brain with prearranged experience and thought; (5)
encourages drug use to dampen dissatisfaction (while TV itself
produces a drug-like effect, this was compounded in 1997 the U.S. Food
and Drug Administration relaxing the rules of prescription- drug
advertising) ; (6) centralizes knowledge and information; (7)
eliminates or "museumize" other cultures to eliminate comparisons; and
(8) redefines happiness and the meaning of life.

Commericalism of Damn Near Everything: While spirituality, music, and
cinema can be revolutionary forces, the gross commercialization of all
of these has deadened their capacity to energize rebellion. So now,
damn near everything - not just organized religion -- has become
"opiates of the masses."

The primary societal role of U.S. citizens is no longer that of
"citizen" but that of "consumer." While citizens know that buying and
selling within community strengthens that community and that this
strengthens democracy, consumers care only about the best deal. While
citizens understand that dependency on an impersonal creditor is a
kind of slavery, consumers get excited with credit cards that offer a
temporarily low APR.

Consumerism breaks people by devaluing human connectedness,
socializing self-absorption, obliterating self-reliance, alienating
people from normal human emotional reactions, and by selling the idea
that purchased products -- not themselves and their community -- are
their salvation.

Can anything be done to turn this around?

When people get caught up in humiliating abuse syndromes, more truths
about their oppressive humiliations don't set them free. What sets
them free is morale.

What gives people morale? Encouragement. Small victories. Models of
courageous behaviors. And anything that helps them break out of the
vicious cycle of pain, shut down, immobilization, shame over
immobilization, more pain, and more shut down.

The last people I would turn to for help in remobilizing a demoralized
population are mental health professionals- at least those who have not
rebelled against their professional socialization. Much of the craft
of relighting the pilot light requires talents that mental health
professionals simply are not selected for nor are they trained in.
Specifically, the talents required are a fearlessness around image,
spontaneity, and definitely anti-authoritariani sm. But these are not
the traits that medical schools or graduate schools select for or
encourage.

Mental health professionals' focus on symptoms and feelings often
create patients who take themselves and their moods far too seriously.
In contrast, people talented in the craft of maintaining morale resist
this kind of self-absorption. For example, in the Question & Answer
session that followed a Noam Chomsky talk (reported in Understanding
Power: The Indispensable Chomsky, 2002), a somewhat demoralized man in
the audience asked Chomsky if he too ever went through a phase of
hopelessness. Chomsky responded, "Yeah, every evening . . .

If you want to feel hopeless, there are a lot of things you could feel
hopeless about. If you want to sort of work out objectively what's the
chance that the human species will survive for another century,
probably not very high. But I mean, what's the point? . . . First of
all, those predictions don't mean anything-they' re more just a
reflection of your mood or your personality than anything else. And if
you act on that assumption, then you're guaranteeing that'll happen.
If you act on the assumption that things can change, well, maybe they
will. Okay, the only rational choice, given those alternatives, is to
forget pessimism."

A major component of the craft of maintaining morale is not taking the
advertised reality too seriously. In the early 1960s, when the
overwhelming majority in the U.S. supported military intervention in
Vietnam, Chomsky was one of the few U.S. citizens actively opposing
it. Looking back at this era, Chomsky reflected, "When I got involved
in the anti-Vietnam War movement, it seemed to me impossible that we
would ever have any effect. . . . So looking back, I think my
evaluation of the 'hope' was much too pessimistic: it was based on a
complete misunderstanding. I was sort of believing what I read."

An elitist assumption is that people don't change because they are
either ignorant of their problems or ignorant of solutions. Elitist
"helpers" think they have done something useful by informing
overweight people that they are obese and that they must reduce their
caloric intake and increase exercise. An elitist who has never been
broken by his or her circumstances does not know that people who have
become demoralized do not need analyses and pontifications. Rather
the immobilized need a shot of morale.

Bruce E. Levine is a clinical psychologist and his latest book is
Surviving America's Depression Epidemic: How to Find Morale, Energy,
and Community in a World Gone Crazy (Chelsea Green Publishing, 2007).
His Web site is www.brucelevine. net



#4235 From: rer137@...
Date: Thu Dec 10, 2009 4:01 am
Subject: does capitalism have a prayer?
shempenmanhce
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#4234 From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Date: Wed Dec 9, 2009 9:42 pm
Subject: from Kolakowski, "The Concept of the Left" (1968)
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"Is there some common element in the word ["Left"] used in such varied contexts?
Or are we simply stating that every political situation reveals some human
activity we either approve or find to be the less repugnant, and which we
therefore call "the Left"? (I say "we call" because the Left draws the dividing
line between the Left and the Right, while the Right fights this division
systematically -- and in vain, for the Left's self-definition is strong enough
to define the Right and, in any event, to establish the existence of the
demarcation line.)

"No doubt because it has taken on a positive aura, the term "Left" is often
appropriated by reactionary groups. . . . So the mere use of the word does not
define the Left. We must look for other signposts to help us fix our position in
this murky area. Slogans like "freedom" and "equality" belong, of course, to the
tradition of the Left; but they lost their meaning once they became universal
catchwords to which everyone attaches his own arbitrary interpretation. As time
passes, the Left must define itself ever more precisely. For the more it
influences social consciousness, the more its slogans take on a positive aura,
the more they are appropriated by the Right and lose their defined meaning.
Nobody today opposes such concepts as "freedom" and "equality"; that
is why they can become implements of fraud, suspect unless they are explained. .
. .

"The concepts of the Left, of progress, and of freedom are full of internal
contradictions; political disputes do not arise from the mere acceptance or
rejection of the concepts."

-- Leszek Kolakowski, "The Concept of the Left" (1968)

#4233 From: Greg Gabrellas <flwrboi5000@...>
Date: Wed Dec 9, 2009 8:07 pm
Subject: Fwd: Why I Oppose the Surge in Afghanistan
flwrboi5000@...
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Senator Arlen Specter (D, PA): "We should concentrate on fighting al Qaeda without limitation on time or resources, but we should not engage in the laborious and problematic task of nation-building, or civil affairs, or the protection of other societies in place of their own security systems."

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Senator Arlen Specter <arlen.specter@...>
Date: Wed, Dec 9, 2009 at 2:03 PM
Subject: Why I Oppose the Surge in Afghanistan
To: Gregory Gabrellas <gregg@...>


If you are having trouble viewing this message, please click here.



December 09, 2009
United States Senator Arlen Specter, For the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania

Dear Friends:

I want to share with you an op-ed (link here and copied below) I wrote that ran in today's Philadelphia Daily News about why I oppose sending additional American troops to Afghanistan.

If you are interested in learning more about how I came to this decision, I encourage you read the floor statement I made in September in which I raised substantive questions about our mission in Afghanistan.  At that time, I also wrote detailed letters to - and subsequently received responses and briefings from - Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, CIA Director Leon Panetta, DNI Director Dennis Blair and Admiral Mike Mullen.

As always, please don't hesitate to contact me on this and any other issues of importance to you.

Sincerely,

Arlen Specter

Why I oppose the Afghan surge
By ARLEN SPECTER

I'M OPPOSED to sending 30,000 more American troops to Afghanistan because I don't believe they are indispensable in our fight against al Qaeda.
If they were, I'd support such a surge because we have to do whatever it takes to defeat al Qaeda, which seeks to annihilate us.

But if al Qaeda can organize and operate out of Yemen, Somalia or elsewhere, then why fight in Afghanistan, which has made a history of resisting would-be conquerors - from Alexander the Great in the 3rd century BC, to Great Britain in the 19th and early 20th centuries, to the former Soviet Union in the 1970s and 1980s?

In order to be successful in Afghanistan, it's necessary to have a reliable ally in the Afghan government. The evidence demonstrates that President Hamid Karzai does not have the requisite reliability.

THE LEGITIMACY of his administration is suspect because of vote fraud. There is widespread corruption at the highest levels of his government. His government has tolerated, if not encouraged, drug-trafficking.

President Obama has said, "President Karzai's inauguration speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction." In my judgment, any such "message" amounts to a dubious and belated pledge of reform and deserves to be treated with the greatest skepticism.

For too long, the United States has borne the overwhelming weight of providing troops with only modest NATO contributions. We currently provide 68,000 troops, Britain 9,500 and the other countries just over 36,000. NATO has pledged another 7,000 troops, an inadequate response when you consider the combined populations of NATO countries - excluding the United States - and the threat they face from al Qaeda.

In the context of the Vietnam and Iraq wars, it is understandable that the American people are very skeptical about fighting in Afghanistan. Had we known that Saddam Hussein did not have weapons of mass destruction, we would not have gone into Iraq.

Historians have replayed the tragic mistakes in Vietnam. When you add the 851 killed and 4,605 wounded in Afghanistan to the 4,369 killed and 31,575 wounded in Iraq, it is understandable that the American people do not want to continue the overwhelming burden of fighting in Afghanistan with so little assistance from our allies and so little prospects for success.

The cost of the Afghanistan war imposes an additional burden. It costs $1 million a year for each soldier, or $30 billion a year to support 30,000 additional troops. The cost for the total force in Afghanistan of approximately 100,000 soldiers would be more than $100 billion a year.

Pursuing a successful war in Afghanistan would require considerable additional support from Pakistan.

While Pakistan has been more helpful in recent weeks, their long-term commitment remains uncertain. For years, I've urged that the United States should take the lead in brokering a rapprochement with India that would allow Pakistan to redeploy forces from the Indian border to Taliban and al Qaeda strongholds in the mountainous regions of the north. If we could cool that tension with India, they could help us fight the Taliban and al Qaeda.

My opposition to the troop surge in no way diminishes my concern over the challenge we face in al Qaeda and the need to confront it wherever it emerges.

But I question whether Afghanistan is the primary front or even the only battlefield when we may face emerging challenges in Yemen, Somalia and Pakistan itself. That is where we have the best chance to succeed.

We should concentrate on fighting al Qaeda without limitation on time or resources, but we should not engage in the laborious and problematic task of nation-building, or civil affairs, or the protection of other societies in place of their own security systems.

Arlen Specter, a Democrat, is the senior senator from Pennsylvania.

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#4232 From: "cshess87" <cshess87@...>
Date: Wed Dec 9, 2009 2:40 pm
Subject: NYT: Violent Protests in Iran Carry Into Second Day
cshess87
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Two points that especially stood out to me:

1)"On Monday, protesters burned pictures of Ayatollah Khamenei, and even the
father of the 1979 revolution, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. They held up Iranian
flags from which the "Allah" emblem, added after the revolution, had been
removed."

2)"The new violence came as Iran's chief prosecutor, Gholam Hossein
Mohseni-Ejehi, warned of even harsher measures if the protests did not cease.

'So far, we have shown restraint,' Mr. Mohseni-Ejehi said, according to IRNA.
'Anyone who in any way endangers security must be dealt with.'"


http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/09/world/middleeast/09iran.html

Violent Protests in Iran Carry Into Second Day

By ROBERT F. WORTH
Published: December 8, 2009

BEIRUT, Lebanon — Iran's broadest and most violent protest in months spilled
over into a second day on Tuesday, as bloody clashes broke out on university
campuses between students chanting antigovernment slogans and the police and
Basij militia members.

As the scale of Monday's demonstrations became clearer, Tehran's police chief
announced that 204 people had been arrested in the capital, the semiofficial
Mehr news agency reported. The clashes took place on campuses in cities across
the country, as students and opposition members took advantage of National
Student Day to vent their rage despite a lengthy and wide-ranging government
effort to forestall them.

The violence continued Tuesday on the campus of Tehran University, where
security forces were using tear gas and arresting students, according to reports
and video clips relayed through Twitter and Internet postings. There were
protests at large squares near the university as well, witnesses said. Iran's
official IRNA news agency reported that the clashes began after groups of
pro-government students carrying pictures of Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah
Ali Khamenei, clashed with protesters on campus.

Monday's protests showed a striking escalation in direct attacks on the
country's theocratic foundation and not just on the June presidential election,
which the opposition has attacked as fraudulent.

The new violence came as Iran's chief prosecutor, Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Ejehi,
warned of even harsher measures if the protests did not cease.

"So far, we have shown restraint," Mr. Mohseni-Ejehi said, according to IRNA.
"Anyone who in any way endangers security must be dealt with."

On Monday, protesters burned pictures of Ayatollah Khamenei, and even the father
of the 1979 revolution, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. They held up Iranian flags
from which the "Allah" emblem, added after the revolution, had been removed.

The protests were timed to an official holiday commemorating the killing of
three students by Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi's forces in 1953. Students have
held a central role in the insurrections of Iran's modern history.

On Tuesday, the opposition leader Mir Hussein Moussavi — who was prevented from
attending Monday's demonstrations — had a tense standoff with angry security men
who had surrounded his office, according to opposition Web sites.

As Mr. Moussavi was leaving his office in a car, dozens of men on motorbikes,
some wearing masks, blocked his way and chanted angry slogans against him, the
Gooya News Web site reported.

Against the advice of his security team, Mr. Moussavi got out of his car and
angrily shouted at the men, "You are on a mission — do your job, threaten me,
beat me, kill me." Mr. Moussavi's security detail then took him back inside the
building.

Mr. Moussavi, a former prime minister and the leading challenger to President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the disputed presidential election, spoke out strongly
against the government's intimidation tactics on Sunday, warning that arresting
students would be counterproductive.

Mr. Moussavi has walked a fine line in recent months, struggling to maintain his
role as an insider who supports Iran's Islamic system but who is fiercely
opposed to Mr. Ahmadinejad and his policies.

But in recent months, it has become unclear how much Mr. Moussavi speaks for the
opposition, which includes many who appear to be taking a more radical approach
and demanding an end to the theocracy. During Monday's demonstrations, there
were fewer people with clothing or banners in the trademark bright green color
of Mr. Moussavi's presidential campaign. And there were more chants aimed
directly at Ayatollah Khamenei — a taboo that has increasingly eroded since the
election. In addition to the now common chants of "death to the dictator," some
protesters chanted, "Khamenei knows his time is up" on Monday.

#4231 From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Date: Tue Dec 8, 2009 1:54 pm
Subject: Re: Fwd: Report on International Panel at U.S. Labor Against War
schwartzweiss
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It is outrageous that Atiya's Platypus affiliation is being consistently suppressed, both in the promotion of the event, and now in the media reporting on it!

I think that one thing to keep in mind about an event such as the USLAW conference is that it represents not so much American labor "solidarity" with, e.g., Iraqi, Pakistani, Afghan and Iranian workers, not to say Venezuelan workers, but a plea from all these latter for American political leadership.

These people, world over, look to the U.S. for political leadership. Hence, the Obamania that gripped even Hugo Chavez for (however brief) a moment.

Atiya, in her comments quoted in the article below, offered just such leadership. This needs to be our orientation.

But for the "activists" of USLAW et al., the political imagination is rather inverted -- they may think that they need to take cues/leadership rather from the likes of the Chavista Venezuelan labor honcho who came to propagandize (also against Israel!) at the event.

We need to hear the plea of our potential international comrades, no matter how ambiguously and shamefacedly it is given. The international labor representatives at the USLAW conference did not come to the U.S. to inform us, but to see just what hope there might be in the world, which means gauging the American Left (quote-un-quote). I'm sure they were left as disappointed in "us" as we might have been in "them." But our hopes do not hang on them anywhere nearly as much as theirs hang on us. They need to know, as we do, that the only real project for any purported international "Left" is revolution in the U.S. That is our project. They await us.

-- Chris

--- On Mon, 12/7/09, rer137@... <rer137@...> wrote:

From: rer137@... <rer137@...>
Subject: [platypus1917] Fwd: Report on International Panel at U.S. Labor Against War
To: platypus1917@yahoogroups.com
Date: Monday, December 7, 2009, 9:52 PM

 


<<University of Chicago student Atiya Khan, moderator of
the international panel, posited that international
labor solidarity as part of a revitalized international
left movement is crucial to preventing future invasions
in the Middle East and saving Afghanistan and Pakistan
from being "failed states." Khan stressed the need for
an overarching leftist political analysis, something
she sees lacking in much of the international labor
movement currently.>>

-----Original Message-----
From: moderator@PORTSIDE. ORG
To: PORTSIDE@LISTS. PORTSIDE. ORG
Sent: Mon, Dec 7, 2009 10:12 pm
Subject: Report on International Panel at U.S. Labor Against War

Report on International Panel at U.S. Labor Against War

Iraq Oil Workers Union leader Hassan Juma'a Awad said
the union will fight to keep foreign companies from
unfairly exploiting his country's resources.

www.inthesetimes. com/working/ entry/5271/ international_ unionists_ and_war

CHICAGO—In Iran, trade unionists face imprisonment, or
even death, for organizing.. . And they are gearing up
for a huge round of lay-offs triggered by President
Ahmadinejad' s slashing of public subdidies.

In Pakistan, labor organizing is a challenge when
public attention is focused mostly on daily suicide
bombings and the struggle for a modicum of peace. It is
even harder for women labor leaders like Rubina Jamil,
who must contend with a patriarchal and feudal society
that expects women to stay in the home.

In Venezuela, trade unionists play a key role in
maintaining and promoting the political shift away from
U.S. hegemony in the region. Meanwhile energy sector
labor leaders like Toni Leon feel their industry makes
the country a target for oil-hungry foreign aggressors.

These were the messages during an international panel
at the U.S. Labor Against War national leadership
meeting in a Chicago suburb Monday.

The event featured top international unionists: All
Pakistan Trade Union Federation chair Rubina Jamil;
Toni Leon, secretary general of the Venezuelan Union of
Oil Industry Workers; Hassan Juma'a Awad, president of
the Iraq Oil Workers Union; and Homayoun Pourzad, a
leader of the Network of Iranian Labor Unions.

They described the complicated ways in which labor is
influenced by war, imperialism, repressive regimes and
internal ideological and political conflicts. They also
said labor must take a leadership role in avoiding or
resolving such situations, and noted disasters like the
Iraq war and the global economic crisis may actually
open new opportunities for labor organizing.

Leon's union is closely aligned with President Hugo
Chavez. He described their role largely as safeguarding
the country and its resources.

"We are in the eye of the storm," meaning a target for
multinational companies and other countries, "and the
people have decided to defend their own solidarity,"
Leon said. "Venezuela's revolutionary process
represents not only hope for the Venezuelan people but
for all Americans and people the world over that
another world is possible, that we can fight against
the multi-nationals, " he said.

In recent times, Chavez's anti-U.S. stance has included
fervently expressed solidarity with Iranian Preisident
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. After the panel, Iranian unionist
Pourzad said his main goal in coming to the Chicago
meeting was to tell Leon how this makes Iranian workers
feel. (Read a Middle East Report on Ahmadinjead' s
suppression of labor organizing here.)

"If it's a question of a common enemy, we understand
that. If it's a question of economic ties, we
understand that. But if Chavez has said Ahmadinejad is
a true revolutionary, this we do not understand."

Rather, Iranian workers see Ahmadinejad as a brutal
"petty dictator" who has ignored constitutional labor
rights and thrown unionists in solitary imprisonment
without charges. Because of this repression, Pourvad is
risking his life by speaking about labor organizing
internationally.

He said that while Ahmadinejad may be an enemy of the
U.S., his policies are fully reflective of neo-liberal
economic strategies of the IMF and World Trade
Organization that have gutted jobs and public benefits
worldwide. He said Ahmadinejad has already privatized
more than a third of public resources, with the bulk of
profit going to the Revolutionary Guards Corp and
corrupt elites rather than private companies but having
the same detrimental effect on the common good.

Pourvad said Iranians are expecting massive lay-offs
following Ahmadinejad' s slashing of public subsidies
for gas, transportation, bakeries and other goods in
January. This is part of a five-year "economic reform"
plan announced last year to basically dismantle a
public subsidy program that Pourvad calls the working
class's only victory from the 1979 Iranian revolution.

"My country will be in the news big time really soon,"
Pourvad said. "Once subsidies are cut the factories
won't be able to afford utility bills. They won't be
able to keep workers on board..." He said the lay-offs
could bolster labor organizing. "I don't know if it's a
blessing or a curse."

Leon promised to take the message about Ahmadinejad
back to Venezuelan leadership.

Meanwhile Jamil said extremists and terrorists in
Pakistan have made it harder for union organizing,
"creating a lot of hindrance among the working class."
She said union membership is declining rapidly, as
Pakistanis live in fear of suicide bombings and U.S.
drone attacks. But she lauded her organization for
moving forward with organizing with a strong underlying
political message and a focus on women's leadership.
She is also president of the affiliated Pakistan
Working Women Organization.

"We are saying that women's problems are workers'
problems, and women's rights are human rights," she
said.

Awad said he is "holding the U.S. government
accountable" for the sectarian strife and violence in
Iraq, saying they never had these problems to such an
extent before. But he said Iraqi workers distinguish
between the U.S. government and the American people.
Aaron Hughes of Iraq Veterans Against the War described
visiting Iraq to apologize for the war, and receiving
an embrace from Awad in front of hundreds of unionists.

Awad blasted policies instituted since the U.S.
invasion that have facilitated foreign investment in
the oil sector, and said the union must protect its
resources from deals that don't serve the Iraqi people.
He called for all foreign investments to be approved by
a democratically elected Iraqi parliament.

"If they don't respect that, we're ready and willing to
kick these companies out of Iraq," he said.

A Chicago-based Iraqi journalist in the audience
countered that "the Iraqi parliament are not
necessarily decent people with the ability to build a
new Iraq"—a point Awad acknowledged.

Awad also decried the fact that even as the Ba'athist
system has been largely dismantled, Ba'athist laws
banning unionism were left intact.

University of Chicago student Atiya Khan, moderator of
the international panel, posited that international
labor solidarity as part of a revitalized international
left movement is crucial to preventing future invasions
in the Middle East and saving Afghanistan and Pakistan
from being "failed states." Khan stressed the need for
an overarching leftist political analysis, something
she sees lacking in much of the international labor
movement currently.

The unionists said the U.S. Labor Against the War
conference gave them hope as they returned to difficult
situations in their own countries. Pourzad called the
international labor solidarity he experienced in
Chicago an example of the "globalization from below
that's really needed in the world right now."

Posted by Kari Lydersen

____________ _________ _________ _________ ______

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to people on the left that will help them to
interpret the world and to change it.

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#4230 From: rer137@...
Date: Tue Dec 8, 2009 3:52 am
Subject: Fwd: Report on International Panel at U.S. Labor Against War
shempenmanhce
Offline Offline
Send Email Send Email
 
<<University of Chicago student Atiya Khan, moderator of
the international panel, posited that international
labor solidarity as part of a revitalized international
left movement is crucial to preventing future invasions
in the Middle East and saving Afghanistan and Pakistan
from being "failed states." Khan stressed the need for
an overarching leftist political analysis, something
she sees lacking in much of the international labor
movement currently.>>

-----Original Message-----
From: moderator@...
To: PORTSIDE@...
Sent: Mon, Dec 7, 2009 10:12 pm
Subject: Report on International Panel at U.S. Labor Against War

Report on International Panel at U.S. Labor Against War

Iraq Oil Workers Union leader Hassan Juma'a Awad said
the union will fight to keep foreign companies from
unfairly exploiting his country's resources.

www.inthesetimes.com/working/entry/5271/international_unionists_and_war

CHICAGO—In Iran, trade unionists face imprisonment, or
even death, for organizing... And they are gearing up
for a huge round of lay-offs triggered by President
Ahmadinejad's slashing of public subdidies.

In Pakistan, labor organizing is a challenge when
public attention is focused mostly on daily suicide
bombings and the struggle for a modicum of peace. It is
even harder for women labor leaders like Rubina Jamil,
who must contend with a patriarchal and feudal society
that expects women to stay in the home.

In Venezuela, trade unionists play a key role in
maintaining and promoting the political shift away from
U.S. hegemony in the region. Meanwhile energy sector
labor leaders like Toni Leon feel their industry makes
the country a target for oil-hungry foreign aggressors.

These were the messages during an international panel
at the U.S. Labor Against War national leadership
meeting in a Chicago suburb Monday.

The event featured top international unionists: All
Pakistan Trade Union Federation chair Rubina Jamil;
Toni Leon, secretary general of the Venezuelan Union of
Oil Industry Workers; Hassan Juma'a Awad, president of
the Iraq Oil Workers Union; and Homayoun Pourzad, a
leader of the Network of Iranian Labor Unions.

They described the complicated ways in which labor is
influenced by war, imperialism, repressive regimes and
internal ideological and political conflicts. They also
said labor must take a leadership role in avoiding or
resolving such situations, and noted disasters like the
Iraq war and the global economic crisis may actually
open new opportunities for labor organizing.

Leon's union is closely aligned with President Hugo
Chavez. He described their role largely as safeguarding
the country and its resources.

"We are in the eye of the storm," meaning a target for
multinational companies and other countries, "and the
people have decided to defend their own solidarity,"
Leon said. "Venezuela's revolutionary process
represents not only hope for the Venezuelan people but
for all Americans and people the world over that
another world is possible, that we can fight against
the multi-nationals," he said.

In recent times, Chavez's anti-U.S. stance has included
fervently expressed solidarity with Iranian Preisident
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. After the panel, Iranian unionist
Pourzad said his main goal in coming to the Chicago
meeting was to tell Leon how this makes Iranian workers
feel. (Read a Middle East Report on Ahmadinjead's
suppression of labor organizing here.)

"If it's a question of a common enemy, we understand
that. If it's a question of economic ties, we
understand that. But if Chavez has said Ahmadinejad is
a true revolutionary, this we do not understand."

Rather, Iranian workers see Ahmadinejad as a brutal
"petty dictator" who has ignored constitutional labor
rights and thrown unionists in solitary imprisonment
without charges. Because of this repression, Pourvad is
risking his life by speaking about labor organizing
internationally.

He said that while Ahmadinejad may be an enemy of the
U.S., his policies are fully reflective of neo-liberal
economic strategies of the IMF and World Trade
Organization that have gutted jobs and public benefits
worldwide. He said Ahmadinejad has already privatized
more than a third of public resources, with the bulk of
profit going to the Revolutionary Guards Corp and
corrupt elites rather than private companies but having
the same detrimental effect on the common good.

Pourvad said Iranians are expecting massive lay-offs
following Ahmadinejad's slashing of public subsidies
for gas, transportation, bakeries and other goods in
January. This is part of a five-year "economic reform"
plan announced last year to basically dismantle a
public subsidy program that Pourvad calls the working
class's only victory from the 1979 Iranian revolution.

"My country will be in the news big time really soon,"
Pourvad said. "Once subsidies are cut the factories
won't be able to afford utility bills. They won't be
able to keep workers on board..." He said the lay-offs
could bolster labor organizing. "I don't know if it's a
blessing or a curse."

Leon promised to take the message about Ahmadinejad
back to Venezuelan leadership.

Meanwhile Jamil said extremists and terrorists in
Pakistan have made it harder for union organizing,
"creating a lot of hindrance among the working class."
She said union membership is declining rapidly, as
Pakistanis live in fear of suicide bombings and U.S.
drone attacks. But she lauded her organization for
moving forward with organizing with a strong underlying
political message and a focus on women's leadership.
She is also president of the affiliated Pakistan
Working Women Organization.

"We are saying that women's problems are workers'
problems, and women's rights are human rights," she
said.

Awad said he is "holding the U.S. government
accountable" for the sectarian strife and violence in
Iraq, saying they never had these problems to such an
extent before. But he said Iraqi workers distinguish
between the U.S. government and the American people.
Aaron Hughes of Iraq Veterans Against the War described
visiting Iraq to apologize for the war, and receiving
an embrace from Awad in front of hundreds of unionists.

Awad blasted policies instituted since the U.S.
invasion that have facilitated foreign investment in
the oil sector, and said the union must protect its
resources from deals that don't serve the Iraqi people.
He called for all foreign investments to be approved by
a democratically elected Iraqi parliament.

"If they don't respect that, we're ready and willing to
kick these companies out of Iraq," he said.

A Chicago-based Iraqi journalist in the audience
countered that "the Iraqi parliament are not
necessarily decent people with the ability to build a
new Iraq"—a point Awad acknowledged.

Awad also decried the fact that even as the Ba'athist
system has been largely dismantled, Ba'athist laws
banning unionism were left intact.

University of Chicago student Atiya Khan, moderator of
the international panel, posited that international
labor solidarity as part of a revitalized international
left movement is crucial to preventing future invasions
in the Middle East and saving Afghanistan and Pakistan
from being "failed states." Khan stressed the need for
an overarching leftist political analysis, something
she sees lacking in much of the international labor
movement currently.

The unionists said the U.S. Labor Against the War
conference gave them hope as they returned to difficult
situations in their own countries. Pourzad called the
international labor solidarity he experienced in
Chicago an example of the "globalization from below
that's really needed in the world right now."

Posted by Kari Lydersen

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#4229 From: rer137@...
Date: Mon Dec 7, 2009 11:13 pm
Subject: What Is Living and What Is Dead in Social Democracy? By Tony Judt
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#4228 From: Greg Gabrellas <flwrboi5000@...>
Date: Mon Dec 7, 2009 10:57 pm
Subject: Fwd: Obama's War Speech: The Questions It Raises… And The Answer That Must Be Given
flwrboi5000@...
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---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: JG <the_projekt@...>
Date: Mon, Dec 7, 2009 at 4:14 PM
Subject: [marxistphilosophy] Obama's War Speech: The Questions It Raises… And The Answer That Must Be Given
To: marxistphilosophy@yahoogroups.com, mwananchi@yahoogroups.com, neah@yahoogroups.com, new_democracy@yahoogroups.com, nj_32@yahoogroups.com


 

http://www.revcom.us/a/185/obama_speech-en.html

Obama's War Speech: The Questions It Raises… And The Answer That Must Be Given

By Larry Everest


On Tuesday, December 1, at the U.S. Military Academy in West Point, President Barack Obama announced that he would send 30,000 additional troops to Afghanistan. He also called for 10,000 more NATO troops, which pushes the total U.S.-led forces to nearly 150,000, and he announced plans to step up the war on a number of fronts including (without being specific) in Pakistan. Obama has now tripled the number of U.S. forces in Afghanistan since he took office.


These military forces will not be going to Afghanistan to set up vaccination programs or conduct literacy classes for Afghan girls. They are going there as part of the most destructive military machine on the planet, to wreak violence. The military machine that has bombed wedding parties, that has held thousands of young Afghan men in Bagram prison without charges, that kicks down doors in the middle of the night—this machine is being strengthened and further unleashed.


The West Point speech is being called the "defining moment" of Obama's presidency. Thus far into his term, at least, that is true. So it is important to look deeply at the questions Obama posed and the answers he gave—and in doing so to get into the real underlying causes of the military escalation now being put into effect.

Continue reading: http://www.revcom.us/a/185/obama_speech-en.html



#4227 From: "cshess87" <cshess87@...>
Date: Sun Dec 6, 2009 5:12 pm
Subject: The Non-Panel at US Labor Against the War
cshess87
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Along with a number of the Chicago members of Platypus, last night I attended
the public event for US Labor Against the War's national convention, which was
supposed to be highlighted by a panel of international labor organizers
moderated by Platypus member Atiya Khan.

However, the evening was far from great, showing many of the worst
characteristics of the activist Left. Rather than actually responding to
anything in Atiya's presentation, the two organizers there, one from Pakistan
and one from Iraq, merely repeated canned speeches that they've probably given
to many an American activist audience before. Atiya was not actually allowed to
moderate; one of the USLAW organizers kept cutting in to control the event.
Instead of the "dialog" very explicitly promised at the beginning of the event,
any time where the panels could have theoretically responded to each other (only
Atiya seemed to actually want this to happen) was cut when USLAW threw a 10-15
fundraising pitch into the MIDDLE OF THE EVENT, after which there was a minimum
of question and answer allowed. Anti-intellectualism reigned. After the event
one of the organizers chewed out Atiya for "ruining" the event by making it
"academic" instead of the Ra! Ra! Kumbaya! false unity they wished to foster.
The crowd shared the anger with the "academic" nature of Atiya's presentation,
most notably for me with a man sitting directly behind me who kept mumbling
about Atiya being a PhD candidate the whole time. Add in the patronizing racist
attitudes towards USLAW some of the international organizers, the misplaced love
of Hugo Chavez, such unthinking "anti-imperialist" rhetoric, the Pakistani and
Iraqi presenters who either where unfamiliar with their own history or more
likely felt that the American audience wouldn't actually care about anything
other than "the US is bad" explanations, and God-help-me the horrendous attempts
at folk singing, and it is obvious to see this event showed a spectrum of the
Zombie Left at its "finest".

That said, we missed a bit of an opportunity to throw this Left onto its heels.
We were obviously hobbled by the active attempts of USLAW to prevent any
discussion, but Atiya's presentation could have been much more effective at at
least putting our critique out there. She attempted to throw so much history
into such a short period that it was very easy to get lost. I may have only been
able to tease out the Platypus points about the failures of the Left and the
problems of "anti-imperialist" politics because I knew to look for them; those
who didn't probably only experienced a wave of facts that they, as activists,
didn't care about. The presentation did not seem to be designed with an activist
audience in mind. For while we are trying to break these people out of an
anti-intellectual activistism, we do have to meet them half-way otherwise they
will not, indeed cannot, actually grasp what we are trying to say. Like it or
not, much of the language Atiya used in her presentation is a language they
don't speak, and if we cannot get them to understand what our point it then
they'll only be responding at our being "academic" rather than our actual
critique of their politics. I do believe we can and need to shake at least parts
of the activist Left out of its stupor, and that some signs of that did occur
during the event, but not during the initial presentation. Rather, it came
towards the end of the Q & A, when after forcing the organizers to allow her to
respond to a question about how to build an international labor movement, Atiya
pointed out that the need to overcome capitalist social relations needs to be
put back on the table. After this it seemed to me that some of the old rusty
gears in the crowds' heads began to turn, if ever so slightly, and, since there
were some non-Platypus people in the crowd clapping after that statement, some
possibly less rusty gears were turning faster. At that point Atiya got them to
let in part what she was saying, and at that point they had to respond to her
not as an "academic" but as someone critiquing what has been the Left's politics
for so long.

#4226 From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Date: Sat Dec 5, 2009 8:56 pm
Subject: Nicolaus and "imperialism," Marx and Lenin, the 2nd Intl., etc.
schwartzweiss
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From Martin Nicolaus, "The Unknown Marx" (1968):

"Clearly the theory of surplus value is crucial to Marx's thought; one can even
say that with its ramifications it *is* Marx's theory. Yet how many 'Marxist'
political groupings and how many 'Marxist' critics of Marx make the surplus
value theory the starting point of their analysis? The only major contemporary
work in which the surplus plays the central role is Baran and Sweezy's Monopoly
Capital. Despite the deficiencies of that work, it points the way in the proper
Marxian direction and forms the indispensable foundation for the type of
analysis which must be made if Marx's theory of capitalism is to reassert its
political relevance.

"Unfortunately from several points of view, Monopoly Capital ends with the
conclusion (or, perhaps more accurately, begins with the assumption) that
domestic revolution within the advanced capitalist countries is not presently
foreseeable. This argument can and must be confronted with Marx's thesis in the
Grundrisse that all of the obstacles to revolution,
such as those which Baran and Sweezy cite, namely monopoly, conquest of the
world market, advanced technology, and a working class more prosperous than in
the past, are only the preconditions which make revolution possible."

http://platypus1917.org/wp-content/uploads/readings/nicolausmartin_unknownmarx_n\
lr48.pdf

-- This is the essential neo-Marxist critique of the New Left. What Nicolaus
neglects to mention, however, is that the latter perspective, pace Baran and
Sweezy, was precisely Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky's perspective, on
"imperialism." Their theory was that "imperialism" marked the "highest stage of
capitalism" (the subtitle of Lenin's eponymous pamphlet from 1916), the eve of
proletarian socialist revolution. The growth of the socialist workers' movement
was understood by LLT to be the most important *cause* of "imperialism," as a
historical phenomenon of social politics.

The point is that the New Left adopted a (undigested) Stalinist perspective on
"imperialism," through, e.g., Maoism, and this is what has stuck ever since. (It
is notable that although Nicolaus himself became a Maoist, it was decidedly of
the "workerist" variety in the 1970s, after the 1973 downturn, and was not
"Third Worldist" kind, as were the predominant strands of especially late-'60s
vintage New Leftist Maoism.)

The New Left was hung up on how the 2nd Intl. (of LLT) was supposedly bad on the
"colonial question" and that Marx himself may have harbored "pro-imperialist" or
"orientalist" perspectives. The idea was that Lenin's theory of imperialism was
some "improvement" over 2nd Intl. Marxism and perhaps even Marx himself.

But it is curious that Lenin never put it this way. There was no retrospective
critique by LLT on the 2nd Intl.'s positions on European colonialism. There was
no retrospective critique of Marx. "Orthodox" neo-Leninist/Trotskyists like the
Spartacist League are also notably silent on this issue. The closest they come
is saying that in Marx's day capitalism was still "progressive" and so alibi
Marx on India, etc. But this just begs the question of what is meant by the
"progressive" character of capitalism, and why Lenin et al. would have thought
that the stage of "imperialism" was a "higher" one.

The point is that the Lenin always quoted by the Spartacists et al. on the
possibility of anti-colonial wars of "national liberation" was from the WWI
period. Lenin did not put it this way prior to WWI, and for reason. Lenin's (and
later Trotsky's) position had a historically specific character, borne of their
estimation of their historical era as one of "revolution." Can we truly say that
we live in such an era today?

Either we in Platypus, as part of our rigorous recovery of Marx et al., adopt a
proper Marxian (and revolutionary Marxist, as in LLT) perspective on capital and
thus "imperialism" or we drop it as an issue. It has been an issue that the New
Left (and Stalinism, e.g., Maoism) before it used to liquidate Marxism. It
continues to do so. It's that simple.

-- Chris

#4225 From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Date: Sat Dec 5, 2009 7:43 pm
Subject: Re: "imperialism?"
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I agree -- with everything.

The problem, however, is that the typical (pseudo-)"Left" attitude (not even a theoretical approach proper) towards "imperialism" hardly acknowledges the (self-)"contradictions" and indeed represses/"dismisses" them. This is why I am calling for a moratorium on the issue.

The true horror is that the "politics" of Iraq/Afghanistan/Pakistan/Iran are merely news items for boosting advertiser ratings. And "Left" politics is just a version of vapid media-spin and news consumerism.

I recently saw a news item on CNN about Cindy Sheehan, with whom I would take a great deal of issue, and her anti-war protest was summed up by the correspondent as "her son died in Iraq." It was like, "that sucks for her," next item. And part of me was like, "Yeah. -- Next!"

-- Chris

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@...> wrote:

From: S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism?"
To: platypus1917@yahoogroups.com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 12:52 PM

 

It doesn't change the course of things or present some new political challenge, per se. And it doesn't matter if Obama is more or less sincere, more or less eager to win, blah, blah, blah. But of course! That was my point, as well. Sure. At some point there will be some kind of resolve that will remove the issue from any electoral agenda. Even now, while the latest military campaigns and related debates may be big news buzz and what-not, expressions of support or resistance to the war do little more than indirectly increase cable news advertising revenue and blog postings. A stance toward the war in Afghanistan will not fund any kind of substantial politics. But in some real sense, it is still consequential. That is, it matters and it doesn't. The contradictions need to be acknowledged, not dismissed.

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 12:23 PM

 

My point is that the issue of "(anti-)imperialism " is fundamentally disorienting for the "Left" and makes it a slave to the (pseudo-)"politics" of bourgeois/capitalis t "policy." I don't think that Obama is going to make a more "determined" effort in Afghanistan than Bush & co. did. The Republicans might be right about Obama ceding Afghanistan to the Taliban. Or Obama might be sincere that he's more "determined" to win that Bush & co. were. Who knows? (Who cares?) I think Obama will define/declare "victory," cut losses, and get out. Afghanistan will then just rot like the rest of the Third World, but it will be off the electoral agenda in the U.S. But so what? Does this make his policy less "imperialist" than Bush's? Even if the U.S. were not invading/occupying anywhere it wouldn't change a thing.

-- Chris

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com> wrote:

From: S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 12:14 PM

 

The U.S. doesn't need to take over the world - the world is already taken over by global capital. Such a point seems in accord with what you have just submitted, nonetheless. Indeed I think it is possible to be in agreement with your latest entry, while continuing to object with regard to the notion that something like a more sincere or focused approach (?) on the part of the U.S. to carry out the latest war effort is good for anybody. You have not brought any greater clarity or persuasive content to that particular point. It is also not paranoid for example to find credible the reports on the drone bombing campaign in Pakistan as not officially acknowledged, i.e. "secret," not accountable in any way. This is business as usual in some sense, though it doesn't need to be understood as neo-colonial to be soberly and realistically seen as fucked up. Enough with all this tired relativism.

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 11:25 AM

 

I think that imagining that the U.S. is trying to take over the world is due to a mistaken imagination of social realities. It is not neo-colonialism, or what-have-you. If 9/11 had not happened the U.S. would not be in Afghanistan. If Saddam Hussein had not invaded Kuwait, the U.S. would not have subjected Iraq to a sanctions regime and then invaded and occupied it. I don't think there are secret intentions or nefarious plots (other than the usual). I think that for most paranoia substitutes for analysis, and wishful thinking (including nightmarish fantasies) for political perspectives. I think we need to struggle against this and try to adopt a sober view of reality. The U.S. is not like the European powers in the 19th century trying to grab up as much territory (against each other) as possible.

But, anyway, my whole point was that this was not what was meant originally by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky about "imperialism. " This keeps getting lost. Perhaps it's because no one but me really cares about the historical issues or about trying to get a better handle on the relationship between capitalism and "foreign policy" today but are happy to just let slipshod metaphors work instead.

-- Chris

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com> wrote:

From: S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 11:02 AM

 

Sorry to step into this a bit late, but I'm kind of at a loss here. Maybe I missed part of the conversation, but how exactly would it be "better for all concerned if the US were trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is" - come again Chris? Are we just waiting for Obama to get better military advice, allocations and what-not to really give 'em the 21st century Rambo treatment? Excuse me if it seems I'm being obtuse, but if no previous attempts for a military take-over (the USSR being the most recent and salient example) had not been anything but defeated/exhausted (with a far more straightforward and fully-funded effort), then how will the US come up with some better outcome? How is this any different than Bush in Iraq? How is it not simply a tragic waste? Regardless of that fact that any real deviation from this militaristic mania would not necessarily lead in its place to some substantially better use of the (borrowed) resources, it does not follow that supporting the lesser evil (of sorts?) makes any sense. Did I miss the pep rally? Ra ra ra. Maybe Obama will really get Bin Laden and vanquish the terrorist threat once and for all. (As if...hello?) I'm not saying you're advocating this, but just what is the point? One thing that remains the same: war profiteering proceeds full throttle. Maybe they just need more private militia and other commercial concerns to step up their involvement. Ya think? Sorry. I'm not trying to be cute. I genuinely don't get it. Or maybe the point is to be as outrageous as possible in beating down the "imperialist" question? I understand how charges of imperialism and attendant arguments are being used by the pseudo-left in retrograde and ultimately distorting or obfuscating terms. (I too have seen this stuff play out first-hand.) At the same time, I'm not sure I can follow the point to this kind of "logical" conclusion, which starts to come off as simply and (forgive me) idiotically contrarian. Whether or not there is any real leftist or any other kind of viable force offering a true alternative (as well as helping to define "imperialism" (?) or whatever), where exactly does this leave us? Rooting for Obama? Go ahead on with Clusterfuck Phase III, Mr. President! (Or is it IV?)

Please clarify.

 - Stephanie

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:17 PM

 

No! The U.S. is not in fact trying to "take over" Afghanistan the way the U.S.S.R. was trying to do. In fact, not only was the U.S.S.R. trying to take over Afghanistan more than the U.S. ever would, but it would be better for all concerned if the U.S. *were* trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is!

The U.S. is not trying to exert any more control over Afghanistan than it tries to do over any other country -- including the other core capitalist countries such as Britain, Japan, Germany, etc., which it also tries very much to "control" -- and thank God for that!

-- Chris

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, rer137@... <rer137@...> wrote:

From: rer137@... <rer137@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:00 PM

 

The concept of "imperialism" here is posed in a liberal/moralistic and
to my mind quite un-Marxist way. If "imperialism" simply meant direct
control--taking over countries--then as an issue it would long ago have
lost its saliency. Of course, the US wants to "control" Afghanistan in
the same way that the USSR wanted to "control" it. The difference lies
in the sociological character--" class basis"--of the two states which
has direct empirical consequences. As such, the Sparts supported one
attempt by a large, powerful country to "take over" another and opposed
the other attempt.

The intelligence of the Sparts came from their refusing to think of
imperialism in terms of strong countries dominating weak countries, but
rather in "class" terms. As such the popular Islamist resistance to the
Soviet takeover was they thought the ACTUAL IMPERIALISM. The logic of
opposing the US in Afghanistan even when the US is fighting the same
reactionaries it was supporting against the Soviet Union, is that the
US is INHERENTLY the greatest enemy of the Left on a world scale.

Now a rational response to this is to simply claim that it is untrue.
That now perhaps in a politically disintegrated world Al Qaeda say
getting nuclear weapons is a greater danger, for example. i.e. that a
"class analysis" no longer suffices.

But I do not think it helps to simply caricature the position of others
who disagree, particularly those whose disagreement is most rooted in
principle.

-----Original Message-----
From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Sent: Thu, Dec 3, 2009 3:28 pm
Subject: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "

 
If residents of a housing project that is crime- and rat-infested and
decaying, and who have no ability to repair, let alone expand or
rebuild it, are blown up by homeless people, in a sneak-attack,
claiming that the existence of the housing project is an affront to
their religion, and the housing project residents, some of whom are
employed, and some of whom "richer" than others, send out a
search-and-destroy mission, comprised of otherwise unemployed people,
to root out the culprits among the homeless so that another attack
doesn't take place, is this "imperialism? "

This is in fact the world we live in today.

The U.S. is not trying in any way to "take over" Afghanistan (or even
Iraq). It is a lie to say so, and a self-serving delusion at that,
which gets in the way of recognizing the true horror.

If the U.S. and the British and Europeans, et al. after the 9/11,
Madrid, Bali and London 7/7 "Tube" attacks (and Northeast Africa
embassy bombings and Mumbai attacks!) occupy Afghanistan to try to root
out al-Qaeda and the Taliban, how is this "imperialism? " How are the
NATO powers trying to *gain* anything or expand themselves through
invading and occupying Afghanistan? Of course Obama et al. want to get
out Afghanistan as quickly as possible. We must pay attention to the
real world and its real actors, what they are actually trying to do and
how they are trying to do it.

The concept of "imperialism" as used by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky
meant something very specific, the ripeness of the core capitalist
countries for proletarian socialist revolution, or, as Lenin put it the
"highest stage of capitalism." The point is that we are no longer in
any meaningful -- that is, *pre-revolutionary* -- sense living in the
"highest" stage of capitalism.

In the coffee break discussion yesterday at UChicago, the question of
Afghanistan was raised, and I used the recent civil war(s) in the Congo
as a counter-example. Why does no one talk about the Congo in terms of
"imperialism? " The European state powers as well as European
mercenaries and civilian companies are very much involved and
complicit, indeed culpable actors in the Congo. So how come no one
talks about "imperialism" there, when the case could be made much more
easily in (*pseudo*-)" Marxist" ("economic interest") terms? Because the
Congo is not a controversy for the bourgeois politics of the European
states, but just "business as usual." In the U.S., by contrast, the
invasions and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, though not motivated
(relative to the Europeans in the Congo, for example) by "economic
interests," are quite controversial in bourgeois politics. There is a
real discussion of "why we are there," etc.

So it is perverse that it is the U.S. and its policies that are
vilified as "imperialist, " when the metaphor needs to be stretched
beyond recognition to characterize them so, whereas the "business as
usual" grind of brutalization in the rest of the Third World goes
without much comment. The point is that Iraq and Afghanistan would be
just as subject to "imperialism" in the true Marxist sense regardless
of whether they were ever invaded and occupied (by the U.S.). The
invasions and occupations do not make this truth of global capital more
but actually less apparent and clear. To call their invasions and
occupations a result of "imperialism" is to deceive people about the
world, not enlighten them. The point is that places like Iraq and
Afghanistan need "imperialism" (the power of global capital) to be
exerted over them *more*, not less so!

Those who try to apply LLT's concept of "imperialism" to address
problems in the present are engaged in deception, nothing less, and
nothing else. We must say so precisely because we think authentic
Marxism could be actually meaningful and so cannot afford to be
accepted in its forgery -- and travesty!

-- Chris









#4224 From: "S.A. Karamitsos" <doctor8sak@...>
Date: Sat Dec 5, 2009 6:52 pm
Subject: Re: "imperialism?"
doctor8sak
Offline Offline
Send Email Send Email
 
It doesn't change the course of things or present some new political challenge, per se. And it doesn't matter if Obama is more or less sincere, more or less eager to win, blah, blah, blah. But of course! That was my point, as well. Sure. At some point there will be some kind of resolve that will remove the issue from any electoral agenda. Even now, while the latest military campaigns and related debates may be big news buzz and what-not, expressions of support or resistance to the war do little more than indirectly increase cable news advertising revenue and blog postings. A stance toward the war in Afghanistan will not fund any kind of substantial politics. But in some real sense, it is still consequential. That is, it matters and it doesn't. The contradictions need to be acknowledged, not dismissed.

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism?"
To: platypus1917@yahoogroups.com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 12:23 PM

 

My point is that the issue of "(anti-)imperialism " is fundamentally disorienting for the "Left" and makes it a slave to the (pseudo-)"politics" of bourgeois/capitalis t "policy." I don't think that Obama is going to make a more "determined" effort in Afghanistan than Bush & co. did. The Republicans might be right about Obama ceding Afghanistan to the Taliban. Or Obama might be sincere that he's more "determined" to win that Bush & co. were. Who knows? (Who cares?) I think Obama will define/declare "victory," cut losses, and get out. Afghanistan will then just rot like the rest of the Third World, but it will be off the electoral agenda in the U.S. But so what? Does this make his policy less "imperialist" than Bush's? Even if the U.S. were not invading/occupying anywhere it wouldn't change a thing.

-- Chris

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com> wrote:

From: S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 12:14 PM

 

The U.S. doesn't need to take over the world - the world is already taken over by global capital. Such a point seems in accord with what you have just submitted, nonetheless. Indeed I think it is possible to be in agreement with your latest entry, while continuing to object with regard to the notion that something like a more sincere or focused approach (?) on the part of the U.S. to carry out the latest war effort is good for anybody. You have not brought any greater clarity or persuasive content to that particular point. It is also not paranoid for example to find credible the reports on the drone bombing campaign in Pakistan as not officially acknowledged, i.e. "secret," not accountable in any way. This is business as usual in some sense, though it doesn't need to be understood as neo-colonial to be soberly and realistically seen as fucked up. Enough with all this tired relativism.

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 11:25 AM

 

I think that imagining that the U.S. is trying to take over the world is due to a mistaken imagination of social realities. It is not neo-colonialism, or what-have-you. If 9/11 had not happened the U.S. would not be in Afghanistan. If Saddam Hussein had not invaded Kuwait, the U.S. would not have subjected Iraq to a sanctions regime and then invaded and occupied it. I don't think there are secret intentions or nefarious plots (other than the usual). I think that for most paranoia substitutes for analysis, and wishful thinking (including nightmarish fantasies) for political perspectives. I think we need to struggle against this and try to adopt a sober view of reality. The U.S. is not like the European powers in the 19th century trying to grab up as much territory (against each other) as possible.

But, anyway, my whole point was that this was not what was meant originally by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky about "imperialism. " This keeps getting lost. Perhaps it's because no one but me really cares about the historical issues or about trying to get a better handle on the relationship between capitalism and "foreign policy" today but are happy to just let slipshod metaphors work instead.

-- Chris

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com> wrote:

From: S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 11:02 AM

 

Sorry to step into this a bit late, but I'm kind of at a loss here. Maybe I missed part of the conversation, but how exactly would it be "better for all concerned if the US were trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is" - come again Chris? Are we just waiting for Obama to get better military advice, allocations and what-not to really give 'em the 21st century Rambo treatment? Excuse me if it seems I'm being obtuse, but if no previous attempts for a military take-over (the USSR being the most recent and salient example) had not been anything but defeated/exhausted (with a far more straightforward and fully-funded effort), then how will the US come up with some better outcome? How is this any different than Bush in Iraq? How is it not simply a tragic waste? Regardless of that fact that any real deviation from this militaristic mania would not necessarily lead in its place to some substantially better use of the (borrowed) resources, it does not follow that supporting the lesser evil (of sorts?) makes any sense. Did I miss the pep rally? Ra ra ra. Maybe Obama will really get Bin Laden and vanquish the terrorist threat once and for all. (As if...hello?) I'm not saying you're advocating this, but just what is the point? One thing that remains the same: war profiteering proceeds full throttle. Maybe they just need more private militia and other commercial concerns to step up their involvement. Ya think? Sorry. I'm not trying to be cute. I genuinely don't get it. Or maybe the point is to be as outrageous as possible in beating down the "imperialist" question? I understand how charges of imperialism and attendant arguments are being used by the pseudo-left in retrograde and ultimately distorting or obfuscating terms. (I too have seen this stuff play out first-hand.) At the same time, I'm not sure I can follow the point to this kind of "logical" conclusion, which starts to come off as simply and (forgive me) idiotically contrarian. Whether or not there is any real leftist or any other kind of viable force offering a true alternative (as well as helping to define "imperialism" (?) or whatever), where exactly does this leave us? Rooting for Obama? Go ahead on with Clusterfuck Phase III, Mr. President! (Or is it IV?)

Please clarify.

 - Stephanie

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:17 PM

 

No! The U.S. is not in fact trying to "take over" Afghanistan the way the U.S.S.R. was trying to do. In fact, not only was the U.S.S.R. trying to take over Afghanistan more than the U.S. ever would, but it would be better for all concerned if the U.S. *were* trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is!

The U.S. is not trying to exert any more control over Afghanistan than it tries to do over any other country -- including the other core capitalist countries such as Britain, Japan, Germany, etc., which it also tries very much to "control" -- and thank God for that!

-- Chris

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, rer137@... <rer137@...> wrote:

From: rer137@... <rer137@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:00 PM

 

The concept of "imperialism" here is posed in a liberal/moralistic and
to my mind quite un-Marxist way. If "imperialism" simply meant direct
control--taking over countries--then as an issue it would long ago have
lost its saliency. Of course, the US wants to "control" Afghanistan in
the same way that the USSR wanted to "control" it. The difference lies
in the sociological character--" class basis"--of the two states which
has direct empirical consequences. As such, the Sparts supported one
attempt by a large, powerful country to "take over" another and opposed
the other attempt.

The intelligence of the Sparts came from their refusing to think of
imperialism in terms of strong countries dominating weak countries, but
rather in "class" terms. As such the popular Islamist resistance to the
Soviet takeover was they thought the ACTUAL IMPERIALISM. The logic of
opposing the US in Afghanistan even when the US is fighting the same
reactionaries it was supporting against the Soviet Union, is that the
US is INHERENTLY the greatest enemy of the Left on a world scale.

Now a rational response to this is to simply claim that it is untrue.
That now perhaps in a politically disintegrated world Al Qaeda say
getting nuclear weapons is a greater danger, for example. i.e. that a
"class analysis" no longer suffices.

But I do not think it helps to simply caricature the position of others
who disagree, particularly those whose disagreement is most rooted in
principle.

-----Original Message-----
From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Sent: Thu, Dec 3, 2009 3:28 pm
Subject: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "

 
If residents of a housing project that is crime- and rat-infested and
decaying, and who have no ability to repair, let alone expand or
rebuild it, are blown up by homeless people, in a sneak-attack,
claiming that the existence of the housing project is an affront to
their religion, and the housing project residents, some of whom are
employed, and some of whom "richer" than others, send out a
search-and-destroy mission, comprised of otherwise unemployed people,
to root out the culprits among the homeless so that another attack
doesn't take place, is this "imperialism? "

This is in fact the world we live in today.

The U.S. is not trying in any way to "take over" Afghanistan (or even
Iraq). It is a lie to say so, and a self-serving delusion at that,
which gets in the way of recognizing the true horror.

If the U.S. and the British and Europeans, et al. after the 9/11,
Madrid, Bali and London 7/7 "Tube" attacks (and Northeast Africa
embassy bombings and Mumbai attacks!) occupy Afghanistan to try to root
out al-Qaeda and the Taliban, how is this "imperialism? " How are the
NATO powers trying to *gain* anything or expand themselves through
invading and occupying Afghanistan? Of course Obama et al. want to get
out Afghanistan as quickly as possible. We must pay attention to the
real world and its real actors, what they are actually trying to do and
how they are trying to do it.

The concept of "imperialism" as used by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky
meant something very specific, the ripeness of the core capitalist
countries for proletarian socialist revolution, or, as Lenin put it the
"highest stage of capitalism." The point is that we are no longer in
any meaningful -- that is, *pre-revolutionary* -- sense living in the
"highest" stage of capitalism.

In the coffee break discussion yesterday at UChicago, the question of
Afghanistan was raised, and I used the recent civil war(s) in the Congo
as a counter-example. Why does no one talk about the Congo in terms of
"imperialism? " The European state powers as well as European
mercenaries and civilian companies are very much involved and
complicit, indeed culpable actors in the Congo. So how come no one
talks about "imperialism" there, when the case could be made much more
easily in (*pseudo*-)" Marxist" ("economic interest") terms? Because the
Congo is not a controversy for the bourgeois politics of the European
states, but just "business as usual." In the U.S., by contrast, the
invasions and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, though not motivated
(relative to the Europeans in the Congo, for example) by "economic
interests," are quite controversial in bourgeois politics. There is a
real discussion of "why we are there," etc.

So it is perverse that it is the U.S. and its policies that are
vilified as "imperialist, " when the metaphor needs to be stretched
beyond recognition to characterize them so, whereas the "business as
usual" grind of brutalization in the rest of the Third World goes
without much comment. The point is that Iraq and Afghanistan would be
just as subject to "imperialism" in the true Marxist sense regardless
of whether they were ever invaded and occupied (by the U.S.). The
invasions and occupations do not make this truth of global capital more
but actually less apparent and clear. To call their invasions and
occupations a result of "imperialism" is to deceive people about the
world, not enlighten them. The point is that places like Iraq and
Afghanistan need "imperialism" (the power of global capital) to be
exerted over them *more*, not less so!

Those who try to apply LLT's concept of "imperialism" to address
problems in the present are engaged in deception, nothing less, and
nothing else. We must say so precisely because we think authentic
Marxism could be actually meaningful and so cannot afford to be
accepted in its forgery -- and travesty!

-- Chris








#4223 From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Date: Sat Dec 5, 2009 6:23 pm
Subject: Re: "imperialism?"
schwartzweiss
Offline Offline
Send Email Send Email
 
My point is that the issue of "(anti-)imperialism" is fundamentally disorienting for the "Left" and makes it a slave to the (pseudo-)"politics" of bourgeois/capitalist "policy." I don't think that Obama is going to make a more "determined" effort in Afghanistan than Bush & co. did. The Republicans might be right about Obama ceding Afghanistan to the Taliban. Or Obama might be sincere that he's more "determined" to win that Bush & co. were. Who knows? (Who cares?) I think Obama will define/declare "victory," cut losses, and get out. Afghanistan will then just rot like the rest of the Third World, but it will be off the electoral agenda in the U.S. But so what? Does this make his policy less "imperialist" than Bush's? Even if the U.S. were not invading/occupying anywhere it wouldn't change a thing.

-- Chris

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@...> wrote:

From: S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism?"
To: platypus1917@yahoogroups.com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 12:14 PM

 

The U.S. doesn't need to take over the world - the world is already taken over by global capital. Such a point seems in accord with what you have just submitted, nonetheless. Indeed I think it is possible to be in agreement with your latest entry, while continuing to object with regard to the notion that something like a more sincere or focused approach (?) on the part of the U.S. to carry out the latest war effort is good for anybody. You have not brought any greater clarity or persuasive content to that particular point. It is also not paranoid for example to find credible the reports on the drone bombing campaign in Pakistan as not officially acknowledged, i.e. "secret," not accountable in any way. This is business as usual in some sense, though it doesn't need to be understood as neo-colonial to be soberly and realistically seen as fucked up. Enough with all this tired relativism.

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 11:25 AM

 

I think that imagining that the U.S. is trying to take over the world is due to a mistaken imagination of social realities. It is not neo-colonialism, or what-have-you. If 9/11 had not happened the U.S. would not be in Afghanistan. If Saddam Hussein had not invaded Kuwait, the U.S. would not have subjected Iraq to a sanctions regime and then invaded and occupied it. I don't think there are secret intentions or nefarious plots (other than the usual). I think that for most paranoia substitutes for analysis, and wishful thinking (including nightmarish fantasies) for political perspectives. I think we need to struggle against this and try to adopt a sober view of reality. The U.S. is not like the European powers in the 19th century trying to grab up as much territory (against each other) as possible.

But, anyway, my whole point was that this was not what was meant originally by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky about "imperialism. " This keeps getting lost. Perhaps it's because no one but me really cares about the historical issues or about trying to get a better handle on the relationship between capitalism and "foreign policy" today but are happy to just let slipshod metaphors work instead.

-- Chris

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com> wrote:

From: S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 11:02 AM

 

Sorry to step into this a bit late, but I'm kind of at a loss here. Maybe I missed part of the conversation, but how exactly would it be "better for all concerned if the US were trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is" - come again Chris? Are we just waiting for Obama to get better military advice, allocations and what-not to really give 'em the 21st century Rambo treatment? Excuse me if it seems I'm being obtuse, but if no previous attempts for a military take-over (the USSR being the most recent and salient example) had not been anything but defeated/exhausted (with a far more straightforward and fully-funded effort), then how will the US come up with some better outcome? How is this any different than Bush in Iraq? How is it not simply a tragic waste? Regardless of that fact that any real deviation from this militaristic mania would not necessarily lead in its place to some substantially better use of the (borrowed) resources, it does not follow that supporting the lesser evil (of sorts?) makes any sense. Did I miss the pep rally? Ra ra ra. Maybe Obama will really get Bin Laden and vanquish the terrorist threat once and for all. (As if...hello?) I'm not saying you're advocating this, but just what is the point? One thing that remains the same: war profiteering proceeds full throttle. Maybe they just need more private militia and other commercial concerns to step up their involvement. Ya think? Sorry. I'm not trying to be cute. I genuinely don't get it. Or maybe the point is to be as outrageous as possible in beating down the "imperialist" question? I understand how charges of imperialism and attendant arguments are being used by the pseudo-left in retrograde and ultimately distorting or obfuscating terms. (I too have seen this stuff play out first-hand.) At the same time, I'm not sure I can follow the point to this kind of "logical" conclusion, which starts to come off as simply and (forgive me) idiotically contrarian. Whether or not there is any real leftist or any other kind of viable force offering a true alternative (as well as helping to define "imperialism" (?) or whatever), where exactly does this leave us? Rooting for Obama? Go ahead on with Clusterfuck Phase III, Mr. President! (Or is it IV?)

Please clarify.

 - Stephanie

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:17 PM

 

No! The U.S. is not in fact trying to "take over" Afghanistan the way the U.S.S.R. was trying to do. In fact, not only was the U.S.S.R. trying to take over Afghanistan more than the U.S. ever would, but it would be better for all concerned if the U.S. *were* trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is!

The U.S. is not trying to exert any more control over Afghanistan than it tries to do over any other country -- including the other core capitalist countries such as Britain, Japan, Germany, etc., which it also tries very much to "control" -- and thank God for that!

-- Chris

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, rer137@... <rer137@...> wrote:

From: rer137@... <rer137@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:00 PM

 

The concept of "imperialism" here is posed in a liberal/moralistic and
to my mind quite un-Marxist way. If "imperialism" simply meant direct
control--taking over countries--then as an issue it would long ago have
lost its saliency. Of course, the US wants to "control" Afghanistan in
the same way that the USSR wanted to "control" it. The difference lies
in the sociological character--" class basis"--of the two states which
has direct empirical consequences. As such, the Sparts supported one
attempt by a large, powerful country to "take over" another and opposed
the other attempt.

The intelligence of the Sparts came from their refusing to think of
imperialism in terms of strong countries dominating weak countries, but
rather in "class" terms. As such the popular Islamist resistance to the
Soviet takeover was they thought the ACTUAL IMPERIALISM. The logic of
opposing the US in Afghanistan even when the US is fighting the same
reactionaries it was supporting against the Soviet Union, is that the
US is INHERENTLY the greatest enemy of the Left on a world scale.

Now a rational response to this is to simply claim that it is untrue.
That now perhaps in a politically disintegrated world Al Qaeda say
getting nuclear weapons is a greater danger, for example. i.e. that a
"class analysis" no longer suffices.

But I do not think it helps to simply caricature the position of others
who disagree, particularly those whose disagreement is most rooted in
principle.

-----Original Message-----
From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Sent: Thu, Dec 3, 2009 3:28 pm
Subject: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "

 
If residents of a housing project that is crime- and rat-infested and
decaying, and who have no ability to repair, let alone expand or
rebuild it, are blown up by homeless people, in a sneak-attack,
claiming that the existence of the housing project is an affront to
their religion, and the housing project residents, some of whom are
employed, and some of whom "richer" than others, send out a
search-and-destroy mission, comprised of otherwise unemployed people,
to root out the culprits among the homeless so that another attack
doesn't take place, is this "imperialism? "

This is in fact the world we live in today.

The U.S. is not trying in any way to "take over" Afghanistan (or even
Iraq). It is a lie to say so, and a self-serving delusion at that,
which gets in the way of recognizing the true horror.

If the U.S. and the British and Europeans, et al. after the 9/11,
Madrid, Bali and London 7/7 "Tube" attacks (and Northeast Africa
embassy bombings and Mumbai attacks!) occupy Afghanistan to try to root
out al-Qaeda and the Taliban, how is this "imperialism? " How are the
NATO powers trying to *gain* anything or expand themselves through
invading and occupying Afghanistan? Of course Obama et al. want to get
out Afghanistan as quickly as possible. We must pay attention to the
real world and its real actors, what they are actually trying to do and
how they are trying to do it.

The concept of "imperialism" as used by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky
meant something very specific, the ripeness of the core capitalist
countries for proletarian socialist revolution, or, as Lenin put it the
"highest stage of capitalism." The point is that we are no longer in
any meaningful -- that is, *pre-revolutionary* -- sense living in the
"highest" stage of capitalism.

In the coffee break discussion yesterday at UChicago, the question of
Afghanistan was raised, and I used the recent civil war(s) in the Congo
as a counter-example. Why does no one talk about the Congo in terms of
"imperialism? " The European state powers as well as European
mercenaries and civilian companies are very much involved and
complicit, indeed culpable actors in the Congo. So how come no one
talks about "imperialism" there, when the case could be made much more
easily in (*pseudo*-)" Marxist" ("economic interest") terms? Because the
Congo is not a controversy for the bourgeois politics of the European
states, but just "business as usual." In the U.S., by contrast, the
invasions and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, though not motivated
(relative to the Europeans in the Congo, for example) by "economic
interests," are quite controversial in bourgeois politics. There is a
real discussion of "why we are there," etc.

So it is perverse that it is the U.S. and its policies that are
vilified as "imperialist, " when the metaphor needs to be stretched
beyond recognition to characterize them so, whereas the "business as
usual" grind of brutalization in the rest of the Third World goes
without much comment. The point is that Iraq and Afghanistan would be
just as subject to "imperialism" in the true Marxist sense regardless
of whether they were ever invaded and occupied (by the U.S.). The
invasions and occupations do not make this truth of global capital more
but actually less apparent and clear. To call their invasions and
occupations a result of "imperialism" is to deceive people about the
world, not enlighten them. The point is that places like Iraq and
Afghanistan need "imperialism" (the power of global capital) to be
exerted over them *more*, not less so!

Those who try to apply LLT's concept of "imperialism" to address
problems in the present are engaged in deception, nothing less, and
nothing else. We must say so precisely because we think authentic
Marxism could be actually meaningful and so cannot afford to be
accepted in its forgery -- and travesty!

-- Chris







#4222 From: "S.A. Karamitsos" <doctor8sak@...>
Date: Sat Dec 5, 2009 6:14 pm
Subject: Re: "imperialism?"
doctor8sak
Offline Offline
Send Email Send Email
 
The U.S. doesn't need to take over the world - the world is already taken over by global capital. Such a point seems in accord with what you have just submitted, nonetheless. Indeed I think it is possible to be in agreement with your latest entry, while continuing to object with regard to the notion that something like a more sincere or focused approach (?) on the part of the U.S. to carry out the latest war effort is good for anybody. You have not brought any greater clarity or persuasive content to that particular point. It is also not paranoid for example to find credible the reports on the drone bombing campaign in Pakistan as not officially acknowledged, i.e. "secret," not accountable in any way. This is business as usual in some sense, though it doesn't need to be understood as neo-colonial to be soberly and realistically seen as fucked up. Enough with all this tired relativism.

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism?"
To: platypus1917@yahoogroups.com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 11:25 AM

 

I think that imagining that the U.S. is trying to take over the world is due to a mistaken imagination of social realities. It is not neo-colonialism, or what-have-you. If 9/11 had not happened the U.S. would not be in Afghanistan. If Saddam Hussein had not invaded Kuwait, the U.S. would not have subjected Iraq to a sanctions regime and then invaded and occupied it. I don't think there are secret intentions or nefarious plots (other than the usual). I think that for most paranoia substitutes for analysis, and wishful thinking (including nightmarish fantasies) for political perspectives. I think we need to struggle against this and try to adopt a sober view of reality. The U.S. is not like the European powers in the 19th century trying to grab up as much territory (against each other) as possible.

But, anyway, my whole point was that this was not what was meant originally by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky about "imperialism. " This keeps getting lost. Perhaps it's because no one but me really cares about the historical issues or about trying to get a better handle on the relationship between capitalism and "foreign policy" today but are happy to just let slipshod metaphors work instead.

-- Chris

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com> wrote:

From: S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@yahoo. com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 11:02 AM

 

Sorry to step into this a bit late, but I'm kind of at a loss here. Maybe I missed part of the conversation, but how exactly would it be "better for all concerned if the US were trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is" - come again Chris? Are we just waiting for Obama to get better military advice, allocations and what-not to really give 'em the 21st century Rambo treatment? Excuse me if it seems I'm being obtuse, but if no previous attempts for a military take-over (the USSR being the most recent and salient example) had not been anything but defeated/exhausted (with a far more straightforward and fully-funded effort), then how will the US come up with some better outcome? How is this any different than Bush in Iraq? How is it not simply a tragic waste? Regardless of that fact that any real deviation from this militaristic mania would not necessarily lead in its place to some substantially better use of the (borrowed) resources, it does not follow that supporting the lesser evil (of sorts?) makes any sense. Did I miss the pep rally? Ra ra ra. Maybe Obama will really get Bin Laden and vanquish the terrorist threat once and for all. (As if...hello?) I'm not saying you're advocating this, but just what is the point? One thing that remains the same: war profiteering proceeds full throttle. Maybe they just need more private militia and other commercial concerns to step up their involvement. Ya think? Sorry. I'm not trying to be cute. I genuinely don't get it. Or maybe the point is to be as outrageous as possible in beating down the "imperialist" question? I understand how charges of imperialism and attendant arguments are being used by the pseudo-left in retrograde and ultimately distorting or obfuscating terms. (I too have seen this stuff play out first-hand.) At the same time, I'm not sure I can follow the point to this kind of "logical" conclusion, which starts to come off as simply and (forgive me) idiotically contrarian. Whether or not there is any real leftist or any other kind of viable force offering a true alternative (as well as helping to define "imperialism" (?) or whatever), where exactly does this leave us? Rooting for Obama? Go ahead on with Clusterfuck Phase III, Mr. President! (Or is it IV?)

Please clarify.

 - Stephanie

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:17 PM

 

No! The U.S. is not in fact trying to "take over" Afghanistan the way the U.S.S.R. was trying to do. In fact, not only was the U.S.S.R. trying to take over Afghanistan more than the U.S. ever would, but it would be better for all concerned if the U.S. *were* trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is!

The U.S. is not trying to exert any more control over Afghanistan than it tries to do over any other country -- including the other core capitalist countries such as Britain, Japan, Germany, etc., which it also tries very much to "control" -- and thank God for that!

-- Chris

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, rer137@... <rer137@...> wrote:

From: rer137@... <rer137@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:00 PM

 

The concept of "imperialism" here is posed in a liberal/moralistic and
to my mind quite un-Marxist way. If "imperialism" simply meant direct
control--taking over countries--then as an issue it would long ago have
lost its saliency. Of course, the US wants to "control" Afghanistan in
the same way that the USSR wanted to "control" it. The difference lies
in the sociological character--" class basis"--of the two states which
has direct empirical consequences. As such, the Sparts supported one
attempt by a large, powerful country to "take over" another and opposed
the other attempt.

The intelligence of the Sparts came from their refusing to think of
imperialism in terms of strong countries dominating weak countries, but
rather in "class" terms. As such the popular Islamist resistance to the
Soviet takeover was they thought the ACTUAL IMPERIALISM. The logic of
opposing the US in Afghanistan even when the US is fighting the same
reactionaries it was supporting against the Soviet Union, is that the
US is INHERENTLY the greatest enemy of the Left on a world scale.

Now a rational response to this is to simply claim that it is untrue.
That now perhaps in a politically disintegrated world Al Qaeda say
getting nuclear weapons is a greater danger, for example. i.e. that a
"class analysis" no longer suffices.

But I do not think it helps to simply caricature the position of others
who disagree, particularly those whose disagreement is most rooted in
principle.

-----Original Message-----
From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Sent: Thu, Dec 3, 2009 3:28 pm
Subject: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "

 
If residents of a housing project that is crime- and rat-infested and
decaying, and who have no ability to repair, let alone expand or
rebuild it, are blown up by homeless people, in a sneak-attack,
claiming that the existence of the housing project is an affront to
their religion, and the housing project residents, some of whom are
employed, and some of whom "richer" than others, send out a
search-and-destroy mission, comprised of otherwise unemployed people,
to root out the culprits among the homeless so that another attack
doesn't take place, is this "imperialism? "

This is in fact the world we live in today.

The U.S. is not trying in any way to "take over" Afghanistan (or even
Iraq). It is a lie to say so, and a self-serving delusion at that,
which gets in the way of recognizing the true horror.

If the U.S. and the British and Europeans, et al. after the 9/11,
Madrid, Bali and London 7/7 "Tube" attacks (and Northeast Africa
embassy bombings and Mumbai attacks!) occupy Afghanistan to try to root
out al-Qaeda and the Taliban, how is this "imperialism? " How are the
NATO powers trying to *gain* anything or expand themselves through
invading and occupying Afghanistan? Of course Obama et al. want to get
out Afghanistan as quickly as possible. We must pay attention to the
real world and its real actors, what they are actually trying to do and
how they are trying to do it.

The concept of "imperialism" as used by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky
meant something very specific, the ripeness of the core capitalist
countries for proletarian socialist revolution, or, as Lenin put it the
"highest stage of capitalism." The point is that we are no longer in
any meaningful -- that is, *pre-revolutionary* -- sense living in the
"highest" stage of capitalism.

In the coffee break discussion yesterday at UChicago, the question of
Afghanistan was raised, and I used the recent civil war(s) in the Congo
as a counter-example. Why does no one talk about the Congo in terms of
"imperialism? " The European state powers as well as European
mercenaries and civilian companies are very much involved and
complicit, indeed culpable actors in the Congo. So how come no one
talks about "imperialism" there, when the case could be made much more
easily in (*pseudo*-)" Marxist" ("economic interest") terms? Because the
Congo is not a controversy for the bourgeois politics of the European
states, but just "business as usual." In the U.S., by contrast, the
invasions and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, though not motivated
(relative to the Europeans in the Congo, for example) by "economic
interests," are quite controversial in bourgeois politics. There is a
real discussion of "why we are there," etc.

So it is perverse that it is the U.S. and its policies that are
vilified as "imperialist, " when the metaphor needs to be stretched
beyond recognition to characterize them so, whereas the "business as
usual" grind of brutalization in the rest of the Third World goes
without much comment. The point is that Iraq and Afghanistan would be
just as subject to "imperialism" in the true Marxist sense regardless
of whether they were ever invaded and occupied (by the U.S.). The
invasions and occupations do not make this truth of global capital more
but actually less apparent and clear. To call their invasions and
occupations a result of "imperialism" is to deceive people about the
world, not enlighten them. The point is that places like Iraq and
Afghanistan need "imperialism" (the power of global capital) to be
exerted over them *more*, not less so!

Those who try to apply LLT's concept of "imperialism" to address
problems in the present are engaged in deception, nothing less, and
nothing else. We must say so precisely because we think authentic
Marxism could be actually meaningful and so cannot afford to be
accepted in its forgery -- and travesty!

-- Chris






#4221 From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Date: Sat Dec 5, 2009 5:25 pm
Subject: Re: "imperialism?"
schwartzweiss
Offline Offline
Send Email Send Email
 
I think that imagining that the U.S. is trying to take over the world is due to a mistaken imagination of social realities. It is not neo-colonialism, or what-have-you. If 9/11 had not happened the U.S. would not be in Afghanistan. If Saddam Hussein had not invaded Kuwait, the U.S. would not have subjected Iraq to a sanctions regime and then invaded and occupied it. I don't think there are secret intentions or nefarious plots (other than the usual). I think that for most paranoia substitutes for analysis, and wishful thinking (including nightmarish fantasies) for political perspectives. I think we need to struggle against this and try to adopt a sober view of reality. The U.S. is not like the European powers in the 19th century trying to grab up as much territory (against each other) as possible.

But, anyway, my whole point was that this was not what was meant originally by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky about "imperialism." This keeps getting lost. Perhaps it's because no one but me really cares about the historical issues or about trying to get a better handle on the relationship between capitalism and "foreign policy" today but are happy to just let slipshod metaphors work instead.

-- Chris

--- On Sat, 12/5/09, S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@...> wrote:

From: S.A. Karamitsos <doctor8sak@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism?"
To: platypus1917@yahoogroups.com
Date: Saturday, December 5, 2009, 11:02 AM

 

Sorry to step into this a bit late, but I'm kind of at a loss here. Maybe I missed part of the conversation, but how exactly would it be "better for all concerned if the US were trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is" - come again Chris? Are we just waiting for Obama to get better military advice, allocations and what-not to really give 'em the 21st century Rambo treatment? Excuse me if it seems I'm being obtuse, but if no previous attempts for a military take-over (the USSR being the most recent and salient example) had not been anything but defeated/exhausted (with a far more straightforward and fully-funded effort), then how will the US come up with some better outcome? How is this any different than Bush in Iraq? How is it not simply a tragic waste? Regardless of that fact that any real deviation from this militaristic mania would not necessarily lead in its place to some substantially better use of the (borrowed) resources, it does not follow that supporting the lesser evil (of sorts?) makes any sense. Did I miss the pep rally? Ra ra ra. Maybe Obama will really get Bin Laden and vanquish the terrorist threat once and for all. (As if...hello?) I'm not saying you're advocating this, but just what is the point? One thing that remains the same: war profiteering proceeds full throttle. Maybe they just need more private militia and other commercial concerns to step up their involvement. Ya think? Sorry. I'm not trying to be cute. I genuinely don't get it. Or maybe the point is to be as outrageous as possible in beating down the "imperialist" question? I understand how charges of imperialism and attendant arguments are being used by the pseudo-left in retrograde and ultimately distorting or obfuscating terms. (I too have seen this stuff play out first-hand.) At the same time, I'm not sure I can follow the point to this kind of "logical" conclusion, which starts to come off as simply and (forgive me) idiotically contrarian. Whether or not there is any real leftist or any other kind of viable force offering a true alternative (as well as helping to define "imperialism" (?) or whatever), where exactly does this leave us? Rooting for Obama? Go ahead on with Clusterfuck Phase III, Mr. President! (Or is it IV?)

Please clarify.

 - Stephanie

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:17 PM

 

No! The U.S. is not in fact trying to "take over" Afghanistan the way the U.S.S.R. was trying to do. In fact, not only was the U.S.S.R. trying to take over Afghanistan more than the U.S. ever would, but it would be better for all concerned if the U.S. *were* trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is!

The U.S. is not trying to exert any more control over Afghanistan than it tries to do over any other country -- including the other core capitalist countries such as Britain, Japan, Germany, etc., which it also tries very much to "control" -- and thank God for that!

-- Chris

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, rer137@... <rer137@...> wrote:

From: rer137@... <rer137@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:00 PM

 

The concept of "imperialism" here is posed in a liberal/moralistic and
to my mind quite un-Marxist way. If "imperialism" simply meant direct
control--taking over countries--then as an issue it would long ago have
lost its saliency. Of course, the US wants to "control" Afghanistan in
the same way that the USSR wanted to "control" it. The difference lies
in the sociological character--" class basis"--of the two states which
has direct empirical consequences. As such, the Sparts supported one
attempt by a large, powerful country to "take over" another and opposed
the other attempt.

The intelligence of the Sparts came from their refusing to think of
imperialism in terms of strong countries dominating weak countries, but
rather in "class" terms. As such the popular Islamist resistance to the
Soviet takeover was they thought the ACTUAL IMPERIALISM. The logic of
opposing the US in Afghanistan even when the US is fighting the same
reactionaries it was supporting against the Soviet Union, is that the
US is INHERENTLY the greatest enemy of the Left on a world scale.

Now a rational response to this is to simply claim that it is untrue.
That now perhaps in a politically disintegrated world Al Qaeda say
getting nuclear weapons is a greater danger, for example. i.e. that a
"class analysis" no longer suffices.

But I do not think it helps to simply caricature the position of others
who disagree, particularly those whose disagreement is most rooted in
principle.

-----Original Message-----
From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Sent: Thu, Dec 3, 2009 3:28 pm
Subject: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "

 
If residents of a housing project that is crime- and rat-infested and
decaying, and who have no ability to repair, let alone expand or
rebuild it, are blown up by homeless people, in a sneak-attack,
claiming that the existence of the housing project is an affront to
their religion, and the housing project residents, some of whom are
employed, and some of whom "richer" than others, send out a
search-and-destroy mission, comprised of otherwise unemployed people,
to root out the culprits among the homeless so that another attack
doesn't take place, is this "imperialism? "

This is in fact the world we live in today.

The U.S. is not trying in any way to "take over" Afghanistan (or even
Iraq). It is a lie to say so, and a self-serving delusion at that,
which gets in the way of recognizing the true horror.

If the U.S. and the British and Europeans, et al. after the 9/11,
Madrid, Bali and London 7/7 "Tube" attacks (and Northeast Africa
embassy bombings and Mumbai attacks!) occupy Afghanistan to try to root
out al-Qaeda and the Taliban, how is this "imperialism? " How are the
NATO powers trying to *gain* anything or expand themselves through
invading and occupying Afghanistan? Of course Obama et al. want to get
out Afghanistan as quickly as possible. We must pay attention to the
real world and its real actors, what they are actually trying to do and
how they are trying to do it.

The concept of "imperialism" as used by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky
meant something very specific, the ripeness of the core capitalist
countries for proletarian socialist revolution, or, as Lenin put it the
"highest stage of capitalism." The point is that we are no longer in
any meaningful -- that is, *pre-revolutionary* -- sense living in the
"highest" stage of capitalism.

In the coffee break discussion yesterday at UChicago, the question of
Afghanistan was raised, and I used the recent civil war(s) in the Congo
as a counter-example. Why does no one talk about the Congo in terms of
"imperialism? " The European state powers as well as European
mercenaries and civilian companies are very much involved and
complicit, indeed culpable actors in the Congo. So how come no one
talks about "imperialism" there, when the case could be made much more
easily in (*pseudo*-)" Marxist" ("economic interest") terms? Because the
Congo is not a controversy for the bourgeois politics of the European
states, but just "business as usual." In the U.S., by contrast, the
invasions and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, though not motivated
(relative to the Europeans in the Congo, for example) by "economic
interests," are quite controversial in bourgeois politics. There is a
real discussion of "why we are there," etc.

So it is perverse that it is the U.S. and its policies that are
vilified as "imperialist, " when the metaphor needs to be stretched
beyond recognition to characterize them so, whereas the "business as
usual" grind of brutalization in the rest of the Third World goes
without much comment. The point is that Iraq and Afghanistan would be
just as subject to "imperialism" in the true Marxist sense regardless
of whether they were ever invaded and occupied (by the U.S.). The
invasions and occupations do not make this truth of global capital more
but actually less apparent and clear. To call their invasions and
occupations a result of "imperialism" is to deceive people about the
world, not enlighten them. The point is that places like Iraq and
Afghanistan need "imperialism" (the power of global capital) to be
exerted over them *more*, not less so!

Those who try to apply LLT's concept of "imperialism" to address
problems in the present are engaged in deception, nothing less, and
nothing else. We must say so precisely because we think authentic
Marxism could be actually meaningful and so cannot afford to be
accepted in its forgery -- and travesty!

-- Chris





#4220 From: "S.A. Karamitsos" <doctor8sak@...>
Date: Sat Dec 5, 2009 5:19 pm
Subject: Re: "imperialism?"
doctor8sak
Offline Offline
Send Email Send Email
 
P.S. I'm not sure exactly what the U.S. is doing (or trying to do, or thinks its doing?) in Afghanistan. Does that mean I'm just one of those silly believers in some fatuous notion of anti-imperialism? And some continue to argue that all these overt military efforts (not to mention the secret stuff) actually serve to strengthen recruitment for the Taliban, et al. Seems plausible to me. Or is this just buying into bourgeois politics?

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...> wrote:

From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism?"
To: platypus1917@yahoogroups.com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:17 PM

 

No! The U.S. is not in fact trying to "take over" Afghanistan the way the U.S.S.R. was trying to do. In fact, not only was the U.S.S.R. trying to take over Afghanistan more than the U.S. ever would, but it would be better for all concerned if the U.S. *were* trying to take over Afghanistan more than it is!

The U.S. is not trying to exert any more control over Afghanistan than it tries to do over any other country -- including the other core capitalist countries such as Britain, Japan, Germany, etc., which it also tries very much to "control" -- and thank God for that!

-- Chris

--- On Thu, 12/3/09, rer137@... <rer137@...> wrote:

From: rer137@... <rer137@...>
Subject: Re: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Date: Thursday, December 3, 2009, 5:00 PM

 

The concept of "imperialism" here is posed in a liberal/moralistic and
to my mind quite un-Marxist way. If "imperialism" simply meant direct
control--taking over countries--then as an issue it would long ago have
lost its saliency. Of course, the US wants to "control" Afghanistan in
the same way that the USSR wanted to "control" it. The difference lies
in the sociological character--" class basis"--of the two states which
has direct empirical consequences. As such, the Sparts supported one
attempt by a large, powerful country to "take over" another and opposed
the other attempt.

The intelligence of the Sparts came from their refusing to think of
imperialism in terms of strong countries dominating weak countries, but
rather in "class" terms. As such the popular Islamist resistance to the
Soviet takeover was they thought the ACTUAL IMPERIALISM. The logic of
opposing the US in Afghanistan even when the US is fighting the same
reactionaries it was supporting against the Soviet Union, is that the
US is INHERENTLY the greatest enemy of the Left on a world scale.

Now a rational response to this is to simply claim that it is untrue.
That now perhaps in a politically disintegrated world Al Qaeda say
getting nuclear weapons is a greater danger, for example. i.e. that a
"class analysis" no longer suffices.

But I do not think it helps to simply caricature the position of others
who disagree, particularly those whose disagreement is most rooted in
principle.

-----Original Message-----
From: Chris Cutrone <schwartzweiss@ yahoo.com>
To: platypus1917@ yahoogroups. com
Sent: Thu, Dec 3, 2009 3:28 pm
Subject: [platypus1917] "imperialism? "

 
If residents of a housing project that is crime- and rat-infested and
decaying, and who have no ability to repair, let alone expand or
rebuild it, are blown up by homeless people, in a sneak-attack,
claiming that the existence of the housing project is an affront to
their religion, and the housing project residents, some of whom are
employed, and some of whom "richer" than others, send out a
search-and-destroy mission, comprised of otherwise unemployed people,
to root out the culprits among the homeless so that another attack
doesn't take place, is this "imperialism? "

This is in fact the world we live in today.

The U.S. is not trying in any way to "take over" Afghanistan (or even
Iraq). It is a lie to say so, and a self-serving delusion at that,
which gets in the way of recognizing the true horror.

If the U.S. and the British and Europeans, et al. after the 9/11,
Madrid, Bali and London 7/7 "Tube" attacks (and Northeast Africa
embassy bombings and Mumbai attacks!) occupy Afghanistan to try to root
out al-Qaeda and the Taliban, how is this "imperialism? " How are the
NATO powers trying to *gain* anything or expand themselves through
invading and occupying Afghanistan? Of course Obama et al. want to get
out Afghanistan as quickly as possible. We must pay attention to the
real world and its real actors, what they are actually trying to do and
how they are trying to do it.

The concept of "imperialism" as used by Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky
meant something very specific, the ripeness of the core capitalist
countries for proletarian socialist revolution, or, as Lenin put it the
"highest stage of capitalism." The point is that we are no longer in
any meaningful -- that is, *pre-revolutionary* -- sense living in the
"highest" stage of capitalism.

In the coffee break discussion yesterday at UChicago, the question of
Afghanistan was raised, and I used the recent civil war(s) in the Congo
as a counter-example. Why does no one talk about the Congo in terms of
"imperialism? " The European state powers as well as European
mercenaries and civilian companies are very much involved and
complicit, indeed culpable actors in the Congo. So how come no one
talks about "imperialism" there, when the case could be made much more
easily in (*pseudo*-)" Marxist" ("economic interest") terms? Because the
Congo is not a controversy for the bourgeois politics of the European
states, but just "business as usual." In the U.S., by contrast, the
invasions and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, though not motivated
(relative to the Europeans in the Congo, for example) by "economic
interests," are quite controversial in bourgeois politics. There is a
real discussion of "why we are there," etc.

So it is perverse that it is the U.S. and its policies that are
vilified as "imperialist, " when the metaphor needs to be stretched
beyond recognition to characterize them so, whereas the "business as
usual" grind of brutalization in the rest of the Third World goes
without much comment. The point is that Iraq and Afghanistan would be
just as subject to "imperialism" in the true Marxist sense regardless
of whether they were ever invaded and occupied (by the U.S.). The
invasions and occupations do not make this truth of global capital more
but actually less apparent and clear. To call their invasions and
occupations a result of "imperialism" is to deceive people about the
world, not enlighten them. The point is that places like Iraq and
Afghanistan need "imperialism" (the power of global capital) to be
exerted over them *more*, not less so!

Those who try to apply LLT's concept of "imperialism" to address
problems in the present are engaged in deception, nothing less, and
nothing else. We must say so precisely because we think authentic
Marxism could be actually meaningful and so cannot afford to be
accepted in its forgery -- and travesty!

-- Chris




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