justpeaceinasia : Messages : 852-881 of 949

The Ordinary American People are the only Genuine Force to End Terrorism

The 2 May 2011shame for a Nobel Peace Laureate

The date 2 May 2011 is as though an ending of a Hollywood action movie that the (believed to be) villain, played by Osama bin Laden, was killed and the “justice has been done” as said by the hero, played by Barack Obama. Perhaps this is the reason why Obama is suddenly very much admired and his popularity bounce back so high, like other action movie stars. This is the view of many American people who only see wars and fights in the movies. It is an unfortunate and short eye sighted view.

From the hero’s own words, the evidence to confirm the death of bin Laden is not a trophy to show around. Of course it is not a trophy, it is a stigma. The whole operation is a shame, as Obama admitted that the possibility of success is only 55%, and yet he decided to execute it. To cover the shameful operation, i.e. invading a sovereign country without warning for US’s own interest, attacking a house that the force is not certain if bin Laden stayed, killing an unarmed person in front of his family, not giving bin Laded a chance to speak, not taking him to a court of justice, not giving him a proper funeral, and so on, the US leadership even blames that sovereignty country of not reporting the Bin Laden’s whereabouts to the US.

Killing bin Laden, a man responsible for the 9/11, is not a real solution to the terrorism. It is a shame that Obama, a person who is in such a high position and receives the high recognition like Nobel Peace Prize is stupid enough to satisfy (or hypnotize) himself and try to satisfy (or hypnotize) American people and the world with easy solution to terrorism. To accept the reality that US has caused disaster in many countries through its rogue and violent foreign policies to soothe its delusion of self-claimed leadership of the world, seems to be too painful for the US authority. When the shameful mistake or consequence revealed, the only way that the US can think of is to commit even more violence to counter the disaster caused by the previous violence.

At most, it is as brief as a wink of an eye moment of victory of the US force. But as long as the truth remains, it is the loss. It is the loss of US leadership that will never be forgotten in the history of mankind like the disaster it did in Vietnam and other countries. The looser from such thoughtless operation is the American nation, and the victims are the whole American people. It is sad that Obama chose to be remembered as the Nobel peace laureate who triggers deep hatred in the heart of many Muslim people, rather than something more honourable.

Root cause of terrorism is right there in the US

If American people are really interested in ending terrorism, the self-criticism and the thorough contemplation on the whole history of American military and foreign policies is highly recommended. American people need to see the whole “movie”, instead of the disconnected “scene by scene”. The contemporary history could have still remained in the memory of many American people, such as the disaster the US has done to the nation and people of Vietnam, or Iraq, or Afghanistan, to name just a few. The recent action is another disaster.

In order to truly end terrorism (not to end a terrorist) the root causes has to be examined. Unfortunately the terrorism and people like Osama bin Laden is the products of the US military and foreign policies. If American people ignore the content and impacts of such policies, and allow their government to continue, there is no hope to end terrorism. In the pursuit of the root causes, American people may come across questions like whether such policies really serve the interest of the ordinary American people or to serve the arrogance, ignorance, and interest of some powers that be in politic and economic sphere.

By the definition of the term “terrorism” people from other regions can rightly call the US the genuine and master terrorist. Bin Laden, his people and many ordinary people in the Middle East has never been content with the presence and the influence of the western countries, especially the US in their region. And possibly the hatred feeling is shared by many people in other regions where foreign military bases locate. The US’s constant and possibly ungrounded fear of loosing the hegemonic power propelled its numerous terror actions that have been carried out around the world since the time of anti-communism and the cold war.

The US military presence and political intervention in all regions is only to protect the US delusion of a global hegemony, and has never ever been for the sake of the native people, and perhaps even for the sake of ordinary American people. Good young men from ordinary American families are turned to be cold-blood murderers, and are traumatized for the rest of their live for the legal slaughter they committed.

The US, like other government, claims that their actions are for the benefit of their people. The presence and intervention in the Middle East is also for this purpose. The US needs to ensure the supply of natural resources, in this case oil, which feeds the extremely industrialized American society and the affluent lifestyle of American people. The consumption of natural resources by the American society is always among the highest ranking. In order that natural resources to be consumed by the handful American population, the much larger majority of people in other parts of the world have to give up their share. Not only the consumption, but the whole unjust capitalist economic activities of the American are supported directly or indirectly by the rogue foreign and military policies, too.

If these kind of military and foreign policies of the US continue, they will only cause suffering and hatred among more and more people, and more bin Ladens are made out of those people.

The true root cause of terrorism that haunted American people is therefore, located right in their own country. Fear, delusion and greed that poison the mind of US leadership manifest themselves in the actions that cause terrors and disaster to the world and then receive much more terrors and disaster in re turn. Without this awareness, hunting around the world for the terrorists is like chasing after shadow. You can’t catch it because it is you.

The genuine solution lies on the American people's awakening mind

Alright, if the American prefer the strategy of “Hunting them down”, what is going to happen? The strategy would only fulfil bin Laden’s wish for the collapse of the US. How many resources, how much time and how many lives have been spent so far and get fear, hatred, distrust, terror and destruction in return? It is difficult to call this an effective investment. Of course it might be a lucrative market for weapons industry which brings about even more downward spiral destruction to the American.

From the May Day 2011 on, American people will not be able to live peacefully any more. The retaliation was already announced. By now they should realize the saying that “Hatred is never appeased by hatred in this world. By non-hatred alone is hatred appeased”.

The peaceful life is definitely affordable for American people. But the price is quite high. That is the genuine sincerity for self-criticism of the mistakes in the past and the effort to take correct actions toward future. Of course it is hopeless to call to the powers that be. They are too distant from all kind of sufferings created by their destructive policies. But the hope lies on the ordinary American people.

America should be aware that in order to live peacefully, what needed is the awakening mind of American citizens. With such a sophisticate communication system, American people should wake up and see how their leadership’s propaganda makes them remain in the constant delusion and fear. In fact the American history is not that old, it is easy for the people to study it carefully about the oppression, domination and destruction the US leadership caused to the world and to the people.

American people with the freedom of expression should speak the truth and speak for those under the oppression and human right violation caused by the US foreign and military policies.

To educate themselves about the truth, to give the voice of consciousness to the leadership, to take actions to reverse the destruction, and to stop all forms of violence caused by them is a only long lasting solution to terrorism , provided that the freedom and rights are still enjoyed by the ordinary American citizens.

Our appeals

We call on American people the following:

We encourage you to learn more about negative impacts caused by the US military and foreign policies to different nations, people, and even environment. You should remember the Orange Agent that was poured down in Indochina regions by the US that killed trees, animals, water resources and of course people.
We encourage you to take a deep look at how your affluent lifestyle creates suffering for the people in other parts of the world, and become excuses for your powers that be to continue their domination.
We encourage you to investigate how your leadership are expert in rhetoric of and pay only lip service to justice, democracy and human rights protection.
We encourage you to withdraw your support to the leadership who are responsible for the rouge and violent policies that are the origin and the induction of terrorism.
We encourage you to take actions. You can participate in one of the many groups or people’s movements in your own area that are active in issues such as anti-war or anti-violence campaign, human rights protection, democratization and good governance.

We encourage you to reach out to ordinary people in the regions that are negatively impacted by the US policies. You can learn to feel their anxiety, hatred, fear, and sorrow. It is a true human experience, not the thrill from the action movies. If possible, you are also encouraged to share the physical suffering by making some donation. The non profit organizations or charity organizations in your area may be able to give you more advice in this action.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

As we are liberated from our own fear,

our presence automatically liberates others.

- Nelson Mandela

* * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Anne Lapapan Supamanta

10 Soi 185, Ramkhamhaeng Rd.,

Minburi, Bangkok

Tel. 089-150-8084

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

‎"Try as I may I can not escape the sound of suffering. Perhaps as an old man I will accept suffering with insouciance. But not now; men in their prime, if they have convictions are tasked to act on them." -- Julian Assange, 2007

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#853

From: Elly Zarni <inoeng_aceh@...>
Date: Fri May 13, 2011 2:56 am
Subject: Bls: Fwd: Santi Pracha Dhamma Institute's Statement

inoeng_aceh@...

Thank you Max for very interesting article. I agree that the root cause of terrorism is not there but here in America...Eli

Dari: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Kepada: Ait Limbu <ait_lmb@...>; Alicia SALT <aliciamtemple@...>; Alina Rai <mynameisalina@...>; anick <anick@...>; Ansary A. Diamaoden <diamaoden@...>; Anthika Wanta <wanta_art@...>; Ar Man <freeman_onebag@...>; Barakathulla Abdul Cader <barakath2@...>; Bhagiram Chaudhry <bhgrm_chaudhary@...>; Bibek Kumar <bibek_shahi2000@...>; Bruce Van Voorhis <bruce.vanvoorhis@...>; Cham Wann <nangkinnara@...>; Chhom Ren <chhomren001@...>; Chochong <chochong_sielphaw@...>; Devika Shrestha <debika_stha@...>; Dharshan <edharshan@...>; Elizami <inoeng_aceh@...>; Gunawan <w2n_zero@...>; Halima <jallyma_553@...>; Ham Kimhoun <morkimhoun@...>; Haryanti Rica Sulistyorini <catty_girl1108@...>; Hein Kham <harnkham@...>; Henny Ulva <henny_beujroh@...>; Hina <ishina_2006@...>; Hor Hen <horhen_sociology@...>; Isabella <ikidede@...>; Joey Domingo <keen_yeoj@...>; John Saikat Mondol <john_saikat96@...>; John Saikat Mondol <johnsaikat@...>; "Jose@..." <Jose@...>; Kathleen Cecille Martin <kcmartin0303@...>; Keo Vichith <vichith_keo@...>; Khammon <xkhammon@...>; khon mai <mka-ymca@...>; Kipho Doo Plaw Soe <doplo.soe@...>; ko thaw rae <thawhpoe@...>; Kohei Yamada <kohei@...>; kristi <thie_36@...>; Laxmi Pathak <pathak_galkot@...>; Le Thi My Thuyen <mythuyenlethi@...>; Lioni Beatrix <lionibeatrix@...>; Mattnee Juenara <nee_jue@...>; matu kung <pmatu25@...>; max <ediger.max@...>; Misai <snmisai@...>; Misai <snmisai@...>; mork konn <morkkonn@...>; Muhamadanwan Hayith <anwar_p08@...>; Norodin Samad <nor_4dsam@...>; nungsangmongb a Jamir <amongjam@...>; Nurizan Doloh <zun_chem@...>; paddy <Paddy2Noble@...>; peter kathi <peterkathi07@...>; Pitiphan Areeyat <pitiphan_a@...>; Pornphimon Phonphrmon <gasalong1124@...>; Rajasooriyar Renoshan <renoshan@...>; Ramona Fernando <liveramona@...>; raymond Areng <psyshai@...>; Rene Moreno <renzymca07@...>; Retno Sri Wardhani Ngapon <no_only@...>; Rodylin <rodstepher@...>; Roger Peiris <rogerpeiris@...>; Romulah Saeyeh <natadee_229@...>; rozat ly <rozat_vt@...>; Saharee Chelong <nasi_ongnal@...>; samarpan <samarpan_acharya@...>; Samden Ghale <lsamden@...>; Sarvjeet Singh <sarvjeet.del@...>; Saw Haryfin <haryfinsop2007@...>; Saw Mort <mortdoedoh@...>; Shatha <surdawiah@...>; Shree Ram <chaudhary_srmail@...>; Sidonia <sydoniahayati@...>; Sing Tang <sengchristina@...>; Siriporn Pengjan <pookub_sp@...>; sirjana shahi <sirjana_shahi2007@...>; So Nasier <sonasier007@...>; Somaya Gurung <nishim_grg@...>; Somaya Gurung <nss_soma@...>; Somchit Duangpanya <somchitd2001@...>; Sudhansu Naik <sudhansusekhar.naik@...>; sukkriyah baheh <sukkriyah@...>; sukkriyah bahek <ayumee-@...>; Sunita <smriti_smile65@...>; Suwarti Ningsih <ningposo@...>; T.C. Brownson <charles_brownson@...>; thang van <thangvannei@...>; Thorn Sophearoun <sophearoun.nomad@...>; Tirmizy Abdullah <tirmizyabdullah@...>; Umi Farida <oemfar@...>; Usman Masong <khan_m49@...>; Vintoy <vintoyymca@...>; cjpa <justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com>
Terkirim: Kam, 12 Mei, 2011 22:08:24
Judul: Fwd: Santi Pracha Dhamma Institute's Statement

The Ordinary American People are the only Genuine Force to End Terrorism

The 2 May 2011shame for a Nobel Peace Laureate

Root cause of terrorism is right there in the US

If these kind of military and foreign policies of the US continue, they will only cause suffering and hatred among more and more people, and more bin Ladens are made out of those people.

The genuine solution lies on the American people's awakening mind

American people with the freedom of expression should speak the truth and speak for those under the oppression and human right violation caused by the US foreign and military policies.

Our appeals

We call on American people the following:

We encourage you to learn more about negative impacts caused by the US military and foreign policies to different nations, people, and even environment. You should remember the Orange Agent that was poured down in Indochina regions by the US that killed trees, animals, water resources and of course people.
We encourage you to take a deep look at how your affluent lifestyle creates suffering for the people in other parts of the world, and become excuses for your powers that be to continue their domination.
We encourage you to investigate how your leadership are expert in rhetoric of and pay only lip service to justice, democracy and human rights protection.
We encourage you to withdraw your support to the leadership who are responsible for the rouge and violent policies that are the origin and the induction of terrorism.
We encourage you to take actions. You can participate in one of the many groups or people’s movements in your own area that are active in issues such as anti-war or anti-violence campaign, human rights protection, democratization and good governance.

We encourage you to reach out to ordinary people in the regions that are negatively impacted by the US policies. You can learn to feel their anxiety, hatred, fear, and sorrow. It is a true human experience, not the thrill from the action movies. If possible, you are also encouraged to share the physical suffering by making some donation. The non profit organizations or charity organizations in your area may be able to give you more advice in this action.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

As we are liberated from our own fear,

our presence automatically liberates others.

- Nelson Mandela

* * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Anne Lapapan Supamanta

10 Soi 185, Ramkhamhaeng Rd.,

Minburi, Bangkok

Tel. 089-150-8084

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#854

From: shreeram chaudhary <chaudhary_srmail@...>
Date: Sun May 15, 2011 10:42 am
Subject: Re: Fwd: Santi Pracha Dhamma Institute's Statement

chaudhary_srmail@...

Dear Max Namaste,

This is the quite critical, thinkeble, intersting, challenging and readable artical. Thanks for it.

Sincere

Shreeram

--- On Fri, 13/5/11, Max Ediger <ediger.max@...> wrote:

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Subject: Fwd: Santi Pracha Dhamma Institute's Statement
To: "Ait Limbu" <ait_lmb@...>, "Alicia SALT" <aliciamtemple@...>, "Alina Rai" <mynameisalina@...>, "anick" <anick@...>, "Ansary A. Diamaoden" <diamaoden@...>, "Anthika Wanta" <wanta_art@...>, "Ar Man" <freeman_onebag@...>, "Barakathulla Abdul Cader" <barakath2@...>, "Bhagiram Chaudhry" <bhgrm_chaudhary@...>, "Bibek Kumar" <bibek_shahi2000@...>, "Bruce Van Voorhis" <bruce.vanvoorhis@...>, "Cham Wann" <nangkinnara@...>, "Chhom Ren" <chhomren001@...>, "Chochong" <chochong_sielphaw@...>, "Devika Shrestha" <debika_stha@...>, "Dharshan" <edharshan@...>, "Elizami" <inoeng_aceh@...>, "Gunawan" <w2n_zero@...>, "Halima" <jallyma_553@...>, "Ham Kimhoun" <morkimhoun@...>, "Haryanti Rica Sulistyorini" <catty_girl1108@...>, "Hein Kham" <harnkham@...>, "Henny Ulva" <henny_beujroh@...>, "Hina" <ishina_2006@...>, "Hor Hen" <horhen_sociology@...>, "Isabella" <ikidede@...>, "Joey Domingo" <keen_yeoj@...>, "John Saikat Mondol" <john_saikat96@...>, "John Saikat Mondol" <johnsaikat@...>, "Jose@..." <Jose@...>, "Kathleen Cecille Martin" <kcmartin0303@...>, "Keo Vichith" <vichith_keo@...>, "Khammon" <xkhammon@...>, "khon mai" <mka-ymca@...>, "Kipho Doo Plaw Soe" <doplo.soe@...>, "ko thaw rae" <thawhpoe@...>, "Kohei Yamada" <kohei@...>, "kristi" <thie_36@...>, "Laxmi Pathak" <pathak_galkot@...>, "Le Thi My Thuyen" <mythuyenlethi@...>, "Lioni Beatrix" <lionibeatrix@...>, "Mattnee Juenara" <nee_jue@...>, "matu kung" <pmatu25@...>, "max" <ediger.max@...>, "Misai" <snmisai@...>, "Misai" <snmisai@...>, "mork konn" <morkkonn@...>, "Muhamadanwan Hayith" <anwar_p08@...>, "Norodin Samad" <nor_4dsam@...>, "nungsangmongb a Jamir" <amongjam@...>, "Nurizan Doloh" <zun_chem@...>, "paddy" <Paddy2Noble@...>, "peter kathi" <peterkathi07@...>, "Pitiphan Areeyat" <pitiphan_a@...>, "Pornphimon Phonphrmon" <gasalong1124@...>, "Rajasooriyar Renoshan" <renoshan@...>, "Ramona Fernando" <liveramona@...>, "raymond Areng" <psyshai@...>, "Rene Moreno" <renzymca07@...>, "Retno Sri Wardhani Ngapon" <no_only@...>, "Rodylin" <rodstepher@...>, "Roger Peiris" <rogerpeiris@...>, "Romulah Saeyeh" <natadee_229@...>, "rozat ly" <rozat_vt@...>, "Saharee Chelong" <nasi_ongnal@...>, "samarpan" <samarpan_acharya@...>, "Samden Ghale" <lsamden@...>, "Sarvjeet Singh" <sarvjeet.del@...>, "Saw Haryfin" <haryfinsop2007@...>, "Saw Mort" <mortdoedoh@...>, "Shatha" <surdawiah@...>, "Shree Ram" <chaudhary_srmail@...>, "Sidonia" <sydoniahayati@...>, "Sing Tang" <sengchristina@...>, "Siriporn Pengjan" <pookub_sp@...>, "sirjana shahi" <sirjana_shahi2007@...>, "So Nasier" <sonasier007@...>, "Somaya Gurung" <nishim_grg@...>, "Somaya Gurung" <nss_soma@...>, "Somchit Duangpanya" <somchitd2001@...>, "Sudhansu Naik" <sudhansusekhar.naik@...>, "sukkriyah baheh" <sukkriyah@...>, "sukkriyah bahek" <ayumee-@...>, "Sunita" <smriti_smile65@...>, "Suwarti Ningsih" <ningposo@...>, "T.C. Brownson" <charles_brownson@...>, "thang van" <thangvannei@...>, "Thorn Sophearoun" <sophearoun.nomad@...>, "Tirmizy Abdullah" <tirmizyabdullah@...>, "Umi Farida" <oemfar@...>, "Usman Masong" <khan_m49@...>, "Vintoy" <vintoyymca@...>, "cjpa" <justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Friday, 13 May, 2011, 3:08 AM

The Ordinary American People are the only Genuine Force to End Terrorism

The 2 May 2011shame for a Nobel Peace Laureate

The date 2 May 2011 is as though an ending of a Hollywood action movie that the (believed to be) villain, played by Osama bin Laden, was killed and the “justice has been done” as said by the hero, played by Barack Obama. Perhaps this is the reason why Obama is suddenly very much admired and his popularity bounce back so high, like other action movie stars. This is the view of many American people who only see wars and fights in the movies. It is an unfortunate and short eye sighted view.

From the hero’s own words, the evidence to confirm the death of bin Laden is not a trophy to show around. Of course it is not a trophy, it is a stigma. The whole operation is a shame, as Obama admitted that the possibility of success is only 55%, and yet he decided to execute it. To cover the shameful operation, i.e. invading a sovereign country without warning for US’s own interest, attacking a house that the force is not certain if bin Laden stayed, killing an unarmed person in front of his family, not giving bin Laded a chance to speak, not taking him to a court of justice, not giving him a proper funeral, and so on, the US leadership even blames that sovereignty country of not reporting the Bin Laden’s whereabouts to the US.

Killing bin Laden, a man responsible for the 9/11, is not a real solution to the terrorism. It is a shame that Obama, a person who is in such a high position and receives the high recognition like Nobel Peace Prize is stupid enough to satisfy (or hypnotize) himself and try to satisfy (or hypnotize) American people and the world with easy solution to terrorism. To accept the reality that US has caused disaster in many countries through its rogue and violent foreign policies to soothe its delusion of self-claimed leadership of the world, seems to be too painful for the US authority. When the shameful mistake or consequence revealed, the only way that the US can think of is to commit even more violence to counter the disaster caused by the previous violence.

At most, it is as brief as a wink of an eye moment of victory of the US force. But as long as the truth remains, it is the loss. It is the loss of US leadership that will never be forgotten in the history of mankind like the disaster it did in Vietnam and other countries. The looser from such thoughtless operation is the American nation, and the victims are the whole American people. It is sad that Obama chose to be remembered as the Nobel peace laureate who triggers deep hatred in the heart of many Muslim people, rather than something more honourable.

Root cause of terrorism is right there in the US

If American people are really interested in ending terrorism, the self-criticism and the thorough contemplation on the whole history of American military and foreign policies is highly recommended. American people need to see the whole “movie”, instead of the disconnected “scene by scene”. The contemporary history could have still remained in the memory of many American people, such as the disaster the US has done to the nation and people of Vietnam, or Iraq, or Afghanistan, to name just a few. The recent action is another disaster.

In order to truly end terrorism (not to end a terrorist) the root causes has to be examined. Unfortunately the terrorism and people like Osama bin Laden is the products of the US military and foreign policies. If American people ignore the content and impacts of such policies, and allow their government to continue, there is no hope to end terrorism. In the pursuit of the root causes, American people may come across questions like whether such policies really serve the interest of the ordinary American people or to serve the arrogance, ignorance, and interest of some powers that be in politic and economic sphere.

By the definition of the term “terrorism” people from other regions can rightly call the US the genuine and master terrorist. Bin Laden, his people and many ordinary people in the Middle East has never been content with the presence and the influence of the western countries, especially the US in their region. And possibly the hatred feeling is shared by many people in other regions where foreign military bases locate. The US’s constant and possibly ungrounded fear of loosing the hegemonic power propelled its numerous terror actions that have been carried out around the world since the time of anti-communism and the cold war.

The US military presence and political intervention in all regions is only to protect the US delusion of a global hegemony, and has never ever been for the sake of the native people, and perhaps even for the sake of ordinary American people. Good young men from ordinary American families are turned to be cold-blood murderers, and are traumatized for the rest of their live for the legal slaughter they committed.

The US, like other government, claims that their actions are for the benefit of their people. The presence and intervention in the Middle East is also for this purpose. The US needs to ensure the supply of natural resources, in this case oil, which feeds the extremely industrialized American society and the affluent lifestyle of American people. The consumption of natural resources by the American society is always among the highest ranking. In order that natural resources to be consumed by the handful American population, the much larger majority of people in other parts of the world have to give up their share. Not only the consumption, but the whole unjust capitalist economic activities of the American are supported directly or indirectly by the rogue foreign and military policies, too.

If these kind of military and foreign policies of the US continue, they will only cause suffering and hatred among more and more people, and more bin Ladens are made out of those people.

The true root cause of terrorism that haunted American people is therefore, located right in their own country. Fear, delusion and greed that poison the mind of US leadership manifest themselves in the actions that cause terrors and disaster to the world and then receive much more terrors and disaster in re turn. Without this awareness, hunting around the world for the terrorists is like chasing after shadow. You can’t catch it because it is you.

The genuine solution lies on the American people's awakening mind

Alright, if the American prefer the strategy of “Hunting them down”, what is going to happen? The strategy would only fulfil bin Laden’s wish for the collapse of the US. How many resources, how much time and how many lives have been spent so far and get fear, hatred, distrust, terror and destruction in return? It is difficult to call this an effective investment. Of course it might be a lucrative market for weapons industry which brings about even more downward spiral destruction to the American.

From the May Day 2011 on, American people will not be able to live peacefully any more. The retaliation was already announced. By now they should realize the saying that “Hatred is never appeased by hatred in this world. By non-hatred alone is hatred appeased”.

The peaceful life is definitely affordable for American people. But the price is quite high. That is the genuine sincerity for self-criticism of the mistakes in the past and the effort to take correct actions toward future. Of course it is hopeless to call to the powers that be. They are too distant from all kind of sufferings created by their destructive policies. But the hope lies on the ordinary American people.

America should be aware that in order to live peacefully, what needed is the awakening mind of American citizens. With such a sophisticate communication system, American people should wake up and see how their leadership’s propaganda makes them remain in the constant delusion and fear. In fact the American history is not that old, it is easy for the people to study it carefully about the oppression, domination and destruction the US leadership caused to the world and to the people.

American people with the freedom of expression should speak the truth and speak for those under the oppression and human right violation caused by the US foreign and military policies.

To educate themselves about the truth, to give the voice of consciousness to the leadership, to take actions to reverse the destruction, and to stop all forms of violence caused by them is a only long lasting solution to terrorism , provided that the freedom and rights are still enjoyed by the ordinary American citizens.

Our appeals

We call on American people the following:

We encourage you to learn more about negative impacts caused by the US military and foreign policies to different nations, people, and even environment. You should remember the Orange Agent that was poured down in Indochina regions by the US that killed trees, animals, water resources and of course people.

We encourage you to take a deep look at how your affluent lifestyle creates suffering for the people in other parts of the world, and become excuses for your powers that be to continue their domination.

We encourage you to investigate how your leadership are expert in rhetoric of and pay only lip service to justice, democracy and human rights protection.

We encourage you to withdraw your support to the leadership who are responsible for the rouge and violent policies that are the origin and the induction of terrorism.

We encourage you to take actions. You can participate in one of the many groups or people’s movements in your own area that are active in issues such as anti-war or anti-violence campaign, human rights protection, democratization and good governance.

We encourage you to reach out to ordinary people in the regions that are negatively impacted by the US policies. You can learn to feel their anxiety, hatred, fear, and sorrow. It is a true human experience, not the thrill from the action movies. If possible, you are also encouraged to share the physical suffering by making some donation. The non profit organizations or charity organizations in your area may be able to give you more advice in this action.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

As we are liberated from our own fear,

our presence automatically liberates others.
- Nelson Mandela

* * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Anne Lapapan Supamanta

10 Soi 185, Ramkhamhaeng Rd.,

Minburi, Bangkok

Tel. 089-150-8084

--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

‎"Try as I may I can not escape the sound of suffering. Perhaps as an old man I will accept suffering with insouciance. But not now; men in their prime, if they have convictions are tasked to act on them." -- Julian Assange, 2007

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#855

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Mon May 16, 2011 12:01 pm
Subject: [Readingroom] News on Burma - 16/5/11

piapi

Suu Kyi appeals to Australia for scrutiny of Burmese parliament
US special envoy might be more effective than UN envoy: NLD
Press statement by Mr. Vijay Nambiar, Special Adviser to the Secretary-General
No �meaningful change� in Myanmar: Suu Kyi
Despite improvements, child soldier recruitment continues
NLD to advise farmers and workers
Jailed activists� children get school aid
US Official seeks feedback on Burma�s new government
Thai coal mining in Burma considers handing over its products to China
Oil drilling to begin in Burma�s eco-sensitive Hukaung Valley
In Burma, reporting is a crime
MPs urge ASEAN to suspend Burma
Burma�s new President is no moderate
I�ve retired, says Than Shwe
NLD forms environment protection committee
S�pore, Japan firms in tie-up to explore oil in Myanmar
RI, Myanmar eye trade volume to reach $500m in 2015
Burma�s Commander-in-Chief to visit China
Than Shwe: Out of the public eye, but still on people�s minds
A police state and the problem of a media �third force�
Former military officer arrested under Burmese Electronics Act
Burma forms new intelligence unit
Man in the mirror in Myanmar
Myanmar woos aid groups, but wariness remains

Suu Kyi appeals to Australia for scrutiny of Burmese parliament � Deborah Snow
The Brisbane Times (Australia): Fri 13 May 2011

MPs have been shown a video message by the democracy leader, writes Deborah Snow.THE Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has urged Australia to maintain a close watch on her country, saying the recent election of a parliament after decades of military rule has not produced a move towards �true� democracy.

In a video message played for federal MPs in Canberra this week, the recently released leader said: �We have not seen any positive, definite move towards a truly democratic process�.

She cites as core concerns the failure to free the country�s 2000 political prisoners and tight constraints on the new parliament. �I particularly appeal to elected members of parliament, not just in Australia or Asia, but all over the world to look very carefully at how the elections of [November] 2010 were conducted, and what the elected members of the national assembly are allowed to do.�

Ms Suu Kyi has chosen her words carefully, given she is is not long out of 15 years of house arrest, and wants to minimise direct confrontation with the still-powerful generals. The message was recorded to mark 100 days of the Burmese parliament, which convened in January after the military orchestrated the first elections in 20 years.

Ms Suu Kyi�s National League for Democracy boycotted the poll, which was engineered to give the army control of more than 80 per cent of the seats.

The military�s ruling organ, the State Peace and Development Council, dissolved itself at the end of March but seasoned Burma observers say the same people remain in charge behind the parliamentary facade.

�The old Senior General Than Shwe still calls the shots even though he holds almost no official position at all,� says a Macquarie University academic, Sean Turnell, who visited the country less than a month ago. �The message from just about everyone I spoke to is that � the military are still in charge.�

Associate Professor Turnell, a world expert on the Burmese economy, says the defence apparatus will consume more than half of the national budget this year, and that more than 90 per cent of Burma�s revenues from natural gas � some 2 to 3 billion dollars a year � will go into a slush fund controlled by the army.

The Indonesian MP and current head of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus, Eva Sundari, was also in Canberra this week underscoring warnings about how little has changed in Burma. She says her group is campaigning against Burma taking chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014.

Tensions remain along the Thai-Burma border, where some 140,000 Burmese live in refugee camps after fleeing crackdowns on ethnic minorities by the Burmese military.

A further 87,000 Burmese have taken refuge in Malaysia, where they live in the shadows among the populace, with no right to work (though many do illegally for pitiful wages) and no right for their children to attend schools.

It is from this group that Australia will draw many of the 4000 refugees it has agreed to take from Malaysia in return for 800 irregular boat arrivals it will send to Kuala Lumpur.

The Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, unveiled the controversial swap this week as part of Canberra�s increasingly desperate plan for a � regional solution� to stop the boats, hoping that those contemplating the journey would be deterred by the risk they will end up in Malaysia not Australia.

Many Burmese refugees living in Malaysia are from ethnic groups in revolt against Rangoon.

US special envoy might be more effective than UN envoy: NLD � Myo Thant
Mizzima News: Fri 13 May 2011

Chiang Mai � The first US special envoy to Burma may be able to support change in Burma more effectively than the UN special envoy to Burma, says a National League for Democracy (NLD) spokesperson.Ohn Kyaing made the remark after a two-hour meeting between NLD leaders including Aung San Suu Kyi and UN special envoy to Burma Vijay Nambiar at Suu Kyi�s home in Rangoon. Nambiar was on a three-day visit to Burma.

�The US is a strong democratic country. I think it is the mother of democracy. So, the US special envoy to Burma can work more freely and actively than the UN special envoy�, Ohn Kyaing told Mizzima. �The US can help us more than the UN because it does not need to negotiate with other countries�.

US President Barack Obama recently nominated Derek Mitchell, who has valuable professional experience with regard to Asia, as the first US special representative and policy coordinator for Burma. The post must be approved by the US Senate. Mitchell is currently a principal deputy assistant secretary of defense for Asian and Pacific security affairs at the Department of Defense.

Nambiar �s visit was the first by a UN high-ranking official under Burma�s new government led by President Thein Sein. Before his visit, it was expected that Thein Sein would meet with Nambiar but the meeting failed to materialize. On Wednesday, Nambiar met with Foreign Affairs Minister Wunna Maung Lwin and Home Affairs Minister Lieutenant General Ko Ko among some others from the new Burmese government.

On Thursday, he met with NLD general secretary Aung San Suu Kyi and central committee members Nyan Win and Han Thar Myint. Later, he met with Suu Kyi again, NLD Vce Chairman Tin Oo and central committee members Win Tin, Than Tun, Hla Pe, Nyunt Wai, Nyan Win, Ohn Kyaing, Han Thar Myint, May Win Myint and Win Myint.

After the meetings, the UN special envoy told journalists that he looked positively at developments in Burma under the new government.

Suu Kyi said that her meeting with the envoy was a frank discussion, and she would await the government�s actions following his visit. In the meeting, NLD leaders told the UN envoy to urge Burma�s new government to release all political prisoners and to help the NLD survive as a legal political party.

NLD central executive committee member Win Tin told VOA Burmese Service that the UN should quickly make the appointment of a full-time representative as the UN special envoy to Burma. Currently, Nambiar holds a temporary appointment.

Meanwhile, a human rights watch group said that the UN must be cautious and not allow itself to be used by Burma�s new government as a way to increase its credibility. Before Nambiar was appointed, Razali Ismail and Ibharim Gambari were the first and second UN special envoys to Burma respectively. When Gambari visited Burma as a special envoy the last time, Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest, refused to meet him.

Currently, Nambiar is also a special adviser to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon. He departed Burma on Friday.

Press statement by Mr. Vijay Nambiar, Special Adviser to the Secretary-General
United Nations Information Center-Yangon: Fri 13 May 2011

Yangon � I have just completed a three-day working visit at the invitation of the new Government of Myanmar in my capacity as Special Adviser to the Secretary-General. This follows my earlier visit shortly after the elections in November last year. The purpose of this visit was three-fold:First, to engage with the new six-week old Government and with other stakeholders in order to take stock of recent developments and to build on the comprehensive dialogue between the United Nations and Myanmar. In Naypyitaw, I met with the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Home Affairs, Social Welfare, National Planning and Development; and senior officials of the Ministries of Commerce, Health and Education. I also met with the newly appointed Presidential Advisers for political, legal and economic affairs. Meetings were also arranged with the Deputy Speaker of the People�s Assembly at the Union Assembly hall, and the Secretary-General of the Union Solidarity and Development Party. In Yangon, I met again with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and members of the Central Executive Committee of the National League for Democracy. Further meetings were held with representatives of political parties represented in Parliament, and civil society organizations. This morning I visited Bago and met with the Chief Minister of Bago Region.

The second purpose of my visit was to convey a forward looking message. The United Nations welcomes the important themes and reforms announced by President Thein Sein in his inaugural speeches. These include the recognition of some of the most pressing political and economic challenges facing Myanmar and the need to address them in a way that strengthens national unity and reconciliation - sustainable development and equitable growth; good governance through greater responsiveness, inclusiveness, accountability, and transparency; continued engagement through genuine goodwill and keeping the door open with those who do not accept the Constitution and the roadmap; and respect for fundamental human rights, the media and the rule of law. These stated priorities of the Government are consistent with the expectations of the United Nations and the international community.

Recognizing the significance of the Government�s commitments, we must stress that implementation is key. I underscored the opportunity and responsibility that the Government now has to translate its commitments into effective action. Domestically and internationally, expectations are high that it will start taking concrete steps soon. In all my meetings, I stressed that this must include the release of all political prisoners and inclusive dialogue with all segments of society, as well as greater outreach to the international community to ensure that the proposed reforms enjoyed broad buy-in. Only then can there be greater confidence that the efforts undertaken will indeed serve to meet the longstanding needs and aspirations of the people of Myanmar. There is no time to waste if Myanmar is to move forward.

Thirdly, I reiterated the United Nations� strong commitment to long-term engagement with the Government and people of Myanmar in support of their efforts to move the country towards durable peace, democracy and prosperity. Since Cyclone Nargis three years ago, the collaboration between the United Nations and Myanmar has grown significantly. With all my counterparts, I discussed the opportunity and the need to build on such efforts to deepen and broaden our engagement in advancing needed reforms, including through continued facilitation and greater assistance in the areas of economic development, health, education, capacity-building, and human rights. The United Nations wants Myanmar to succeed. With the cooperation of Myanmar and the support of all concerned, including regional and donor countries, the United Nations looks forward to being able to deliver to its full potential in order to better serve the people of Myanmar. On its part, the UN agencies would be better placed to respond to Myanmar�s development needs if the existing restrictions on its operations are removed.

No �meaningful change� in Myanmar: Suu Kyi
Agence France Presse: Thu 12 May 2011

Berlin � No �meaningful change� has taken place since Myanmar�s first elections in 20 years in November, recently released opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said in comments due to be broadcast this week.

�So far I haven�t seen any meaningful change,� Suu Kyi said in a phone-in with German broadcaster DW-TV and students at the Hertie School of Management in Berlin recorded on Tuesday.

�I know there have been elections but the government that has taken over since the elections are the same as those who were in place before the elections � We are still waiting to see whether there has been real change.�

Suu Kyi, 65, was released in November after spending most of the past 20 years under house arrest in Myanmar, also known as Burma. Her release came a few days after elections marred by accusations of cheating and intimidation.

In March the military junta made way for a nominally civilian government after almost half a century in power and Than Shwe, the general who ruled Myanmar with an iron fist for 19 years, retired as head of the military.

Last month a friend of Suu Kyi, U Myint, was appointed as an adviser to Myanmar�s president.

But the army hierarchy retains a firm grip on power. Suu Kyi�s National League for Democracy party was disbanded for opting to boycott the election because the rules seemed designed to bar her from participating.

�Until political prisoners have been released, and until we are all allowed to take part in the political process in the country, I do not think we can call it real change,� Suu Kyi told DW-TV.

She also said that Myanmar being given the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014, as the grouping has proposed, �would not help democracy in Burma in any way�.

�But if they were to attach conditions to the fact of Burma taking over in 2014, it could help. If they were for example to say that certain changes would be necessary before they were prepared to agree � it could help,� she said.

Despite improvements, child soldier recruitment continues � Ko Htwe
Irrawaddy: Thu 12 May 2011

The Burmese military is still recruiting underage children despite its policy against doing so, claim victims and activists.Aye Myint, a lawyer and workers� rights activist in Pegu, told The Irrawaddy that the recruitment of children into the army is worse than last year.

�I received fifteen complaints from Rangoon, Irrawaddy, Mandalay and Pegu divisions. Three others are now collecting documents. Most of the persons that complained to the International Labor Organization (ILO) will be able to return to their home sooner or later,� said Aye Myint.

In January, 15-year-old Aung Ko and 12-year-old Thein Min Htike went missing on the way from Mawlamyinegyunn Township in the Irrawaddy Region to Rangoon while going to visit relatives, according to a family member.

The boys� mother, San Aye, said that three months later her sons informed the family that they had been recruited into the army and were receiving basic military training at Training Battalion No. 9 in Thaton Township, Mon State.

�One of my children is so young that he is not novitiate yet. I don�t wish to let them be conscripted into the army. I don�t want to live without them. My husband is now acting crazy and every day I have to shed tears,� said San Aye. �The children rang us and said they are okay and don�t want to come back, but it seems like someone is beside them.�

Pho Phyu, a legal advocate, said that he received three cases of child recruitment recently from the Irrawaddy region.

�The recruitment is still ongoing. We have some difficulties in this case. Although we can contact the child, the army transfers the child to another place and then loses the child. So we contact ILO,� said Pho Phyu.

Burmese child soldiers have been arrested and imprisoned as punishment for deserting when they tried to run away from their army bases.

The Burmese regime formed a committee to investigate child soldier issues in 2004 and it has since denied using child soldiers in the army.

According to the ILO�s data, there were 261 underage recruitment complaints and 80 young men discharged or released as a result of the complaints from the beginning of 2010 until now. Of the remaining complaints, approximately 110 are in process, which means that the military is investigating, and 80 are being assessed by the ILO.

Steve Marshall, the ILO liaison officer in Rangoon, said that when the issue of child soldier recruitment was raised back in 2007, the subject was very sensitive, but since that time the military response has been quite positive and there has been considerable improvements over the last few years.

�Every complaint we submit is received and acted on relatively efficiently, and if it is found that a person is under 18 then he is most definitely discharged and the perpetrator prosecuted,� said Marshall.

�It is important that we do not simply respond to complaints, that we are able to become more proactive working together to ensure the correct administrative policies are in place to stop the practice, and we look forward to working with the government to achieve that ideal position,� he added.

Rangoon-based 7 Day News journal, quoting a UNICEF official, reported that the number of underage soldiers recruited is decreasing and 402 child soldiers have been sent home since 2004.

�Children themselves come to the army to join. All of the child soldiers have no document such as identity and birth certificate. And its hard to differentiate who are 17-years old or 18-years old because of the same body structure. Some children want to join the army because they envy the officers they have seen,� Ramesh Shrestha, a UNICEF Representative in Burma, told the 7Day News journal.

NLD to advise farmers and workers � Sai Zom Hseng
Irrawaddy: Thu 12 May 2011

The National League for Democracy (NLD), led by pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, is offering consultations, advice, training and other types of support to farmers, workers and civil society groups in order to promote their rights and expand the NLD�s civil society network.Win Htein, one of the leaders of the NLD, said that Suu Kyi, after she was released from house arrest in Nov. 2010, advised party members to provide training and to promote and protect the rights of farmers and workers. She wants the effort to be run by associations and networks which are not influenced by politics, he added.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, Win Htein said, �It is necessary to have a committee and associations which will support the farmers and workers. We will also consult with other societies to form such kinds of associations and networks.�

A farmer who has attempted to form a local farmers association, and who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that farmers� associations are necessary in Burma and all of the farmers have to try to form associations and expand the network.

�We are glad that the NLD supports our forming associations and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi thought deeply for us and for our wishes,� a farmer said.

Phyu Phyu Thin, a member of the Social Assistance Committee of the NLD, said that there is an NLD committee which assists farmers by educating them about their rights and providing agricultural training.

�In my point of view, this is a very good and useful program for the farmers, and I believe that they can realize their rights. The farmers are enjoying the training, they had patient and active discussions with the trainers,� Phyu Phyu Thin said.

The farmers� network was formed in March 2011 at the NLD headquarters and had 33 members from 19 townships at the time of formation. Since that time, the party has been providing training to farmers, which is currently ongoing.

The NLD is also supporting the formation of a workers association. On May 1, the party issued a statement which urged the International Labor Organization to keep pressuring the new government to allow a workers� union which guarantees the rights of the workers.

In addition, the NLD is currently working on campaigns to release political prisoners and to protect the environment.

The NLD was disbanded on May 6, 2010 because of its refusal to register for the Nov. 7, 2010 election. The party�s Central Executive Committee made the decision to protest the exclusion of its leader and the dissolution of the party was announced on September 14, 2010. However, the party still remains active.

Some political observers said that the NLD has turned to social activities rather than political activities, and party spokesperson Ohn Kyaing told The Irrawaddy recently that there has been no threats from authorities regarding the party�s social activities.

Jailed activists� children get school aid � Naw Noreen
Democratic Voice of Burma: Thu 12 May 2011

Education for the children of more than 100 political prisoners in Burma yesterday received a small boost yesterday after the National League for Democracy (NLD) made its tenth schooling donation.

Speaking at an event at the NLD�s Rangoon headquarters yesterday, Aung San Suu Kyi said that the nearly 2,100 political prisoners in Burma were jailed �for their work in making the country freer for its 60 million people�, according to NLD spokesperson Ohn Khaing.

Suu Kyi reportedly added that �every citizen should have a right to self-determination and to take part in shaping the country the way they want it to be�.

Around 40,000 kyat ($US50) was given to the children of 123 activists, MPs, lawyers and doctors who languish in prisons across the country. The absence of an earning parent has meant children of political prisoners often struggle to pay for schooling.

A new government budget announced in March allocates less than one percent of annual spending to the education sector, and 1.3 percent on healthcare. Military spending meanwhile accounts for nearly a quarter of the budget.

Despite once boasting a strong education sector, Burma�s now lags behind most regional countries. Education resources are scarce, although various Thailand-based NGOs provide material to schools inside the country.

The Rangoon-based Blood Group, led by NLD member Nyi Nyi, is due to open a free education centre on 18 June for orphaned and homeless children, with a view to expanding the programme.

Around 100 children have so far signed up to courses that teach manual work, literature and citizenship, amongst others.

US Official seeks feedback on Burma�s new government � Saw Yan Naing
Irrawaddy: Tue 10 May 2011

A high-ranking US diplomat based in Rangoon is currently traveling in central Burma and speaking with a variety of people�including representatives from the government, civil society and political parties�to get their perspective on Burma�s new government, said sources in Rangoon.Western diplomatic sources based in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that Larry Dinger, who has been the Charg� d�Affaires at the US embassy in Rangoon since 2008, is making the trip as part of an ongoing effort to engage with key stakeholders throughout Burma.

Myint Thein, the deputy-chairman of the National League for Democracy�s (NLD) Chauk Township branch office in Magwe Division, said that Dinger met NLD members in Chauk Township on Monday.

�He [Dinger] asked us if we have any optimism regarding Thein Sein�s speech claiming that the government is building up a democratic country. Is it any change or not? Are there any restrictions still placed on the NLD�s political movement?� Myint Thein said.

Myint Thein told Dinger that it is too early to have a positive perspective on the president�s speech. Instead, it is very important to have dialogue, national reconciliation�including with ethnic leaders�and the release of political prisoners while attempting political reform.

�We haven�t seen any progress, so we have to wait and see,� Myint Thein told the US official.

Dinger also met with 15 NLD members in Yenangyaung Township, Magwe Division. Khin Saw Htay, a local organizing committee member of the NLD who attended the meeting, said Dinger asked about her opinion of Thein Sein�s speech as well.

�We told him that even though the government announced that it is working on building a democratic nation, they didn�t release political prisoners. We don�t accept its announcement. We also don�t support the Constitution and the election,� said Khin Saw Htay.

Khin Saw Htay said she pointed out to Dinger that opposition poltical parties that contested the election can�t do anything for the people of Burma and the new government is dominated by ex-Burmese military leaders.

�I think he also wanted to know how alert the Burmese people are about politics. And he may want to know if the NLD maintains a political movement,� said Khin Saw Htay.

Dinger also met in central Burma with members of political parties who contested the general election in Nov. 2010, including the National Democratic Force (NDF), National Unity Party (NUP) and Democratic Party (Myanmar). His meeting with members of the NDF�a breakaway faction of the NLD�took place in Yenangyaung Township.

Party sources said that Dinger focused on Thein Sein�s speech and the survival of the pro-democracy movement and opposition political parties.

Dinger previously held several meetings in Rangoon with opposition leaders and politicians, including NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi and leaders of the NLD, NDF and Democratic Party (Myanmar), where he talked about US initiated economic sanctions on Burma. In these meetings, Dinger reportedly said the US sanctions were only aimed at putting pressure on Burma to speed up the process towards a democratic government.

The Obama administration said in April that it will continue to engage the Burmese leadership despite the fact that Burma has ignored, and often directly contradicted, the advice of the international community.

At a panel discussion on Burma in Washington D.C. in April, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and the Pacific, Joseph Y. Yun, told the audience that the Obama administration is trying its best to engage with the Burmese junta, but without any success.

The NLD, which won a landslide victory in the 1990 general election only to have the ruling military junta refuse to transfer power, was dissolved by the Burmese government in 2010 for refusing to register for the November election.

Thai coal mining in Burma considers handing over its products to China � Hseng Khio Fah
Shan Herald Agency for News: Tue 10 May 2011

A Thai coal mining company, Saraburi, a subsidiary of Ital-Thai that was granted a 30 year coal concession in Shan State East�s Mongkok sub-township, Monghsat township, 70km north of Thailand�s Chiangrai border, told a meeting held in Chiangrai province yesterday that it was considering passing on its coal products to China if people in Thailand continued opposing the project, according to Thailand�s Manager Online.Thai officials together with the company held the meeting on at Mae Sai�s custom department building over the company�s plan to transport coal shipments from the Mongkok mine through conflict zones inside Shan State and through unaffected areas in northern Thailand to the city of Saraburi in central Thailand where it will be used as fuel in cement factories.

The Burma Army had made a condition for Saraburi to construct a new route across the border despite the existence of a shorter 70-80 km route inside Burma�s Tachilek to Thailand�s Maesai, in exchange for the coal concession.

Due to that proposed road plan, people from both sides are concerned that the coal shipment could destroy and affect local village life along the proposed route as well as endangering the environment and their security.

In addition, people in Thailand are also worried that the road project could promote drug trafficking and damage public roads as well. This has led to their protests against the project since 2009 and calling upon the company to use other routes.

�If we are not allowed to transport our coal through the said route, there are only two alternatives for us to choose. One is to use the existing Mongkok-Tachilek-Mae Sai road,� said Pakorn Ruamthong, the company representative.

�But if people in Maesai do not allow us to use this way, we will be forced to hand over our products to China. But to do so, we still have to ask Naypitaw for its consent.�

The road is proposed to be built across Maejok on the Burmese side of the border to Thailand�s Hmong Kaolang village, Mae Fa Luang district. It will be around 68 km inside Burma and 77 km inside Thailand until it connects with the national highway at Pasang, between Maesai and Chiangrai. The existing Mongkok-Tachilek-Mae Sai road is 70-80 kilometers long.

The proposed road would be able to transport between 2,000-5,000 tons of coal per day. The deposit in Mongkok boasts at least 150 million tons of raw coal, one third found to be Grade A. It would take 40 years long to deplete the fields even with 270 ten wheelers working each day to transport, according to an official from the company. The total value is estimated at 270,000 million baht (US $ 9 billion).

If the company still wants to work on the project, it should submit a proposal to National Security Council of Thailand (NSC), Arnat Wittayakul, Chiangrai�s assistant governor, who presided over the meeting suggested.

However, the construction of its project, which has destroyed paddy fields, farms and lands of local villagers in Shan State, is ongoing since mid April to date, according to local sources.

Oil drilling to begin in Burma�s eco-sensitive Hukaung Valley � Thomas Maung Shwe
Mizzima News: Tue 10 May 2011

Endangered tigers and local villagers are threatened by an oil-drilling venture due to start in a remote area of Burma�s northern Kachin State.A Singapore-based joint venture firm Silver Wave Exploration & Production announced last week that it will soon begin drilling for oil on land that includes the ecologically sensitive Hukaung Valley in Kachin state.

Environmentalists and opposition activists worry Silver Wave�s exploitation of the 19,066-sq km block of land could wipe out endangered animals and kick people off their land.

The Hukaung valley, also spelt Hukawang, is home to rare tigers and other endangered species including leopards, Himalayan bears and elephants.

Activists have expressed concern that local villagers and farmers will be driven off their land and made homeless by Silver Wave�s operations.

In 2001, the Burmese military regime in collaboration with the American NGO Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) established the Hukaung Valley Tiger Reserve. Local residents were given no opportunity for input and many critics from Burma�s democratic opposition worried that the reserve was a bogus ploy by the military regime to get foreign funds. The critics also charged that a key backer of the project WCS�s former director of science and exploration, Dr. Alan Rabinowitz, was woefully na�ve for working with the Burmese regime and praising the generals.

Tigers in the wild are said to number a mere 3,000 worldwide, according to WCS.

In 2004, the reserve�s total area expanded to include the entire valley of 21,890 square kilometers, creating what was heralded as the largest tiger reserve in the world. Since the reserve�s expansion, the Burmese regime has encouraged logging, gold mining, large scale farms and the building of factories inside what is supposed to be a tiger and nature reserve.

According to a report in the Business Times of Singapore, Silver Wave Exploration & Production was formed recently as a joint venture between Silver Wave Energy Pte Ltd, another Singaporean firm, BFI Holding Pte Ltd, and two firms from Japan, Star Field Corporation and Star Holding Corporation.

A press release issued by BFI Holdings on April 18 stated that Silver Wave Exploration�s drilling programme in the Hukaung valley will begin this year and have a budget of US$ 100 million. The press release also indicated that Silver Wave exploration �has acquired all licence rights for exploration and production oil-prospecting acquisitions at Block B (B 2)� which Silver Wave energy had previously received from state-owned Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE).

The BFI press release said that Block B2 is located in the Hukaung Valley, although several previous MOGE reports including a detailed map made for an Asia Development Bank conference in 2008 placed B2 further south in an area of Northern Sagain Division called Zebyutaung-Nandaw (also spelt Zeebyutaung) in Pinlebu Township. The 2008 MOGE report listed the Hukaung block as PSC-A. The reason for the discrepancy remains unclear.

Silver Wave Energy Pte Ltd while based in Singapore is owned by Burmese businessman Min Min Aung (also known as Minn Minn Oung) and is part of his Silver Wave Trading group, a conglomerate known for having close ties to Burma�s generals.

Silver Wave Energy Pte Ltd has been active in both offshore and onshore oil and gas exploration in Burma since at least 2006. Min Min Aung previously joined forces with government officials from the Russian republic of Kalmykia to form Silver Wave Sputnik Petroleum Pte incorporated in Singapore.

Burmese state media reported in March 2007 that Silver Wave Sputnik and Silver Wave Energy signed an agreement with state-owned MOGE to explore for oil in the Hukaung Valley. Boris Chedyrov, the Kalmykia Republic�s Minister for Energy, attended a March 2007 ceremony with Min Min Aung and Burmese government officials.

In September 2008, The New Light of Myanmar reported that MOGE had signed a deal with Russian firm Nobel Oil of the Russian Federation to allow for oil and gas exploration in the Hukaung and U-ru regions. It appears that Nobel Oil let their licenses for these areas expire without renewing them.

Junta land grab in Hukaung Valley makes thousands homeless

According to a report produced by the Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) in August of last year, since 2006 the Yuzana Corporation has with the support of central government authorities expropriated more than 809 square km (200,000 acres) of land in the Hukaung valley from local Kachin villagers.

KDNG reports that hundreds of families have been displaced by Yuzana�s land acquisition. As with many other such state approved land grabs in Burma, the displaced families were not adequately compensated and many were forced to say they were moved �willingly�.

Yuzana has planted large plantations of cassava root and sugar cane on the contested land. Instead of hiring local people for the massive plantation farms, Yuzana has imported workers belonging to the Burman majority from the south of the country.

Reports from the area indicate that the Yuzana�s operations have created intense resentment among the remaining Kachin residents of the Hukaung Valley. The Burmese military is reportedly giving the Yuzana employees military training to deal with unhappy local residents. Yuzana is headed by Htay Myint, a real estate tycoon said to be close to Burma�s generals.

In Burma, reporting is a crime � Elizabeth Hughes
The Australian: Mon 9 May 2011

IT�S a Burmese tragedy with a cast of 17 brave characters. They are all journalists with the Democratic Voice of Burma � the exiled media organisation that broadcasts uncensored television and radio into Burma. And, for the crime of reporting the news, they have been immured in some of the nation�s most isolated prisons, mostly for years on end, and sometimes for decades.Last week, one day after the UN�s World Press Freedom day, DVB launched a Free Burma VJ (video-journalists) campaign in an attempt to push for their release, publicly conceding for the first time that the total of DVB reporters behind bars had reached the alarming total of 17. The new information means Burma is the third-most oppressive jailer of journalists in the world, after China and Iran, with a total of about 25 incarcerated.

Only five of the DVB 17 have been named, because the Burmese authorities usually treat journalists even more harshly than other prisoners. DVB wants to maintain some discretion to avoid even more punitive conditions. It remains unclear how the unnamed 12 were captured, what they were charged with and how long their prison sentences were.

DVB�s video-journalists are a trained and dedicated group, says DVB�s Thailand bureau chief Toe Zaw Latt. �In Burma, if Big Brother is watching you, OK, your small brother is watching you back with a small camera,� he adds.

But critics say not all the journalists are professionally trained, and they wonder if the risk of lengthy jail terms is worth the rewards. They note that although DVB maintains it is now an independent and professional organisation, with an audience of as many as 10 million people, it grew from political roots. DVB employs more than 100 journalists in various locations in Burma, Toe Zaw Latt says, and as well as providing the raw material for DVB broadcasts, their footage is sometimes used by foreign media organisations, and even in an Oscar-nominated documentary titled Burma VJ.

Two of the DVB journalists most recently arrested are a young man and his father. Sithu Zeya, 21, was arrested in April last year while filming the aftermath of a grenade attack that left nine dead and hundreds injured in Rangoon.

DVB says he was interrogated for five days, tortured and denied food for two days. He was finally sentenced last December to eight years in prison, for having ties to an unlawful organisation.

�Sithu Zeya had been forced to reveal under torture that his father, Maung Maung Zeya, also served as an undercover DVB reporter,� the organisation says.

Maung Maung Zeya, 57, who also worked with DVB, was arrested at his home in Rangoon, soon after his son was detained.

A poet and essayist, he was eventually sentenced to 13 years in prison, and is now incarcerated in Hsipaw prison, hundreds of kilometres from Rangoon. Toe Zaw Latt says Maung Maung Zeya was doped during his interrogation, and another of his sons has been forced to flee.

Military intelligence officers arrested 48-year-old Win Maw in November 2007, in a Rangoon tea shop, soon after he had visited an internet cafe. DVB says he was accused of being the �mastermind� of DVB�s news coverage of the 2007 anti-government Saffron revolution led by Buddhist monks and students. Win Maw was originally sentenced in 2008 to seven years in prison for sending �false� information to DVB. The next year, he was sentenced to an extra 10 years for violations of the Electronics Act. He is in the remote Sandoway prison in Arakan state.

These journalists are just a few among the crowds of political prisoners locked up by the Burmese regime: activists, lawyers, writers, poets � anyone, in short, with the temerity to express a view or which differs from the official line.

Nearly 2100 prisoners of conscience remain incarcerated in Burma, despite international diplomatic efforts to wrangle an amnesty from the nation�s new and nominally civilian government.

�Reporting the truth is not a crime,� said Toe Zaw Latt. �Someone should not be jailed 20 years for being a journalist.�

MPs urge ASEAN to suspend Burma � Francis Wade
Democratic Voice of Burma: Mon 9 May 2011

The ASEAN bloc risks damaging its international credibility and impeding regional progress if it appoints Burma to the 2014 chair, a parliamentarian lobby group has warned.It follows a recent bid by Burmese President Thein Sein for the revolving chair of the 10-member grouping. Thein Sein joined other regional leaders in Jakarta for the 18th annual ASEAN summit, where his ambitions became a key focus of talks alongside the protracted Thailand-Cambodia border dispute.

Following much fanfare over the weekend that the controversial bid will be successful, ASEAN released a statement yesterday on the final day of the summit saying only that it had �considered the proposal�.

It didn�t however take long for observers to level sharp criticism at the bloc, which has come under persistent international pressure to do more about Burma�s myriad domestic crises.

Shortly after news broke of Burma�s proposal, the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) released a statement urging the bloc to reject the bid, arguing that the �oppression in Myanmar [Burma] constitutes a black stain on the credibility of ASEAN and will be an obstacle to efforts by ASEAN to build an ASEAN Community by 2015�.

It added that the grouping should instead �consider suspending Myanmar from the organization over its flagrant violations of the ASEAN Charter�.

Kraisak Choonhavan, president of AIPMC and deputy chairman of Thailand�s ruling Democrat Party, told DVB that despite the warnings, he wouldn�t be surprised if ASEAN accepted the bid.

�They are denying simple reality and masquerading the [November 2010 Burma] elections as a new political development that meets international standards,� he said, adding that the grouping was �exaggerating this to no end, and with no embarrassment�.

�After the election, we don�t see any improvement � in fact the [ethnic armed] conflict has expanded�because the elections have not given anything but more centralisation.�

Human Rights Watch had warned last week that appointing Burma to the chair would be an embarrassment to a region to which it is the perennial thorn in the side. A Thai official said on Friday however that ASEAN officials had �agreed� to support Burma.

Kraisak saw the support for what critics claim is one of the world�s worst human rights abusers as an attempt by ASEAN give Burma the image of a progressing democracy and help lift international sanctions on the country.

Burma�s new President is no moderate � David Scott Mathieson
Jakarta Globe: Mon 9 May 2011

The Asean summit that starts on Saturday is a debut for Burma�s new President Thein Sein and the now ostensibly civilian, but still tightly military-controlled government formed on March 30.Since the elections of Nov. 2010 and the release of dissident Aung San Suu Kyi, many governments in Asia and the West have intensified their search for moderates in Burma�s new military-parliamentary complex, in order to increase engagement with the government. Thein Sein�s inaugural speech is being lauded as a blueprint for a new moderate government, with his emphasis on tackling corruption, promoting the role of the media, and emphasizing health and education. But these are just words; there has been no discernible improvement in the human rights situation of Burma at all since the elections, no release of political prisoners, no letup in fighting in ethnic conflict zones or granting basic freedoms to Burma�s 59 million citizens.

It is thus disquieting to hear many informed observers on Burma refer to Thein Sein as �Mr Clean.� Without questioning the commentators� standards of hygiene, it is safe to say that the former Lt. Gen. Thein Sein is actually a ruthless loyalist with a well-established past in command positions during some of Burma�s darker and most corrupt periods.

It is a matter of public record that Thein Sein was the commander of the Triangle Region Military Command from 1997 to 2001. This is the area infamously known as the Golden Triangle, long a redoubt of drug lords and warring ethnic and Communist armies. During his tenure, there was a decline in opium and heroin production in his area of operations, but there are two main reasons for this � neither necessarily due to a firm commitment to drug eradication.

First, Afghanistan heroin production was booming at the end of the 1990s, so Burmese syndicates such as the massive United Wa State Army couldn�t compete on global markets because of the more labor-intensive production of opium in Burma, and overwhelming new supply. Second, the main drug producers were actually branching into massive methamphetamine production, which was proving easier to manufacture, supply, and sell. The UWSA�s central narco-financier, Wei Hsueh-kang, has been under indictment by the United States since 1998, with a $2 million price tag on his head (eight other senior leaders were indicted in 2005).

Neighboring Thailand paid the highest price for the surge in meth exports, which was the main catalyst for then-Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra�s murderous domestic �war on drugs� in 2003. The new town of Mong Yawn close to the Thai border was the lynchpin in the UWSA�s strategy to increase drug supply into Thailand. To help Mong Yawn grow, the UWSA forcibly relocated nearly 100,000 civilians from northern Shan State from 1999 to 2001, ostensibly to break their dependence on opium cultivation. As the Lahu National Development Organization (an ethnic community development NGO from Burma), and numerous Western and Thai journalists who covered the operation reported, in this draconian transmigration hundreds are suspected to have died from abuses and disease, including an anthrax outbreak. I lived in this area in 2003, with ethnic Shan, Lahu and Akha refugees, who could see their seized land on the other side of the valley, occupied by relocated ethnic Wa, guarded by UWSA and Burmese army camps. Thein Sein�s headquarters in the town of Kengtung was right in the middle of this nearly year-long relocation.

What Thein Sein�s specific role was in the Mong Yawn project is not known, but he could not have been unaware of it, nor could he have been unwitting to the explosion of drug money in his area of operations. At the time, senior Thai army commanders claimed that Thein Sein not only knew the drug plants were there, but was actively protecting them: then Third Army Commander Lt. Gen. Wattanachai Chaimuenwong and Thai army commander Gen. Surayud Chulanont raised this fact on a regular basis, during frequent border skirmishes between Burmese and Thai forces during this period due to massive drug smuggling being protected by units within Thein Sein�s command area. According to Bertil Lintner, a noted expert on the regional drug trade, and numerous academics and researchers on Burma�s military such as Mary Callahan, Burma�s regional commanders have long been suspected to be sitting on top of a corrupt patronage system that maintains order through regulating rackets and illicit trade, not interdicting them.

Thein Sein�s recent past suggests no grounds for optimism either. Following his stint in the Golden Triangle, Thein Sein was the military adjutant general and then secretary no. 1 of the ruling State Peace and Development Council. He has since been a senior member of the regime, including serving as prime minister when scores of protesters were killed on the streets of Rangoon in a peaceful uprising in September 2007. He was in charge of the government when Western relief agencies were denied access to Burma following the devastating Cyclone Nargis in 2008. Instead of giving priority to aid for the sick and injured, the government focused on its sham constitutional referendum that is the blueprint for continued authoritarian rule. Perhaps most disturbing, since he became prime minister in 2007, the number of political prisoners doubled to more than 2,200.

The search for �pragmatists over hard-liners� within the ruling elite has been a central fault-line in the speculative trade of Burmese political analysis for years. Many Western journalists, academics, aid workers and diplomats believed former Prime Minister and military intelligence chief Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt was the pragmatic player who was negotiating between his intelligence faction, Suu Kyi and the West to broker a deal for democratic reforms. This apocryphal glasnost was ruptured in October 2004 when Khin Nyunt and his intelligence clique, more than 800 officers, were rounded up by the so-called hard-liners. Most are in prison or under house arrest.

It remains unclear why Khin Nyunt was considered to be a moderate given his long years of ruthless repression of the opposition, widespread use of torture against dissidents and lucrative cease-fire deals with drug lords. Perhaps it was because he would talk about possible reform with outsiders, yet his vision was of a Burma no longer ostracized by the rest of the world, not a free and democratic country. The Burmese academic Kyaw Yin Hlaing in a recent article disputed the view of Khin Nyuint as a clandestine liberal: �He was only liberal to the extent that being liberal served his interest.�

Since the November 2010 elections, most Asian and some Western countries have adopted a �glass half-full� view of Burma, seeing the release of Suu Kyi as a key concession and searching for avenues of enhanced interaction. Pragmatic policy makers may well subscribe to this Ouija-board political analysis, but in the absence of hard evidence of the new government�s sincerity to engage in reforms, including improving the rights situation, they should also take a glance at the ruthless past of these fledgling faux-democrats.

Admitting that many of Burma�s power-holders have a brutal past does not suggest that the rest of the world doesn�t have to deal with them: Asean and its dialogue partners must increase engagement on a number of fronts. However, engagement is best approached with some basic principles in hand and a clear view of whom you are dealing with, not who you would like them to be.

* David Scott Mathieson is a senior researcher in the Asia Division of Human Rights Watch.

I�ve retired, says Than Shwe � Hset Linn
Irrawaddy: Fri 6 May 2011

Rangoon � Burmese military supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe reportedly denied having an influence over the new government, and expressed concern for his family�s future security at a recent private meeting with retired high-ranking military officials.Than Shwe, who renounced his post as commander-in-chief of the armed forces last month and has since disappeared from public life, recently invited a group of former high-ranking military officials, including ex-Gen Than Tin, ex-Gen Khin Maung Kyaw, ex-Gen Hla Oo and ex-Lt-Gen Chit Swe, for an informal meeting at his home in Naypyidaw, according to a family member of one of the attendees.

With the exception of Chit Swe, who served as minister of forestry until 1997, the other officials were senior to Than Shwe in the army, and were former ministers and regional military commanders during the rule of late dictator Gen Ne Win.

According to the source, Than Shwe said in the meeting that he was no longer involved in state affairs, and said that he �permitted� current president Thein Sein to choose his own government ministers.

He said that Than Shwe admitted to the group that he offered some advice in the forming of the new government, but was very worried about his family members being prosecuted, jailed, punished or even hanged after he died.

Although it remains unclear whether Than Shwe still holds any formal position either in the government or in the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party, many believe that the 78-year-old dictator continues to wield influence over the army and the new government, and has kept himself in a position to call the shots from behind the scenes.

Photographs of Than Shwe in his army uniform as a senior general still adorn the walls of administrative offices around the country.

According to an inside source, Than Shwe�s wife, Kyaing Kyaing, keeps busy by consulting astrologers, soothsayers and mediums.

A local resident in Mingaladon Township, where Than Shwe�s daughter Thandar Shwe owns a spacious compound, said that he spotted individuals in the compound, some of whom looked like hermits while others were unshaven with the appearance of bogus Buddhist monks.

�In that compound, there are numerous temples with piles of animal heads,� he said. �They frequently have ceremonies for spirits and nats.�

Although Than Shwe has completely disappeared from the spotlight and his daily sojourns have not been published in the state media for over a month, his deputy Maung Aye was seen at a pavilion during last month�s water festival in Mandalay in Upper Burma and is reportedly now ordained as a Buddhist monk in his native Kanbalu Township in Sagaing Division.

�Maung Aye has donated his ancestral homes to the meditation centers and just spends his days meditating,� said a resident of Kanbalu Township. �However, he is always surrounded and watched by four or five plainclothes security guards.�

NLD forms environment protection committee � Tun Tun
Mizzima News: Thu 5 May 2011

New Delhi � The environment is moving into a more high profile position in Burma these days, with political parties making it a priority in the new Parliament and more civic groups taking up the cause.One of the latest signs of environmental activism is the formation of an environmental protection subcommittee by the National League for Democracy.

Formed on April 27, the committee�s mission is to represent environmental interests in the area of dam construction, irrigation projects and the agricultural use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides.

�We have experienced many ecological changes and impacts in Burma�, NLD Information Department In-charge Ohn Kyaing told Mizzima. �They were caused by building dams and irrigation canals in some delta regions. And also using chemical fertilizers and pesticides in agriculture. Our objective is to conserve the ecological system and promote awareness campaigns among farmers on environmental issues�.

Environmentalists welcomed the NLD�s move into the environment, saying the issue must be addressed by all levels of government and the public.

�It is a good sign to see that the ruling government, NGOs, the opposition and businessmen are all interested in this issue and take part in the work�, noted environmentalist and scholar U Ohn of the Forest Resource Environment Development and Conservation Association (FREDA) told Mizzima. �We must welcome them. This issue concerns everybody; government and businessmen. The government has a responsibility to do this work, and at the same time the people and businessmen must join hands and work�.

In his inaugural address to Parliament, President Thein Sein talked about conservation of the environment at length, saying that he would weigh the need for economic development and the conservation of environment.

The NLD subcommittee has 12 members including farmers, scholars and intellectuals who have attended training sessions provided by the NLD.

Forty-six farmers from Irrawaddy, Rangoon and Rakhine states and other regions attended a 3-day training session on April 27.

Experts and scholars from the NLD party provided lectures on how to use pesticides, land use and soil erosion, agricultural loans and grazing land. A second training session is now underway. The subcommittee members will return to their native areas where they will share their knowledge with area residents.

One of the discussions, said an NLD spokesperson, centered on the environmental change in the Irrawaddy delta region.

�Occasionally, the tide brings in bacteria along with toxic chemicals�, said U Ohn said. Among the worst-hit environmental areas are coastal regions in Rakhine State and the Irrawaddy delta region, say researchers.

Inle Lake in Shan State is also experiencing toxic pollution and the regions along the Irrawaddy and Chindwin rivers are facing serious pollution due to irresponsible gold panning and gold mining processes that use mercury, U Ohn said.

�Consumers of fish get toxic material and it can endanger their health. This situation can be found elsewhere in Burma�, he said.

U Ohn said success in the conservation of the environment is based on the enactment of precise and comprehensive laws that adress the issue in the long term.

Recently, the NLD has formed varioius social organizations and networks to work in areas of free education for needy children, health care including HIV/AIDs and blood donation, assistance to political prisoners and legal aid.

S�pore, Japan firms in tie-up to explore oil in Myanmar
The Business Times (Singapore): Thu 5 May 2011

TWO Singapore companies, Silver Wave Energy Pte Ltd and BFI Holding Pte Ltd, have formed a joint venture with Star Field Corporation and Star Holding Corporation of Japan to explore oil and gas in Myanmar.The joint venture company, Silver Wave Exploration & Production, said in a press statement yesterday that it secured the exclusive exploration licence rights with a production sharing contract (PSC) from the state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) for all oil-prospecting acquisitions at Block B (B2) in northern Myanmar.

The 19,066 sq km block is located in the Hukaung Valley in Kachin State, north-west of Myanmar.

Myanmar is one of the world�s oldest oil producers, exporting its first barrel in 1853. Since 1998, the country has been allowing foreign companies to prospect for oil.

In 2007, Silver Wave Energy was one of nine foreign oil companies involved in 16 onshore blocks to explore, reactivate, enhance recover and produce oil.

Having invested in research and the foundations for oil production in Block B (B 2), Silver Wave Exploration & Production has now acquired the PSC to start exploration.

The joint venture partners will start drilling operations in Block B (B 2) this year with an initial investment budget of US$100 million.

Yesterday�s press statement said the Myanmar project is expected to be the first of many such projects by Silver Wave Exploration and Production, which is currently in discussions with Sudan, Guinea-Conakry, Indonesia and Iraq for similar projects.

Most of the joint venture partners have close links with energy-related businesses. Silver Wave Energy provides energy project management capabilities to companies involved in energy research, prospecting, exploration, recovery and enhancement.

BFI Holding is a privately owned company which focuses on development projects in the Middle East and Africa.

Japan-based Star Field Corporation provides technical and engineering support to large-scale projects in the region for construction, infrastructure and energy exploration projects.

Star Holding Corporation provides equity and fund management consultancy and services for big-scale development projects involving large amounts of capital and funding requirements for energy-related projects.

RI, Myanmar eye trade volume to reach $500m in 2015 � Adianto P Simamora
The Jakarta Post: Thu 5 May 2011

Jakarta � President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono concluded bilateral talks with his counterpart Myanmar President Thein Sein, with the two agreeing to aim for a trade volume of US$500 million in 2015.Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said at a press conference after the meeting that the two leaders discussed a range of economic, social and cultural issues and the democratization process in Myanmar.

�The two leaders also discussed efforts to increase investments from Indonesia in Myanmar, especially on energy, food and infrastructure,� he said.

The visit, the first since Gen. Sein was sworn in as head of state on March 30, was made just two days before the leaders of ASEAN countries were to gather for the region�s highest summit on Saturday.

It is also the first trip for Sein, the former prime minister of Myanmar, to a foreign country since his first day in the presidential office.

Burma�s Commander-in-Chief to visit China � Wai Moe
Irrawaddy: Thu 5 May 2011

A high-level military delegation led by the commander-in-chief of Burma�s armed forces, Gen Min Aung Hlaing, is scheduled to visit the country�s closest ally, China, in the middle of this month, on what will be the first top military visit to China since Burma�s new government was sworn in in March.While Min Aung Hlaing will take the opportunity to introduce his deputies to their Chinese counterparts, the Burmese delegation�s top priorities involve easing the ethnic tensions on the Sino-Burmese border, creating border stability and increasing military cooperation between the two countries, intelligence sources said.

Min Aung Hlaing took over on March 30 as commander-in-chief, succeeding Burmese junta supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe. His last China visit was in September when he accompanied Than Shwe who introduced him to several leading Chinese officials.

Both Min Aung Hlaing and deputy commander-in-chief Lt-Gen Soe Win are reputed among Burma�s military generals as being savvy on Sino-Burmese border issues as they served as regional commanders in the area.

Since Naypyidaw�s military offensive against the Kokang army�officially called the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army�in August 2009, when some 37,000 refugees fled onto Chinese soil, Beijing has raised concerns about �peace and stability� along its Burmese border.

In his first policy comment on ethnic issues, Thein Sein signaled at a meeting of the Central Committee for Progress of Border Areas and National Races on April 23 in Naypyidaw that the regime would maintain centralized power over ethnic issues.

�It is important that administration machinery of the Union Government to reach out to whole nation, [sic] including far-flung border areas,� Thein Sein was quoted as saying in state-run-newspaper The New Light of Myanmar.

�Peace and stability is essential in building a developing nation,� he reportedly said, adding that the country cannot enjoy peace and stability without national unity among its more than 100 national races.

Thein Sein also reportedly spoke about the three �main national causes��non-disintegration of the Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity, and perpetuation of sovereignty� imposed by the previous military regime, which he served as prime minister from 2007 to 2011.

The new president referred to them collectively as �a national policy� of unity. He also vowed development in ethnic areas as a solution to ensure unity with ethnic minorities.

However, Thein Sein did not make any mention anything about a genuine dialogue with ethnic armed groups nor did he suggest greater autonomy and civil rights for Burma�s ethnic people�issues that are demanded as a prerequisite to any agreement by the ethnic armies that have rejected Naypyidaw�s Border Guard Force plan.

Meanwhile, Gen Xu Caihou, a vice chairman of the Central Military Commission of China, is scheduled to visit Burma after Min Aung Hlaing�s China trip, sources said.

Xu Caihou is one of three vice chairman of the Central Military Commission�alongside Gen Guo Boxiong and Vice-President Xi Jinping�under Hu Jintao�s chairmanship. He became vice chairman of the Central Military Commission in September 2004.

Than Shwe: Out of the public eye, but still on people�s minds � Ba Kaung
Irrawaddy: Thu 5 May 2011

A month has passed since former Burmese military supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe renounced his post as commander-in-chief of the armed forces and a nominally civilian government, led by his trusted subordinates, came into office.But very few doubt that Than Shwe continues to wield influence over the army and the new government. The widely held belief that he is calling the shots from behind the scenes appears to be well-founded: Sources close to the Burmese army leadership said that the new army commander-in-chief, Gen Min Aung Hlaing, has been reporting to Than Shwe, both in person and in writing, on a regular basis.

Yet the actual role of the reclusive military strongman, who has completely disappeared from public life, remains a matter of conjecture. To date, it remains unknown whether Than Shwe still holds any formal position, either in the government or in the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which originated from an army-backed paramilitary organization that he created a year after he came to power in 1992 to mobilize mass support for his regime.

It was previously speculated that the former postal clerk would have either appointed himself as the president of the new government or kept his position as commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The speculation was mainly based on the fact that a de facto leader in civilian dress would not command the fear and respect of the military establishment, and on the assumption that Than Shwe would seek to retain some formal power to avoid the fate of late dictator Ne Win, who died under house arrest after his son-in-law and grandchildren were accused of plotting against Than Shwe�s regime.

Notwithstanding these calculations, Than Shwe has apparently shed his army uniform and eschewed any role as a civilian leader as well. The result has been the most peaceful, albeit cosmetic, transfer of power in the country�s leadership since Ne Win�s military coup overthrew a democratically elected Parliament in 1962.

�The way he did this was quite smooth, given the bloody events that have marked the handover of power in other parts of the world,� said Tin Oo, who served as a defense minister under Ne Win and is now the deputy of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

�We appreciate the fact that those who had to step down did so peacefully and that the new people stepped in without resorting to violence, but we can�t say this is a honorable transition, since it followed a rigged election,� he added.

Possibly driven by his advanced age of 78 and the specter of a future power struggle in the country�s leadership, Than Shwe planned his exit from the spotlight carefully. He put in place a series of safeguards, both by appointing loyalists to key government and military positions and by establishing a military-dominated system which his regime called a �discipline-flourishing multiparty democracy.�

In hindsight, he has proven to be quite shrewd, in the sense that he seems to have succeeded in guaranteeing his own security and maintaining a leading role for the military in the country�s political future. The Constitution he crafted forbids Suu Kyi from becoming president of the country and also contains a clause stating that laws cannot be retroactively applied to past cases which will neutralize any future legal attempt to prosecute him and other senior military figures for any crimes committed under his watch.

It has also now clearly emerged that Than Shwe has consistently lacked the desire to compromise with the opposition groups, including Suu Kyi�s National League for Democracy (NLD). Late last month, Suu Kyi publicly said for the first time that although she had struck an agreement with the ousted intelligence chief Khin Nyunt in the early 2000s for the NLD to join the state-managed National Convention to draft the Constitution, the deal eventually fell through, possibly due to Than Shwe�s objections.

So what will the legacy of Than Shwe�s nearly two decades of iron-fisted rule be? Military dominance of the country�s political affairs will certainly be one lasting effect of his efforts, but it is unlikely that this will pave the way for future generations of leaders like himself. It is questionable how much military clout his current successor as commander-in-chief, Min Aung Hlaing, really wields. Indeed, it seems that his ascendance signifies only a generational change in the army, rather than the emergence of a new leader ready to make his mark on the country.

As a sign that military leaders will no longer assume an exalted position in the new scheme of things (even as the armed forces remain the backbone of the new order), sources close to the army said that the titles of �senior general� and �vice-senior general� long used by Than Shwe and Maung Aye, respectively will henceforth cease to exist. Accordingly, Min Aung Hlaing ranks only as an army general no more, and no less.

Constitutionally, Min Aung Hlaing is the most powerful figure in the country, with the ability to appoint key ministers and assume power in �times of emergency,� but it is hard to say if he is more powerful than Thein Sein, the ex-general who now serves as the country�s civilian president.

�You can�t say if the army leaders are more powerful than the civilian leaders or if the regional army commanders are more powerful than the chief ministers in different states and regions,� said Aung Lynn Htut, a former Burmese intelligence officer who once worked for Than Shwe�s personal security and is now living in exile in the United States.

�Nothing is clear cut now. Than Shwe did everything for himself, only leaving a system, not a successor,� said Aung Lynn Htut, adding that the current power structure in Burma still depends very much on army seniority. This means that Thein Sein and his vice-president, former general Tin Aung Myint Oo, are more influential than an upstart like Min Aung Hlaing—not because of their status as �civilian� leaders, but because they have served in the military longer than the new commander-in-chief.

Within the new system, which gives no room for democratic opposition, Than Shwe�s loyalists are seemingly pitted against each other. Than Shwe may be hoping that this situation will prolong the survival of a military-dominated civilian government and safeguard his and his family�s lives and fortunes.

�Whether Than Shwe can avoid the fate of Ne Win or how long this system will prevail depends on the opposition�s efforts to initiate movements like those in the Arab world,� said Aung Lynn Htut.

Has Than Shwe set the country on the path which Indonesia has successfully walked since 1998?

His reputation as a brutal dictator can only be repaired if the civilian government that has succeeded his regime improves the lives of over 50 million Burmese people who have been seriously deprived of basic needs for decades.

However, there is little indication so far that the new civilian government will introduce any serious political or economic reforms, apart from the fact that Thein Sein last week appointed some respected economists as his advisers.

For now, many wonder when Than Shwe will suddenly appear again in the state media and do something surprising, as is his wont.

The latest rumors from Rangoon suggest that both Than Shwe and his deputy Maung Aye last month moved to their new homes in Naypyidaw, and that Than Shwe is working on an autobiography with the country�s information minister a book which, if it ever does come out, will probably eulogize his personal achievements and his efforts for the country, rather than dwell on its economic and political woes and the crimes he has committed against his own people.

A police state and the problem of a media �third force� � Bo Bo Lansin
Mizzima News: Thu 5 May 2011

If you were a Burmese soldier who died in action against the Communist guerrillas in the 1960s, and were born again in Rangoon at the dawn of the Naypyitaw-cracy, you would find it hard to notice any change in the socio-political landscape of Burma, apart from the insidious influence of crony businesses.The first issue of the Myawaddy, a daily newspaper published by the Burmese army, hit the streets in Rangoon on Saturday, April 2. Media observers say more newspapers and other media are likely to appear under the new government formed in March. Photo: Mizzima

The first issue of the Myawaddy, a daily newspaper published by the Burmese army, hit the streets in Rangoon on Saturday, April 2. Media observers say more newspapers and other media are likely to appear under the new government formed in March. Photo: Mizzima
Half a century has passed and a military regime still holds power, with loyal technocrats sandwiched into the system. The regime resembles the late 1950s caretaker government of the Burmese Army and its direct intervention in politics to stave off any Leftist influence on U Nu�s swaying cabinet.

Although there were only two military representatives in caretaker government back then, the whole secretariat was run by middle-aged enthusiastic colonels who gained confidence in controlling the country in their socialist zeal after a year and a half internship. The civilian ministers� only job was to sign legislation. This state structure with a civilian fa�ade was refurbished in the mid-1970s to resemble the East German socialist state under the same generals� rule even though the caretaker government�s doctrine was to enhance army-driven market capitalism and Communist suppression.

Today, after the 2010 elections, this form of caretaker government capitalism has emerged again and political repression seems to be as harsh as under the Cold War army�s rules. Although the new military heads of state are warning the civilian political parties not to weaken the new-born democracy or ruin the state for political purposes, the newly formed ruling party, owned by the army, is an imitation of the bygone U Nu�s Anti-Fascist People�s Freedom League, pseudo-democratic and repressive to opponents.

There is a loose party leadership based on client-patron favouritism, power-plays between party bosses, including the generals, promotion of a crony business class, civilian thugs for political oppression, a playing off of the super powers for political survival, and also the fa�ade of a freer press.

Insurgencies remain an important obstacle on Burma�s path to development and prosperity, as during the Maoist threat of the 1950s. Although the military regimes used to claim their role as captains of the state against the storm, their feudalist rule can also be viewed as a serious hindrance to unification and political maturity.

Power sharing with the armed ethnic groups will be as hard to share as the sharing of business deals in the ethnic states. However, the Burman military men always stress Burmese unionist nationalism. They need to repeat the clich�d political stories from the Cold War against neo-colonialists, against internal destructive elements, and they use these fictions to argue against power sharing with civilians or ethnic groups.

It is not surprising then that their media logo, Myawaddy, has been prevalent in Burmese popular culture for almost 60 years in the form of a literary magazine or TV station and in its latest version, a newspaper. The new Myawaddy state newspaper has its main target apolitical public intellectuals and fiction writers, pop celebrities of the arts, movies and the music industries.

The state�s politically oriented media outlets use people who have surrendered from insurgencies or opposition movements. There was even a propaganda journal called Myat-khin-thit (New Pasture) made up of student-activist rebels who surrendered to the regime after the 1988 Uprising.

The ruling military elite today has been clever in nurturing intellectuals and coining a new term for these propaganda media and specialists as a �third force�, which makes it difficult to get a clear view of who is pro- or anti-regime in this repressive nation.

Some clever journalists raise a professional banner and claim they are politically neutral, non-biased, liberal, democratic and long for press freedom and willingly cooperate with all political forces for the sake of state building.

But in reality, they become shameless defenders of the regime as seen during the recent elections. Their journalism skills are far ahead of the state�s own media and old, trained collaborators.

Some of this �third force� has been trained by Western media NGOs and funded by Western donors that used to back the exiled media organizations.

The rhetoric of modern Western governments and political science can now be heard in the new Parliament at Naypyitaw, even in the president�s speech, in rhetoric such as the need to form a clean government and to be transparent.

Some journalists are even working for both sides��for exile news agencies as well as Rangoon-based news journals, masterful in the social and business news and analyses that calls for collaboration with military rule.

The military�s information officials have counter-strategies against the exile media. New formulations are being developed in the �third force� media, such as blog sites or news journals, as well as FM short-wave stations in the cities after football matches, Korean soap operas and Buddhist monks� Karmic talks. Blogs and journals are also targeting Western media NGOs and diplomatic channels.

The new reporting generation, half a century after the end of private newspapers, is made up of apolitical or politically passive and self-interested newsmen who in effect serve intentionally or subconsciously as the military regime�s proxy press personnel. At the same time, a few political news activists, mostly from political circles, will go marching on in their own war against the regime and its proxy media outlets like the Myawaddy.

Burma is entering the age of Orwell�s 1984, despite the labels of democracy and state building or market economy and development.

* Bo Bo Lansin is a Burmese commentator.

Former military officer arrested under Burmese Electronics Act � Kyaw Kha
Mizzima News: Wed 4 May 2011

Chiang Mai � Nay Myo Zin, a leading volunteer of a blood donation group in Rangoon and a former military officer, has been arrested under the Burmese Electronics Act for writing an e-mail to a friend in a foreign country about �national reconciliation�, according to family members.His mother, Khin Thi, told Mizzima that during the family�s visit with him in Insein Prison in Rangoon, �He told us that he was charged under the Electronics Act because he wrote to a friend that he was ready to cooperate in trying for national reconciliation�.

Nay Myo Zin was arrested on April 2 by the Special Police Branch at his home in South Dagon Township without an arrest warrant, sources said. He was detained in the Aungthabyay Interrogation Centre in Mayangone Township and was not allowed to contact his family until 31 days after his arrest.

Finally, his father, mother and wife were alllowed to visit him in Insein Prison. His mother said that Nay Myo Zin was in good health and a hearing would be held on May 5.

�He seemed calm. But, I couldn�t guess what he felt in his heart. He told me he didn�t need to worry because he didn�t do anything bad�, his mother said.

Section 376, Chapter VIII of the Constitution says no person should be held in custody for more than 24 hours without being taken before a magistrate.

The Asian Human Rights Commission issued a statement in late April that urged the Burmese authorities to handle the case in accordance with the Constitution.

Nay Myo Zin�s younger brother told Mizzima that the Special Police Branch seized Nay Myo Zin�s laptop, mobile phone and about US $50 when he was arrested, and have not returned the belongings to his family.

His colleagues from the blood donation group, which regularly donated blood to government hospitals, held a prayer vigil at the Shwedagon Pagoda for his release. They made blood donations in hospitals in Rangoon in honour Nay Myo Zin.

Presently, the National League for Democracy is trying to provide legal advice and help to hire a lawyer, a colleague from the South Dagon blood donation group told Mizzima.

* Nay Myo Zin, 35, an active charity worker, resigned from the army as a captain in 2005.

Burma forms new intelligence unit
Irrawaddy: Tue 3 May 2011

Rangoon�Gen Min Aung Hlaing, Burma�s new commander-in-chief of the armed forces, has formed a national intelligence unit and begun to function as the unit head, according to sources.Over 200 officers from different parts of the country have reportedly been appointed by Min Aung Hlaing to work for the new intelligence unit, which is tasked with investigating domestic political and security affairs.

According to a military source in Naypyidaw, the officers selected rank from captain to colonel and are from the army, air force and navy.

�They no longer have any duty at their mother units and instead they now have to complete assignments given by the intelligence unit alone,� said a source close to one of the chosen officers.

Apart from military officers, the new intelligence unit reportedly involves officials from the Myanmar Police Force, which is under the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoHA), Bureau of Special Investigation and the Ministry of Border Affairs.

Unlike the military intelligence unit that was operated by Gen Khin Nyunt, the former prime minister and intelligence chief who was ousted in 2004, the current unit will not function separately. It will be based on understanding and cooperation and has to report back to both military and civilian authorities as well as administrative officials.

�This unit is not a separate entity. For example, when it receives information it not only has to report to its headquarters but also to the region/state prime minster and different departments. Likewise, the unit has been given an instruction that when it plans to do something it has to inform to all responsible departments and persons and cooperate with them,� said an official from the MoHA who asked for anonymity.

The new intelligence unit will reportedly investigate the movements of political parties, ethnic armed forces and cease-fire groups, violent domestic actions such as bomb explosions and any matter that affects the state�s security and stability, including non-disintegration of the military, and take necessary measures.

The Naypyidaw military source added that junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe directed Min Aung Hlaing to form the intelligence unit even before he handed over to him the commander-in-chief position.

Man in the mirror in Myanmar � Clifford McCoy
Asia Times: Tue 3 May 2011

In his public speeches and early policy signals, newly appointed President Thein Sein has raised questions about Myanmar�s political direction after last year�s democratic election. While invoking the need for good governance and anti-corruption measures, words rarely if ever heard from previous military leaders, indications are Thein Sein will serve more as a figurehead for the country�s former military supremo, Senior General Than Shwe, than a genuine democratic reformer.Thein Sein was chosen to be Myanmar�s new president on February 4 in a secret ballot among three candidates in the new parliament. The runners-up, former lieutenant general Tin Aung Myint Oo and Shan politician Sai Mouk Kham, assumed the roles of vice presidents. The positions were made official with the official dissolving of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) junta on March 30 and the swearing in of Thein Sein, two vice presidents and cabinet ministers the same day.

Thein Sein�s rise to the top of Myanmar�s new democratic configuration was relatively low-key and free from accusations of past corruption and human-rights abuses. This stems from his role as a military bureaucrat rather than a frontline fighter like his contemporaries and chief rivals, former general Thura Shwe Mann and lieutenant general Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo. (�Thura� and �Thiha Thura� are honorifics given to military officers for bravery in the field.)

Thein Sein�s resume speaks to his military mindset. Born in the Irrawaddy Delta region in 1945, he began his military career as a student at the Defense Services Academy, from where he graduated in 1968. By the time of the 1988 pro-democracy protests, which the military finally brutally crushed, Thein Sein was a major in the 55th Light Infantry Division in Sagaing Division. He subsequently served as commander of the 89th Infantry Battalion near Kalay, also in Sagaing Division.

In 1989, he attended the Command and General Staff College in Kalaw, Shan State. By 1991, he had climbed to the rank of colonel and 1st Grade General Staff Officer in the War Office under then Myanmar Armed Forces commander-in-chief, General Than Shwe. Thein Sein was subsequently promoted to brigadier general, but unusually remained as a general staff officer, a position usually reserved for lieutenant colonels and colonels. This likely reflected on the importance Than Shwe placed and still places on Thein Sein�s loyalty.

Following these staff appointments, Thein Sein was briefly given command of the 4th Operations Control Command, a military formation equivalent to an infantry division, in Hmawbi, Yangon Division in 1995. He was then assigned to be commander of the Triangle Regional Command in 1996, a post located in the important tri-border area between China, Laos and Thailand where several ethnic insurgent groups operate. It is a center for narcotics trafficking. Thein Sein was in command during the 2001 border clashes with Thailand around the towns of Tachilek in Myanmar and Mae Sai in Thailand in 2001.

Thein Sein was moved into the upper echelons of power following the death of lieutenant-general Tin Oo, and several other senior generals in a helicopter crash in 2001. Promoted to adjutant general in the War Office, he was also brought into the SPDC�s central ruling authority. By 2003, he had moved up to the junta�s Secretary 2 position. After the arrest of powerful intelligence chief and prime minister general Khin Nyunt in October 2004, Thein Sein was elevated to Secretary 1, the fourth-most powerful position in the junta. In this position he was instrumental in organizing the National Convention, which would eventually devise the country�s current constitution.

When prime minister General Soe Win was hospitalized for leukemia in April 2007, Thein Sein was appointed acting prime minister. The position became official after Soe Win died in October 2007. During this time, Thein Sein was promoted to lieutenant general and later general. In April 2010, Thein Sein resigned from the military with other senior officers who would eventually stand for election in line with a directive from Than Shwe. In the run-up to the November 2010 polls, Thein Sein led the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), widely viewed as the military�s own political party.

Ties to the top
Thein Sein�s rise despite his lack of real battlefield experience can be attributed to his close relationship with Senior General Than Shwe, for whom he has served as a close aide. Traditionally advancement to the top echelons of the military and the SPDC had been dependent on battlefield experience. The exception was Khin Nyunt, whose power was derived from his control of the extensive intelligence apparatus and the patronage of former dictator general Ne Win.

The choice of Thein Sein over other generals for president, especially the more senior Shwe Mann, may have as much to do with his more internationally acceptable cleaner image as it does his close relationship to Than Shwe. Thein Sein is not known to be associated with internationally sanctioned business groups or part of newly expanding political cliques.

Myanmar military officers and outside observers have described Thein Sein as being much less corrupt than his colleagues. His children are also less business inclined and free of the scandals that have plagued the offspring of Shwe Mann and other senior officers. His lack of long service at the frontline command has allowed him to sidestep accusations of direct involvement in human-rights abuses.

He has also by and large escaped criticism for recent repression. Although prime minister during the brutal suppression of the September 2007 �Saffron Revolution� led by Buddhist monks, the crackdown was widely seen as directed by Than Shwe and other generals.

When the regime initially rejected international aid following the disastrous 2008 Cyclone Nargis, blame was placed more squarely on Than Shwe as SPDC chairman. Following the deal brokered by Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) secretary general Surin Pitsuwan to allow foreign aid and aid workers into the country. Thein Sein was appointed chairman of the relief coordinating committee and was point man for the internationally backed humanitarian efforts.

As the regime�s representative at most international forums, including ASEAN meetings, he slowly emerged as the face of the regime. In 2009, Thein Sein became the first Myanmar leader to visit the United States since 1988, when he attended the 64th session of the UN General Assembly in New York. While widely seen as quiet, he has simultaneously come across as confident and persuasive as a staunch defender of the regime.

That all said, it�s not clear that he has the power or inclination to lead a meaningful political transition. Thein Sein has suffered for some time from heart disease and relies on a pacemaker. He had previously asked to be allowed to retire due to his health conditions and age. Some analysts have already questioned whether he will be able to serve out his full five-year term.

Five years, however, may be all Than Shwe needs to establish his brand of �disciplined democracy�, where the military effectively controls parliament and the executive. A one-term president would also allow Than Shwe to groom an adequate successor, while at the same time retaining enough behind-the-scenes power to control both the political process and the military. It would also allow him enough control to avert a putsch similar to the one he carried out against an aging and increasingly disempowered Ne Win in 2002.

Thus Thein Sein will likely serve more as the public face of the government while Than Shwe continues to pull strings from the shadows. The newly formed Supreme State Council, which Than Shwe chairs and is ostensibly advisory in its role, is the most concrete manifestation of this new ruling arrangement.

The eight-member body is made up entirely of current and former senior military officers, all of whom were members of the recently dissolved SPDC, and is expected to be the final power in the country. Than Shwe recently resigned from his position as commander-in-chief of the Myanmar armed forces, handing over power to General Min Aung Hlaing, who was sworn in on March 30. But his leadership over the State Supreme Council will ensure that he retains final say over the military.

As president, Thein Sein also chairs the National Defense and Security Council, the 11-member grouping of senior officials called for in the 2008 constitution that controls the military and thus will largely determine policy. Thein Sein is also a member of the State Supreme Council. Both councils have the ability to overrule both the cabinet and parliament.

Rivals in the wings
Thein Sein�s role as president, however, does not apparently sit well with all the generals. Shwe Mann may be unhappy with his position as speaker of the lower house, which puts him below Thein Sein, formerly his subordinate in the SPDC. There is also believed to be tension between Thein Sein and vice president Tin Aung Myint Oo, who is reportedly unhappy with not being chosen as president.

Both Shwe Mann and Tin Aung Myint Oo are seen as more ambitious, and corrupt, than Thein Sein. Both are noted for their strong involvement in business, particularly through their relations to prominent businessmen such as Tay Za, and for lending support to the business activities of their children. Their ambition, however, make them unsatisfactory choices for a dictator bent on remaining in power from behind the scenes.

While it is possible that he could assume more power as time goes on, Thein Sein will assure that the machinery of government moves according to the dictates of Than Shwe. To date, Thein Sein has shown little sign of being reform-minded. He is also unlikely to push for stepped up dialogue aimed at national reconciliation with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi or ethnic groups.

It is early days for Thein Sein�s administration, but his three highly scrutinized policy speeches to date are as notable for their omissions as their pronouncements.

In his inaugural speech to parliament and his new cabinet, Thein Sein made it clear that building a modern army was a critical task. He also pronounced that health and education would be improved to international standards. Myanmar�s official budget for 2011/2012 was set by the outgoing SPDC and gave the lion�s share of funding to the military while health and education remained low fiscal priorities.

Thein Sein also expressed in his speech to parliament that fighting corruption and bribery would be a priority. Many read this as a sop to the international community, especially prospective foreign investors. Corruption has become so endemic in Myanmar that it is unlikely much headway can be made without the kind of institutional reform and accountability that would surely be vetoed by the other generals who have greatly and corruptly profited from the current system.

He gave a second speech to the Special Project Implementation Committee, which Thein Sein chairs, on April 22. In that presentation, the president talked about the need for development, continuing infrastructure projects started by the SPDC and improving agriculture. However, few concrete policy aims were outlined, making the speech similar to those given in past years by ineffectual generals.

In an April 24 speech to the Central Committee for Progress of Border Areas and National Races, which Thein Sein also chairs, he said the government must convince ethnic minority groups of the government�s good intentions. Stressing the need for national unity, he said this was necessary to ensure cooperation with development efforts and loosen ties with neighboring countries, likely referring to China and Thailand. He did not, however, mention the military�s ongoing operations against ethnic Karen and Shan insurgents or the need to restore broken ceasefires with several other ethnic-based insurgent movements.

In a move that could indicate a new role for technocrats in policy decisions, Thein Sein recently appointed a presidential advisory board of three committees consisting of three members each to assist him with political, economic and legal matters. In a surprise move, the new economics committee included U Myint, a noted economist and close friend of Suu Kyi. This may mark a change from the failed military-devised economic policies of the past, but it is still too early to determine how much influence the advisors may have.

During the next five years of Thein Sein�s presidency he is expected to preside over Myanmar�s hosting of the 2013 Southeast Asian Games and the hoped for chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014. The generals seem to believe that with the elections and a new democratic government they finally have the credentials for a full-fledged seat at the international table. Unless Thein Sein can prove that he is his own man and his reform promises genuine, those credentials should and will remain in doubt.

* Clifford McCoy is a freelance journalist.

Myanmar woos aid groups, but wariness remains � Alex Delamare
Agence France Presse: Mon 2 May 2011

Irrawaddy Delta, Myanmar � A tattered UN tarpaulin makes a shady awning for one of the huts dotting the emerald rice paddies of Myanmar�s Irrawaddy Delta, a reminder of the devastation wrought by Cyclone Nargis three years ago.�We rebuilt everything ourselves � the government did nothing,� said Myo Tun, who came to the area with an international aid agency after the disaster struck and whose name AFP has changed to protect his identity.

Bodies were still floating in the area�s network of waterways weeks after the cyclone hit, he said, as the ruling junta failed to act to help the region.

Now there are signs that the new, nominally civilian government, which took power earlier this year after controversial November elections that excluded democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, is striving to show a changed attitude.

President Thein Sein, a retired general who was prime minister during Nargis, has pledged to work more closely with humanitarian groups and responses to recent disasters suggest the approach has changed.

�They are more ready to give timely public information on details of these events, and to give access to international agencies,� said Myanmar analyst Richard Horsey.

But privately, many remain cautious.

�I would not say that any organisation operates with 100 percent confidence in this country,� said one senior international aid agency figure, asking not to be named.

Nargis smashed through the southern delta region on May 2, 2008 leaving an estimated 138,000 people dead or missing.

Myanmar�s rulers refused foreign assistance for weeks while 2.4 million people struggled desperately for survival.

�Nargis was a real humanitarian watershed,� said Chris Herink of World Vision, which took part in relief work after an earthquake hit eastern Myanmar in March.

Thousands are still sleeping in temporary shelters after the quake but, unlike when Nargis struck, those affected were helped quickly and by the army itself.

The United Nations said the earthquake, as well as Cyclone Giri, which affected an estimated 260,000 people in Myanmar�s western Rakhine state last October, represented �increased cooperation� between agencies and government.

�It�s an open question in terms of the new leadership and how they will regard humanitarian assistance and in particular international assistance,� said Herink, who added that the signs at the moment were �positive�.

Foreign aid has become crucial in filling the gaps left by a government that spent just 0.9 percent of its budget on health in 2007, according to the World Health Organisation � substantially lower than any other country that year.

According to Save the Children, at least a third of all children in Myanmar are malnourished and one in 10 dies before the age of five.

In the past, overseas governments have scaled down aid in protest at rights abuses in Myanmar, or felt forced to pull out because of the junta�s tight controls.

Sanctions have played a part, with major donors such as Europe restricting development assistance.

Overseas aid to Myanmar peaked in 2008 because of Nargis, but fell about 30 percent to $357 million � or around $6 per person � in 2009, according to figures from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.

Neighbouring Laos received 10 times more per person that year.

There are signs that foreign funding will rise, with increased donations from Britain and an expanded Australian aid programme, but local groups fear a lack of opportunity.

Horsey said that while the Myanmar government appeared more positive about international groups, it �still tends to be suspicious� of local organisations.

A representative from one Myanmar non-governmental group told AFP that overseas agencies �act as an umbrella for us, they are very important, but it is crucial that we build up local capacity�.

His group provides services from education to agriculture, many of which he said should be provided by the state, �but they don�t show any interest�.

Maung Zarni, of the London School of Economics, said there were fears that government-friendly local groups would become more dominant.

�The military doesn�t allow any entity to operate freely or show any receptivity towards any entity which doesn�t serve the regime�s interests and agendas,� he said.

He added that the funding capacity of foreign agencies meant �they, not the locals, set the agendas in terms of what communities feel or think they need�.

�Most international aid agencies have a certain amount of money to spend and then withdraw, but us civil society groups will stay even if there isn�t any funding,� said the head of another agency, who said he feared the role of local groups �will be very limited�.

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#856

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Tue May 31, 2011 6:30 am
Subject: [Readingroom] News on Burma - 30/5/11

piapi

Government disrespects the people’s will: Suu Kyi
Internet cafés must reapply for a business license
Chery automobile to build plant in Myanmar
How the Constitution restricts multi-party democracy in Burma
Myanmar, China seal friendship with loan agreements
Myanmar allows local distribution of Thai newspapers
Is Burma China’s satellite state? The answer is yes
Demographics of disciplined democracy
Aung San Suu Kyi to test limits of freedom with Burma tour
Burmese continues fleeing to Northeast India
Myanmar get ready for foreign investment
Shan govt militias ‘aiding opium trade’
Stop blaming the victims
Corruption in Burma, Part VII: Censor board hurdles
White Tiger party to cooperate with Thai company for mining in Shan State
New players enter, but the China-Burma game continues
Five facts about China-Myanmar
A bottom-up approach to democracy: The question of federalism in Burma
Statement of the special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Mr. Tomas Ojea Quintana
Suu Kyi says ‘we must rely on ourselves’
UN envoy: Myanmar does little to stop rights abuse
Treatment of ethnic minorities in Myanmar limiting path to democracy
Burmese government land grab: Farmers without rights
Myanmar to get RI rifles

Government disrespects the people’s will: Suu Kyi – Saw Yan Naing
Irrawaddy: Fri 27 May 2011 \

Ignoring the result of the general election in 1990 was disrespectful to the will of the Burmese people, said pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi on Friday, calling it “a historically inappropriate policy that damaged the image of the country.”

Suu Kyi made the comment at headquarters of her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), in Rangoon’s Sanchaung Township where more than 200 people had gathered on the eve of the 21st anniversary of Burma’s 1990 election.

The NLD won a landslide victory in the election in 1990, winning 392 out of 485 parliamentary seats. However, the regime refused to hand over power to the party.

Suu Kyi was quoted by reporters in Rangoon as saying: “We have always opposed the rejection of the 1990 election result. It is not because we want power. It is an inappropriate policy because they [government] broke their promise to the people. They gave the people hope, and then broke that hope.”

She added: “To maintain good image of a country, the government has to respect the will of the people.”

On the anniversary of the 1990 election victory, Suu Kyi also told the recently free political prisoners not to be afraid, and urged them to stay involved in the political movement for the interest of the people of Burma, said sources in Rangoon.

“My father [Gen Aung San] said that those who dare to resist have courage,” she said. “If we are afraid to continue our work, then all the time we have spent in prison is meaningless.”

Suu Kyi spoke at the ceremony before more than 30 political prisoners who had been freed on May 17.

Burma released some 14,600 prisoners on May 17 after announcing an amnesty. However, only 47 political prisoners were among those released.

NLD members, Burmese opposition politicians, ethnic leaders and family members of political prisoners also attended the ceremony. Some police were nearby taking notes and photographs of the gathering, sources said.

Suu Kyi also said that the amnesty granted by the government can be only called “mercy,” according to Win Htein, an NLD member, and personal assistant and close aide to Suu Kyi.

Tin Oo, the deputy chairman of the NLD, also spoke at the ceremony, saying that the government did not offer an honest amnesty as it released very few political prisoners.

Suu Kyi said that a country where democracy prevails has practices such as free elections and the rule of law. Detaining political activists unlawfully is against the spirit of democracy, she added.

Meanwhile, Win Tin, a senior advisor to Suu Kyi who was scheduled to speak at the event, was unable to attend the ceremony as he was hospitalized on Thursday evening suffering from a liver problem and serious skin infection.

* The Irrawaddy correspondents in Rangoon contributed to this article.

Internet cafés must reapply for a business license – Tun Tun
Mizzima News: Fri 27 May 2011

New Delhi– All Burmese ‘public access centre’ Internet cafes have been ordered to reapply for a business license from the state-owned Myanmar Post and Telegraph (MPT), according to an MPT official.

Previously, Internet cafes had to apply to Myanmar Info Tech and Yadanabon Teleport, but MPT took over the process in April 2011. It issued an advisory to all Internet cafes to reapply within 30 days starting April 25. However, some of the Internet cafes did not receive the advisory, sources said.

The advisory said a fine of 30,000 kyat (US$ 36.58) per month may be issued or a license revoked if annual fees and dues are not paid within 90 days of the expiration date.

License fees can be paid at the Naypyitaw and Rangoon Division Directorate of Communication, or, in states and regions at postal offices.

License fees have been lowered. Previously, Internet cafes paid 500,000 kyat ($610) for initial fees for installation of cables and equipment, an annual fee of 600,000 kyat at the rate of 50,000 kyat per month. MPT now charges 500,000 kyat ($610) for installation and an annual fee of 360,000 ($440) at the rate of 30,000 kyat ($36.58) per month.

According to the most recent data, there are 802 Internet cafes registered with Myanmar Info Tech. A total of 584 cafes are in the Rangoon municipal area, 21 in Mandalay and 197 in other towns and cities.

All Internet cafes are instructed to register a customer’s name, contact address, phone number and ID number, or a passport number for foreigners. The information is sent to the Directorate of Communication monthly.

Cafes are also required to block banned software and programmes on their computers and they are subject to inspection by the authorities.

MPT has issued a ban on using floppy drives, CD drives, USB ports and other external drives in computers.

Internet cafes are responsible for monitoring and blocking information which can jeopardize state secrets and state interests. Violation of the regulation carries a maximum prison term of five years under the Official Secrets Act.

Computer users are frequently charged under section 33(a) of Electronics Law Act which carries a maximum prison term of 15 years. More than 40 people have been imprisoned under this act including blogger Nay Phone Latt and comedian Zargana, according to the Thai-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP-B).

Recently, former army captain Nay Myo Zin, who worked with the South Dagon Township blood donation group, was arrested and charged under the Electronics Law Act.

Chery automobile to build plant in Myanmar – Wuhu
SinoCast via LexisNexis: Fri 27 May 2011

China’s Chery Automobile Co., Ltd. and its Burmese partner both agreed to invest in the construction of a KD (knocked down) plant with an annual production capacity of 3,000 to 5,000 vehicles in Myanmar.

The move is part of the Chinese automaker’s efforts to meet the increasing demand in Myanmar. Currently, its international arm has accumulatively had orders for nearly 10,000 QQ3 cars, but because of a limited production capacity, the local need cannot be met fully.

An executive with the international arm disclosed that at the beginning of 2011, Chery Automobile and the Burmese government joined hands in the QQ3 SKD (semi knocked down) project.

The first batch of components and parts for QQ3 products was shipped at the end of January 2011, and the first QQ3 rolled off the production line in late March

The model has immediately become popular with local people. Myanmar, a market with huge potentials, will mean a great opportunity for Chinese automakers, said analysts.

How the Constitution restricts multi-party democracy in Burma: U Myo and Lane Weir
Mizzima News: Fri 27 May 2011

Burma’s 2008 Constitution, touted as bringing ‘democratic’ reforms to the country, has instead institutionalized bias in favour of the army and the ruling elite.

Heralded as a crucial part of the military government’s ‘roadmap to democracy’, the 2008 Constitution was put to a referendum on 10 May, 2008. Though many reputable Burmese groups and international organizations claimed the process was fraudulent, the government hailed the referendum as a success that showed high approval for the new Constitution.

Unfortunately, the entrenchment of the new Constitution has been a victory for the ruling elite, not for the Burmese people.

The claim put forward by the new government is that the 2010 elections marked a transition to a multi-party democratic system. However, the 2008 Constitution’s provisions restrict opposition parties and organizations, entrench continued military presence in the national government and grant impunity to past and present government officials

With respect to the rule of law, the 2008 Constitution is unfair and unjust, depriving the Burmese population of their political right to the genuine multi-party democratic system stipulated by the new Constitution.

A careful look at the articles of the country’s new Constitution illustrates the inconsistencies between the claim that the Constitution and subsequent election mark a turn to multi-party democracy and the limits placed on potential for a democratic system by the provisions of the new Constitution.

Section 7 of the 2008 Constitution provides that the ‘Union practices genuine, disciplined multi-party democracy’. However, Section 407 states that where a political party infringes one of several stipulations, ‘it shall have no right of continued existence’.

These stipulations include a prohibition on parties that have direct or indirect contact with groups or associations deemed ‘unlawful’ by the government, parties that directly or indirectly receive financial or material support from foreign governments or associations or from religious organizations and groups that ‘abuse religion for political purposes’.

Section 408 states that where a party infringes one of the stipulations, their party registration will be revoked.

These provisions are easily subject to abuse, granting wide powers to the government, clearly impeding Section 7’s promise of a ‘genuine’ multi-party democracy. These arbitrary restrictions merely concentrate power in the hands of the ruling party.

Article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) states that, ‘all persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law’. This idea, manifested in the ‘one person, one vote’ principle, is absent from Burma’s 2008 Constitution.

Sections 74, 109(b) and 141(b) clearly illustrate this problem. Section 74 stipulates that in addition to elected officials, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw [Burma’s bicameral legislature] is to be comprised of Defence Services Personnel nominated by the Commander-in Chief. Section 109(b) states that 110 individuals, or one-third of the total number of representatives, can be nominated by the Commander-in-Chief to the Pyithu Hluttaw [lower house]. Section 141(b) provides that the Commander-in-Chief reserves the right to nominate 56 individuals, or one quarter of the total number of representatives, to the Amyotha Hluttaw [upper house]. Sections 74, 109(b) and 141(b), therefore, permit the presence of government-appointed military representatives in the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw.

This means that the 2008 Constitution allows for 25 per cent of the officials in the Hluttaw to serve as unelected appointees. This represents a significant departure from the ‘one person, one vote’ principle. More broadly, it reflects an unjust departure from a multi-party democratic system in which officials are duly elected.

Similarly, Article 14 of the ICCPR states that ‘all persons shall be equal before the courts and tribunals’.

However, Article 445 of the 2008 Constitution states that ‘all policy guidelines, laws, rules, regulations, notifications and declarations of the State Law and Order Restoration Council and State Peace and Development Council [SPDC]… shall devolve on the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. No proceeding shall be instituted against the said Councils or any member thereof or any member in the Government, in respect of any act done in the execution of their respective duties’.

It is clear that SPDC military regime officials and their government allies are granted immunity by the provision. This is in sharp contrast with the principle of accountability within a functioning multi-party democracy.

What elements are required in a multi-party democracy?

Freedom of expression and the freedom of association are two fundamental principles of democracy. Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stipulates that ‘everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers’.

Freedom of expression is necessary in order for true political dialogue in the public sphere and, therefore, is a necessary precondition for genuine multi-party democracy.

The right to freely form associations is also fundamental to a functioning democracy. Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that ‘everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association’. This right is also reflected by Article 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. These rights mean that workers, farmers, students and religious groups must be legally entitled to form unions. Similarly, it allows people to form and join political parties. The ability to do so is a necessary precondition for a multi-party democratic system.

Why is a multi-party system so important to Burma?

A genuine multi-party system is essential to re-establishing the rule of law in Burma. Unfortunately, Burma has not seen this type of government since General Ne Win imposed a one-party system following his coup in 1962.

The presence of many ethnic minorities is one reason a multi-party democratic system is so essential to the rule of law in Burma. It would allow for various regions to be governed by those with the closest understanding of the issues faced by groups and individuals in the locality. Ethnic minorities would be represented in the political sphere and would be less inclined to resort to violence.

A thriving multi-party democratic system would ensure that ethnic, social and political minorities have their voices heard in the Hlattaw. Opposition groups representative of minorities would be able to represent the views of those groups on an ongoing basis. In a genuine multi-party democracy, as opposed to the current political situation in Burma, opposition groups are not merely present during electoral periods. Instead, they serve a vital role to the functioning of government in a continuous manner.

The mere existence, then, of multiple parties during elections does not ensure a functioning democracy. Instead, opposition parties must be given a level of respect at all times by ruling parties. Opposition parties must be given the opportunity to get involved in the legislative parties as good governance flows from a dialogue between parties.

At present, Burma’s one-party state heavily restricts any potential for a multi-party democracy and, therefore, fails to represent the diverse interests of the Burmese population.

Despite promising a genuine multi-party democracy, the current Burmese Constitution only serves to restrict the activities of potential opposition groups and entrench the continued political presence of the ruling elite.

Myanmar, China seal friendship with loan agreements – Ben Blanchard
Reuters: Fri 27 May 2011

Beijing, – Myanmar and China sealed their friendship with loan and credit line agreements worth more than 540 million euros ($765 million) on Friday, as the former Burma’s new president praised the Chinese as a trustworthy, selfless ally.
“China is a friendly neighbour of Myanmar’s worthy of trust and has provided vigorous support and selfless help for Myanmar’s economic development,” Myanmar’s new civilian president, Thein Sein, told Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, state television reported.

Wen said China was willing to provide what help it can to help Myanmar’s development and ensure the “smooth progress” of oil and gas pipelines being built across Myanmar into southwestern China, seen as crucial to China’s energy security.

Thein Sein and Chinese President Hu Jintao signed nine agreements, including a cooperation framework agreement for a 540 million euro line of credit from China Development Bank to Myanmar’s Ministry of Taxation and Finance.

Other loan deals were agreed between various Chinese and Myanmar ministries, while another covered a hydroelectric project. No further details were given.

Thein Sein, a loyalist of the reclusive former paramount military leader Than Shwe, is no stranger to China, having met top Chinese leaders in the past in his previous official capacities, including as prime minister.

While Western nations slammed Myanmar’s election last year as a sham, China has shown no such concerns.

Hu offered his “warm congratulations” to Thein Sein for his appointment as president after the elections, which Myanmar lauded as the culmination of efforts to return the country to civilian rule.

“I believe your visit to China will be advantageous to increasing our mutual understanding and will write a new page in 21st century friendship and cooperation between China and Myanmar,” Hu said, according to a pool report.

Economic relations are booming.

Bilateral trade rose more than half last year to $4.4 billion, and China’s investment in Myanmar reached $12.3 billion in 2010, according to Chinese figures, with a strong focus on natural resources and energy projects.

Xinhua said China’s largest privately owned automaker, Chery Automobile, was planning a car plant in Myanmar with annual capacity of up to 5,000 of its compact QQ model. The news agency did not say when the factory may begin production.

Diplomatically, China provides Myanmar with crucial cover at the United Nations, fending off calls for tougher action demanded by the West on Myanmar’s poor human rights record.

For its part, Myanmar gives China access to the Indian Ocean, not only for imports of oil and gas and exports from landlocked southwestern Chinese provinces, but also potentially for military bases or listening posts.

In October, China’s state energy group CNPC started building a crude oil port in Myanmar, part of a pipeline project aimed at cutting out the long detour oil cargoes take through the congested and strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait. [ID:nTOE60D08W] [ID:nTOE67P06B]

But relations have not all been smooth.

China has frequently expressed its concern at instability along their often mountainous and remote border, where rebel groups deeply involved in the narcotics trade have been fighting Myanmar’s central government for decades.

In August 2009, refugees flooded across into China following fighting on the Myanmar side of the border between rebels and government troops, promoting an unusually public show of anger from Beijing towards its poor southern neighbour.

Both sides must “coordinate their management to maintain stability on the border”, Hu told Thein Sein, state television said. ($1 = 0.706 euros) (Editing by Sugita Katyal and Robert Birsel)

Myanmar allows local distribution of Thai newspapers
Deutsche Presse-Agentur: Fri 27 May 2011

Myanmar has for the first time allowed the local distribution of Thailand’s two English-language newspapers, company sources said Friday.

Success International Publisher, a private Myanmar company, was granted a distribution license for the Bangkok Post and The Nation daily newspapers.

“I got the license three days after applying for it (at the Commerce Ministry),” Success International’s managing director Nyo Aung said.

Success International has distributed The Straits Times and Business Times of Singapore in the Myanmar market for years, but was hesitant to ask permission to distribute the Bangkok Post and The Nation because of their often-critical coverage of Myanmar.

“Now the government has changed, so I thought it was a good time to apply for the license,” Nyo Aung said.

All foreign publications must be censored by Myanmar’s Information Ministry before they are distributed domestically.

Myanmar, which was been under military rule from 1962 to 2010, has a notoriously suppressed local media. Foreign correspondents, with a few exceptions, have been barred from being based in the country for decades.

General elections on November 7 brought the pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party to power. But, given the USDP’s top-heavy military membership, it is deemed an unlikely proponent of democratic reforms and press freedoms.

Is Burma China’s satellite state? The answer is yes – Aung Zaw
Irrawaddy: Fri 27 May 2011

President Thein Sein, a former military general and protégé of dictator Snr Gen Than Shwe, is on a three-day state visit to China to pay a formal courtesy call to the leaders in Beijing and to cement what is fast becoming a strong relationship.

Indeed, we should not forget the historical relationship between the two countries: in 1949, Burma was one of the first countries to recognize the People’s Republic of China.

But that doesn’t mean that the relationship has always been smooth sailing.

Anti-Chinese riots were widespread in Burma in 1967, while for its part, China played an active role in supporting communist insurgents in Burma.

We must not forget that Beijing has at times played tough with the incompetent generals of Burma, most notably during the Kokang Crisis in August 2009 when Beijing reprimanded Burma over the instability at their common border when some 37,000 refugees fled into Chinese territory.

Beijing was reportedly enraged, and Burma quickly dispatched high-ranking officials to mend the fence.

On the issue of trade and investment, China plays a key role—extracting natural resources from Burma’s ethnic states.

China made huge investments in hydropower, oil and gas, totaling $8.17 billion, Xinhua reported last year, citing the regime’s own statistics.

Indeed, by the end of March this year, China’s investment in Burma has risen to US $15.5 billion from $12.3 billion at the end of 2010.

There is no doubt that the Chinese invasion of Burma is visible in the growing numbers of Chinese migrants and businessmen in Burma’s second largest city, Mandalay, as well as in Shan and Kachin States where they have opened shops and businesses, and regularly buy land.

It is believed that over the last 20 years, hundreds of thousands of Chinese have migrated to Burma. Many of them have obtained Burmese nationality cards through corrupt immigration officials. China’s persistent presence in Burma is significant—many local Burmese have begun learning Mandarin to help secure jobs, prompting a joke in Burma that the future leaders of the country will be fluent in Chinese next time they visit Beijing.

Shortly after the Burmese military crushed a pro-democracy movement 22 years ago, China was one of the first neighboring countries to back the newly installed junta, providing it with arms, jet fighters, naval ships and ammunition. Since then, its unwavering support for the regime in Burma has only grown.

Before 1988, China had supported and financed hardcore Burmese communist insurgents that waged bloody civil war against the Burmese regime.

China’s strategic shift toward Burma shows a more pragmatic approach than its previous ideological war.

Indeed, sadly, the policy shift does nothing more than preserve the brutal regime in Burma, and plays a destructive role toward Burma’s embattled democracy movement.

Outside of Burma, Beijing’s policy toward Naypyidaw has raised heated debate between pro-sanctions and anti-sanctions groups. The argument now is that it is time to counter China’s growing political and business clout in Burma. Western companies and governments feel that this is all just a case of too little, too late—time to follow Beijing’s footsteps.

Li Junhua, the current Chinese ambassador to Burma, told Xinhua news agency that Thein Sein’s state visit would certainly push the two countries’ strategic and mutually beneficial cooperation toward a new high.

Burma’s military leaders often call China their “most important friendly neighbor,” and they can now continue to develop their strategic relations with Beijing after putting to bed November’s general election.

But it takes two to tango—Beijing realized that Naypyidaw has much to offer.

Burma has offered strategic access to the Bay of Bengal. Underlining this deepening strategic cooperation, Chinese naval ships last year made a port call for the first time in Burmese territorial waters.

During his visit, Thein Sein is expected to discuss in depth the issue of China’s navy docking in Burmese ports, and the Chinese desire to provide naval protection for its oil and gas facilities at the Burmese seaport of Kyaukpyu in the Bay of Bengal.

Informed sources have said that Chinese officials are not suggesting a Chinese navy base in Burma, but simply having the permission to dock their warships at Burma’s ports while they are patrolling the Indian Ocean and Somali coast.

Returning from a counter-piracy operation in the Indian Ocean in August 2010, two warships, the Guangzhou and the Chaohu, docked at Thilawa Port, near Rangoon, for a five-day visit.

Other issues of mutual concern, such as border security, military relations and business agreements, are expected to take a back seat on this particular visit.

China has also played a friendly intermediary role between Burma and North Korea since the two countries formally restored diplomatic relations in 2007.

Interestingly, the previous regime’s secret military missions to North Korea were taken via China.

It can safely be said that Beijing approves of and backs Burma’s desire to develop military contacts with North Korea. Overall, it looks like China’s role as a big brother to Burma will continue, and we can foresee China and Burma developing deeper military ties.

China also protects Burma from the teeth of the UN Security Council.

Various Burmese military leaders have either quietly or openly expressed admiration for China’s economic growth—it is the model they want to follow in their quest for economic reform. In fact, they fondly talk about Shanghai’s skyscrapers, with no mention of New York.

No doubt then that China is an important ally for the repressive regime to fend off the scathing opinions of Western governments, which have long criticized the junta’s appalling human rights records and are now backing the establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity in Burma. China protects the regime and bullies the Western critics to back off any Naypyidaw when it faces a crucial censure or resolution.

Since November’s deeply flawed election has won international backing, Chinese officials will strengthen their hand with the confidence that Naypyidaw owes them, and that they have much more to gain from Burma’s new government.

Ambassador Li praised Thein Sein’s first presidential speech delivered, suggesting that it provided a strong signal to the people of Burma and the international community that the new government will make greater efforts in developing the economy, speed up its rate of opening doors to the outside world, improve the living standards of its people, and strengthen the ties between different nationalities based on foundations laid by the previous government.

Li told Xinhua that Burma’s new government is more self-confident and more active diplomatically, after seeing Thein Sein at the Asean Summit in Indonesia.

Consequently, as Beijing spreads its wings of influence in Asia, Thein Sein’s visit will be seen as an important step in ensuring that close neighbor Burma remains a strategic ally in the foreseeable future.

It doesn’t matter to Beijing how many political prisoners are being locked up or how many ethnic minorities are slaughtered in the ongoing civil war in Burma—as long as the regime is stable, and China’s national interests are untouched.

To Chinese, as the saying goes—it doesn’t matter whether it is a white cat or a black cat, as long as it can catch mice.

Burma: demographics of disciplined democracy – David Scott Mathieson
Open Democracy: Fri 27 May 2011

What if you held an election and you weren’t sure how many people showed up? A simple question regarding the veracity of the last elections held in Burma, on 7 November 2011: how many people actually live in the country? It may seem straightforward, and after all it’s a fundamental question when determining voting lists, and yet there is a great variety of estimates.

Burma has not had an effective nationwide census for decades: previous ones took place during British colonial rule in 1931, under the post-war social-democratic government in 1953, and by the self-described socialist government in 1983. The population in the last census, despite that count not being able to access considerable parts of the country due to civil war, was 35,442,972. What is Burma’s population now, in 2011?

The Rangoon-based United Nations agency, the Myanmar Information Management Unit (MIMU), released a map in 2009 with a breakdown of the population of all of Burma’s fourteen administrative units (states and divisions/regions); based on figures from Burma’s ministry of home affairs, it finds the total population to be 44,209,146. The Lonely Planet tourist guide (2009) claims 47.4 million. The United States’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) estimates the population at 48,137,741. Many newspapers reporting on the Burmese elections variously say 50, 51, 52, 54 or 57 million – numbers all likely based on internet searches through disparate figures on a variety of websites. United Nations millennium development goals (MDG) data compiled in 2008 projects the 2010 figure for Burma at 50,495,000.

The statistical yearbook for 2008 of Burma’s ministry of national planning and economic development gives the population figure as 57,504,000. The latest official figure in 2010, from the Burmese government’s ministry of immigration and population, estimates that 59.12 million people live in Burma: 29.39 million men, and 29.73 million women. These numbers stem from a census of some kind conducted in 2007, in cooperation with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). The survey estimates that the population growth rate is 2.02% annually.

So, estimates from the lowest to the highest figures in just a two-three-year timescale – in calculations from the Burmese government, the United Nations, and international organisation – produces a differential of 15 million people. Isn’t that gap a little too wide to conduct anything approaching a credible election?

The politics of verticality

The Burmese electoral process itself, few observers would now disagree, was a gigantic fix to ensure military dominance. Its ingredients were rigged electoral laws interpreted by a pro-military electoral commission; the arrest and incarceration of more than 2,200 political opponents; a behemoth military party called the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) that, with 18 million nominal members and a nationwide structure of offices and financial assets is difficult to beat; and a constitution that guarantees wide-ranging operational latitude and invests ultimate power in the Burmese military.

On voting day, 7 November 2011, the USDP won more than 77% of the seats in the two national-level parliaments, and a clear majority in the fourteen regional and state-based assemblies. The electoral commission announced that 22 million of the 29 million eligible voters cast ballots, a turnout of around 75%-80%. The USDP won more than 875 of the 1,157 seats open to contest in the three levels of assemblies. In addition, a military quota ensured by the constitution reserves one-quarter of seats to serving military officers, underlining the Burmese military’s overwhelming domination of all political decision-making.

There were reports of widespread irregularities, including the use of advance-voting ballots to swing seats in favor of the USDP during the closing stages of ballot-counting. But look beyond the rigged process to the basics of the elections. A central law of psephology (the statistical analysis of elections) is to establish an accurate estimate of the population, clearly demarcated electorates and the eligible voters contained therein, and a system of tallying votes. It is not known clearly how closely observed these prerequisites were ahead of the vote, though significant questions can be asked.

The very task of estimating Burma’s population is predominantly part of the system of authoritarian control. To monitor society, the authorities have long employed a draconian system of household registration. Every house must have a list of inhabitants that are regularly reported to local authorities, at the suburb (or in Burma, the ward), or village level. Visitors are either denied permission to stay overnight or must be registered with the authorities. It is prohibited for foreigners to stay overnight in a private Burmese home, and all hotel-registration lists are reported daily to local police and immigration authorities.

This system is vertically integrated. Regular population numbers of small communities are relayed up to the next stage of monitoring control: from village to village tract, next to township, then to state or division/region level, and ultimately to national authorities. This is not unique to authoritarian systems, but in practice it grants latitude to local authorities to act in any way to ensure that good news flows up the system. In a country such as Burma where avoiding the attention of authorities is a basic survival strategy, compliance by officials and citizens to accord with expectations is often the norm, despite questions of veracity or efficiency of the information. Positive news is an essential ingredient of loyalty in repressive states.

The inconvenient variables

What few analyses of the Burmese population include is the number of demographic factors that challenge any accurate assessment: displacement through conflict and development projects, work migration to neighbouring countries, transmigration to look for work inside Burma, statelessness (of the Rohingya Muslim minority, hinterland hill-tribes, and other marginalised populations), and haphazard or incomplete citizenship registration.

Burma remains an extremely poor country, sharing rugged and underdeveloped borderlands with Bangladesh, India, China, Laos, and Thailand; with simmering conflict, especially in the eastern borderlands; and with a bewildering ethno-linguistic patchwork of peoples, defined by the SPDC as amounting to 135 “national race groups”. This is a shortlist of seven inconvenient intervening variables that any assessment of Burma’s demographics must face

Internal displacement

For more than a decade, there has been a major problem of conflict and development-induced displacement in eastern Burma. The annual survey of the Thailand-Burma Border Consortium (TBBC) estimates that 460,000 civilians were internally displaced in 2010: in a mixture of nominally government controlled areas, ceasefire militia enclaves, and free-fire zones contested by state and anti-state forces.

These populations are a mix of recognised citizens of the Burmese state, and those whose births were not officially registered but have spent most of their lives under insurgent administration. In several townships in border areas, no voting was held on 7 November; the areas included the Wa special region in the north, and parts of the country where conflict is still raging in the Karen and Shan states. Those unable to vote include tens of thousands of hill-tribe minorities such as the Lahu, Akha, Palaung and others, especially in the northern states, who live on the fringes of state control and have never been officially counted.

Refugees

There are more than 140,000 documented refugees in nine (unofficially) recognised camps in Thailand. These numbers have stayed largely constant since 1984 when the first major waves of refugees started to cross. More than 60,000 refugees have been resettled to third countries from these camps since 2005.

The ethnic Shan have only one very small recognised camp; most of the people fleeing across that border enter the migrant-worker population, and easily number several tens of thousands. India has approximately 50,000 ethnic Chin refugees in Mizoram, and several thousand in Delhi. Refugees also travel to Malaysia, where some people estimate 30-50,000 people from Burma are there, either working or applying for refugee status. Some refugees retain their citizenship.

The Rohingya Muslim minority

Burma’s most persecuted ethno-religious minority is the estimated 1 million Rohingya. They have been the target of large-scale and brutal military expulsions into Bangladesh (in 1978 and 1991), and denied citizenship and basic rights for three decades. Many Rohingya were (paradoxically) granted voting rights in 2008 and 2010 through the issuance of temporary identity-cards, and Rohingya political parties were permitted to contest the election (in which they were trounced, though military-aligned Rohingya businessmen were permitted to contest and win seats through the USDP). An estimated 250,000 Rohingya live as refugees or undocumented migrants in Bangladesh, tens of thousands more as migrant labor in the middle east and Pakistan.

Chinese migration to northern Burma

Chinese migration to Burma has demonstrably increased since the early 1990s, especially to Burma’s second largest city, Mandalay. Many Chinese migrants purchase citizenship, using business contacts with officials to secure it; others are temporary labourers, such as the tens of thousands of road-builders and dam-construction workers in Kachin state. There are no hard official figures on the size of this migration, but the presence of recent Chinese immigrants in northern Burma is clear to any visitors, and a source of periodic tension between ethnic Burmese and the new arrivals.

Migrant workers

Burmese labourers leave their country in massive numbers, some for short-term work, others for many years. The standard figure for Burmese workers in Thailand is 2 million, but in the absence of a fully functioning registration system, official figures are much lower. Migrant workers from Burma also travel to Malaysia and Singapore, in lesser numbers, but where working conditions are often marginally better. Some of these workers were permitted to vote in the elections, if they were legally recognised as migrant workers, and cast advance ballots at Burmese embassies. Some migrant workers refused to vote, fearing that officials would be able to exhort money from them or their families back in Burma if they engage with embassy officials.

Struck off household lists

Many people, especially Rohingya, who leave Burma because of persecution or for work are often struck off household-registration lists because they have left the country illegally. Many migrant workers leave their Burmese ID card inside Burma, with their parents or family members, as it is illegal to take the card outside of Burma. Dissidents and others who have illegally left the country for clandestine training or work are regularly charged with breaches of the migration act and sentenced to long prison terms.

Internal labor migration

It became clear after cyclone Nargis in 2008 that large numbers of landless labourers who had been working in the Irrawaddy delta (and may not have ever been counted either as temporary residents or as residents) were amongst the 140,000 listed officially as dead or missing count. The experience of the constitutional referendum of 2008 is instructive in other ways. When Human Rights Watch interviewed survivors of the cyclone from 2008-10, we encountered many who said they were not included in village-household lists because of their isolated location; many said they were never given the opportunity to cast votes as local authorities completed it for them.

The swift counting of the tally in 2008, not an arduous task in a simple yes-or-no vote but still a challenge considering Burma’s lack of development and infrastructure, was reached within a couple of weeks, and publicly announced down to the individual vote: a 92% approval of the constitution from a 98% voter turnout. It seems obvious that the repressive apparatus of state control in Burma is bottom-up: local authorities know they must deliver positive, even if erroneous, news to the next layer of control all the way up to central authorities in Naypyidaw. There are many other variables of transmigration not taken in to account in official figures: how many people in Burma move within the country for work but fail to register with the authorities?

At an extremely and necessarily rough estimate, are 3-5 million people not included as Burmese citizens with voting rights?

Authoritarian truthiness

Charles Seife’s new book Proofiness: The Dark Arts of Mathematical Deception details how governments and corporations throw around deceitful figures. He writes: “In skillful hands, phony data, bogus statistics, and bad mathematics can make the most fanciful idea, the most outrageous falsehood seem true. They can be used to bludgeon enemies, to destroy critics, and to squelch debate.” The obsession with numerical detail by Burma’s authoritarian system is a prime example of what Seife calls “disestimation”: granting credibility to a figure that is derived with too much uncertainty.

An accurate estimate of the population is crucial for conducting elections; and it must be hoped that a genuinely free and fair election in Burma will take place one day. It is also crucial for increasing development projects and the disbursal of humanitarian assistance. What Burma’s new parliament, a reshuffled version of the former ruling military council, needs to do in 2011 is to prioritise credible population statistics that serve the needs of local development in health, education, land management, and economic reforms (such as urgently needed micro-financing projects).

These fundamentals are being lost in the haze of a system of control, and the various responses by communities to maintain survival. If the United Nations system circulates widely different figures, how will they coordinate with national authorities and local communities to reach those in acute need?

Any agenda for international engagement with Burma has to include reconciling the variables of communities that are not included on official registers; and more consideration of people who are used by the state when it suits them, and ignored when it doesn’t.

http://www.opendemocracy.net/print/59738

Aung San Suu Kyi to test limits of freedom with Burma tour – Julian Ryall
The Telegraph: Thu 26 May 2011

Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese democracy leader, is to test the will of the nation’s military-controlled government through a series of public speeches outside Rangoon.

Six months after the government ended her seven-year spell of house arrest, Ms Suu Kyi has made it clear that she intends to go ahead with rallies that will culminate in a visit to Burma’s former capital, Mandalay, The Times quoted a close political ally as saying.

“She told me recently that she has decided, and that she will go to the countryside in one or two months’ time,” Win Tin, a close friend of Ms Suu Kyi and one of the founders of the National League for Democracy, told the Times.

Mr Win, who spent 20 years as a political prisoner, said he had received indications from the government that there was no threat to Ms Suu Kyi’s personal safety, but that clashes between her supporters and the military were possible.

Ms Suu Kyi’s decision to tour the country will be welcomed by her supporters, who have been disappointed at the slow rate of political change in Burma and the NLD’s failure to be more forceful in politics since her release.

Exile groups have been calling for the Nobel Peace Prize winner to “test the waters of her supposed freedom” and to campaign outside the capital, although there are risks attached to this strategy.

The last time that Ms Suu Kyi campaigned outside Rangoon, in 2003, her vehicles were attacked by government-sponsored protestors. She narrowly avoided serious injust herself, but was arrested and ordered to be held under house arrest until last November. In all, she has spent 15 of the last 22 years in detention.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/burmamyanmar/8537223/Aung-San-Suu-Kyi-to-test-limits-of-freedom-with-Burma-tour.html

Burmese continues fleeing to Northeast India – Nava Thakuria
Weekly Blitz: Thu 26 May 2011

Officially Burma (Myanmar or Brahmadesh) may have transformed into a democracy after the 2010 November general election, but the ground realities for the poor Burmese remain the same. And the outcome is the continuous fleeing of Burmese to neighbouring India, Bangladesh and Thailand. If the earlier exodus was of pro-democracy political activists, now more and more common Burmese are leaving the poverty stricken country.

For India, the burden of refugees primarily from Chin State of Burma is carried by Mizoram. With its around10 lakh population, the Burma and Bangladesh bordering Indian State gives shelter to nearly 80,000 migrants. Leaving aside two thousand Burmese recognized by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and staying in New Delhi, the rest arescattered in Mizoram, Nagaland and Manipur.

“The people outside Burma start believing that the country has changed after the polls. But in reality, the election was fought and won by mostly the military men. So even after the military brand State Peace and Development Council, which ruled Burma for decades, is dissolved and the Parliaments are functioning, the common people are suffering a lot,” said a Burmese youth, now staying in Indian bordering town Saiha.

The youth, who migrated from Chin to Mizoram few months back for a better life and presently working as a daily labour, also added that there are serious crisis of food in Chin State after the phenomena of bamboo flowering last year. The Burmese government in Nay Pie Taw remains reluctant for the relief and rehabilitation of Chin people.

“When some parts of Mizoram also faced the bamboo flowering in early 2010, there were constant flow of relief from New Delhi and also international aid agencies. But for our people in Chin, neither the government initiated to send relief nor it allowed the outside aid agencies to serve the people in distress,” asserted the educated youth, who wanted anonymity, during an interview with this writer at Aizawl recently.

Pu Kim, a Burmese political activist who is recognized by the UNHCR and now based in New Delhi, argues that the so-called change of Burma for democratization is useless, as the military clout remains powerful and the judiciary has still no jurisdiction over the armed forces in the country.

“Many historic political events may take place in Burma in the last few months including the November election, release of pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, running Parliament sessions at Nay Pie Taw and the demolition of the SPDC, but these changes are seemingly not adequate for the people and hence many of them have fled the country,” commented Mr Kim, while speaking to this writer from New Delhi.

Facing the situation, the Mizoram government also finds it difficult to deal the migrants from Burma. As India does not have a refugee policy, it often emerges as a major challenge for both the authority and the civil society groups in a situation like that of Mizoram.

For the Chin people, Mizoram emerges as a place of their choice, as both Chin and Mizos share similar religious identity and food habits. Moreover they are almost look alike and Mizo people in general embrace the Chin as their brother and sisters. But in some occasions, when few Chin youths were found involving in petty crimes, the majority Mizo civil society groups get irritated. Even the most influential Young Mizo Association had warned the Chin people to leave Mizoram as they were polluting the Mizo society.

The resentment of Mizo civil society had compelled a senior Burmese political leader to tender apology in front of the people of Mizoram. Addressing a consultation meeting on the ‘implication and consequences of regime change in Burma’ after the November 2010 elections at Aizawl on May 6, Dr Tint Swe, a former Burmese MP seek apology for all anti-social activities carried out by a section of Chin people.

The senior member of National League for Democracy (led by Suu Kyi), Dr Tint Swe also claimed that the recently concluded election in Burma has not brought any changes to the common people and they are still ruled by the same group of military under the camouflage of a democratic regime. Hence he urged the government of India and the citizens of Northeast to continue supporting the Burmese peoples’ struggle for real democracy.

Organized by Burma Centre Delhi in collaboration with Chin Human Rights Organizations, Aizawl and Grassroot Development Network, Mizoram and hosted by Zo Indigenous Forum the consultation meeting wasattended by various civil society groups, journalists and activists of the region.

Addressing the gathering, Vanlal Ngaia, Chairman of Mizoram Committee for Democracy in Burma reiterated that the regime change in Burma does not seem to bring any change in the condition of pro-democracy activists and general people of Burma.

“The only change we have seen is the military uniform into civil dresses. Therefore people preferring for democracy around the world should work persistently for full restoration of true democracy in Burma,” he added.

Dr. Alana Golmei, advocacy coordinator of BCD also urged the people of Northeast to have a closer people to people contact and work together for peace and human rights in the region and Burma. She further said that both the Burma polls and its 2008 Constitution were criticized and condemned by the UN, the EU and Burmese pro-democracy campaigners for adopting undemocratic norms and rejection of democratic principles and human rights. So, she added, no change is taking place in Burma after the technically new and elected government as the human rights situation in Burma remains the worst.

“The people of Mizoram have a deep relation with Burma as our Chin brother and sisters live there. My understanding is that Mizo, Chin and Kuki are the same people with same religious and linguistic identity. That is why we feel pain when our Chin brothers face problem and suffer under the regime of Burma,” commented Muanpuia Punte, vice-president of Northeast Students Organization.

He also added that both the Burma polls and its 2008 Constitution were criticized and condemned by the UN, the EU and Burmese pro-democracy campaigners for adopting undemocratic norms and rejection of democratic principles and human rights.

http://www.weeklyblitz.net/1460/burmese-continues-fleeing-to-northeast-india

Myanmar get ready for foreign investment
Business Area: Thu 26 May 2011

Within the next five years until 2016, Myanmar prepare to welcome foreign investment. According to Xinhua notes on Thursday (26/05/2011), Government of Myanmar’s economic growth target set at the rate 10.5 percent since the beginning of the fiscal year period beginning in April 2011. Until March 2011, Myanmar has poured funds 36.05 billion U.S. dollars to suck foreign investment. In 1988, Myanmar was adopted market-oriented economic policy.

Now there are 31 countries and regions that invest in Myanmar. China, including Hong Kong, led by an investment of 15.5 billion U.S. dollars. In second place is Thailand with a value of 9.56 billion U.S. dollars. Furthermore, South Korea (2.915 billion U.S. dollars), Britain (2.695 billion U.S. dollars), and Singapore (1.818 billion U.S. dollars).
Myanmar Flag
The sectors are the target of foreign investment is the electrical energy to the position of 14.5 billion U.S. dollars of investment, oil and gas (13.8 billion U.S. dollars), mining (2.8 billion U.S. dollars), manufacturing (1.7 billion U.S. dollars), as well as hotel and tourism (1 billion U.S. dollars).

http://businessarea.org/myanmar-get-ready-for-foreign-investment-273139.html

Shan govt militias ‘aiding opium trade’
Democratic Voice of Burma: Thu 26 May 2011

Burmese army troops and local militias in southern Shan state are reportedly taking bribes from local farmers in return for allowing the continued cultivation of opium, despite government assertions that it is stamping out the trade.

A man in Nansang, one of seven townships in Shan state alleged to be heavily involved in the industry, said that bribes ranged from 50,000 kyat ($US55) to 80,000 kyat ($US90) per acre of opium grown. Farmers in areas run by government-backed militias from the ethnic Pa-O group were being forced to hand over a certain quantity of the drug.

“Now all the local populations are growing opium – this is their only source of income since there are no regular jobs available,” said the Nansang resident.

“Now every household in villages [near to the seven townships] are growing opium,” he said. “They have to bribe the army and Pa-O militias, of which there are two – Red and White Pa-O.” He added that Chinese were increasingly buying up areas of land in the state’s southern regions, also to cultivate poppies.

A resident of nearby Pinlon said that it takes around one million kyat ($US1,150) to grow an acre of poppies for opium – those who cannot afford the cost are often found helping out on farms during harvest seasons, earning around 10,000 kyat ($US12) a day.

With average annual wages hovering around $US400, the financial incentives to work in Burma’s lucrative opium industry are therefore substantial. The Pinlon local said that university students and even children of soldiers are often seen helping out with cultivation of poppies.

Shan state has long been Southeast Asia’s biggest source of illicit drugs, and once held the distinction of being the world’s top producer of heroin until it was usurped by Afghanistan in the late 1990s.

A damning report by the US State Department in March said that Burma had “failed demonstrably” in its proclaimed efforts to eradicate the country’s narcotics industry. The UN Office on Drugs and Crimes estimates that between 2006 and 2009, opium cultivation in Burma increased from 21,500 hectares to 31,700 hectares, despite repeated assertions in state media of success in its elimination programmes.

Another report released last year by the Thailand-based Shan Drug Watch claimed that junta-backed militias had taken over ethnic armies as Burma’s main drugs’ producers. Rising hostilities between ethnic armies and the Burmese had, according the report’s lead author, Khunsai Jaiyen, prompted a clampdown on their drug production and mobility.

Stop blaming the victims – Zoya Phan
Irrawaddy: Thu 26 May 2011

The problems facing Burma are complex, and it is only natural that there will be different opinions on how the international community should respond. Debate is healthy and essential, and should help lead to better policy making.

But more and more I see those who disagree with the policies of the National League for Democracy, and who disagree with those western governments which are applying economic and political pressure for reforms, go beyond healthy debate about policy. More and more I see them blaming the victims of the dictatorship for the problems in Burma, and just as bad, making excuses for the dictatorship. They do this in a variety of ways, sometimes openly, more often they do it subtly.

One of the most recent examples was after the failure to release political prisoners last week. Instead of releasing all political prisoners, or as happened in the past, releasing those political prisoners who are ill, to avoid the embarrassment of them dying in jail, all that happened was that one year was taken off the sentences of all prisoners. I thought this was yet another sign that Burma’s new dictator, Thein Sein, is just as bad as Than Shwe. But according to some so-called experts and advisors I was wrong. What they try to imply is that Thein Sein wanted to release political prisoners, but I and those like me who have campaigned for their release, and those governments who support their release, made him keep the political prisoners in jail. They imply we forced Thein Sein to keep political prisoners in jail by saying they should be freed, as he didn’t want to be seen to back down to the West. It’s our fault there are political prisoners, not his. This is seriously what some people are implying.

One evening, when I was 16 years old, I was sitting in the civilian village where I lived, doing my school homework. Suddenly there was the crackle of gun fire. There were screams, and then the thud and boom of mortar bombs landing. The Burmese Army was attacking our village. There was no warning, and they were shooting to kill. We ran for our lives, and those who survived ended up in a refugee camp in Thailand. Apparently, according to some diplomats and academics, it was my fault this happened. My fault because when the Burmese army comes to our Karen villages to kill, to rape, skin people alive, crucify people, burn our homes and throw babies into the flames, some people take up arms to try to defend their children, their wives and their neighbors. By trying to protect our people, we force the Burmese army to attack us. It’s not their fault, is what they imply. We make them do it. Again, this is what some people seriously argue.

Aung San Suu Kyi has spent 15 of the past 22 years in detention. But according to some so-called experts and historians that is also her own fault. They say that the dictatorship was forced to keep her detained because she is hard-line and inflexible. She kept insisting on the results of the election her party won being accepted. She kept talking about human rights and democracy. This is, apparently, unreasonable and hard-line, so of course the generals had to detain her. The fact that practically every year for the past 20 years her party, the National League for Democracy, has proposed some kind of compromise with the regime, and that every proposal was rejected by the dictatorship, isn’t mentioned. What matters is trying to portray her as the problem, not the generals. They say she should have compromised, although on what isn’t explained. They imply it was hard-line and confrontational of her in 2003 to travel to parts of Burma to meet people. Of course the dictatorship would have to do something, like attempt to assassinate her, and beat more than seventy of her supporters to death. Apparently, she made them do it.

I thought poverty in Burma was caused by the dictatorship. In the past 22 years their spending on the military has ranged from between 80 and 25 percent of the government budget. At the same time, spending on health and education is almost the lowest in the world. I thought that the fact that Burma is the second most corrupt country in the world, and that the generals have allowed a dozen or so close business cronies to take over the most profitable industries in the country, squeezing out any small or medium size enterprises, were factors that contributed to underdevelopment and poverty. I was sure that the fact that the generals steal billions of dollars of government revenue was important. I thought the fact that hidden away in overseas bank accounts they have enough money to provide basic health care for everyone in Burma, was also a factor. But here again, apparently I was wrong. It is sanctions that cause poverty in Burma, I keep hearing from some so-called experts and think-tanks.

It seems the history of why sanctions were applied isn’t important.
The fact that they were introduced against Burma’s rulers because of the appalling human rights record of the dictatorship and the link between increasing abuses and increased trade and investment isn’t mentioned. Nor is the fact that trade and investment had helped the regime double the size of the army, and they used that army to attack civilians. The money wasn’t spent on health and education, or alleviating poverty. Also seemingly not worth mentioning in this debate is that most sanctions, especially those from the EU, are pretty toothless, or that almost all sanctions are targeted at the dictatorship and its business cronies, not the general population. Nor do they provide evidence of sanctions hurting ordinary people. Over and over they repeat the lie, sanctions are to blame for poverty, they don’t pin the blame on the dictatorship.

I thought that the dictatorship could reform any time they want to. That the fact that they don’t shows they are determined to stay in power, even if that means shooting at unarmed monks on the streets of Rangoon. Apparently I am wrong again. According to some observers, and even some diplomats, the generals in Burma want to reform. But they say we stop them from reforming. They say we criticize them, we say mean things about them, and this forces them to stay in power. Every time they try to reform, we say it’s not good enough, and they get discouraged. Apparently, by constantly sending envoys and calling for dialog, we push them into a bunker mentality where it is impossible for them to talk to anyone. They imply that if we just were a bit nicer (like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations?) they’d change. They twist facts to argue that if we relax the pressure on the dictatorship to enter into dialog, there would be dialog, and once we can sit down and talk with the dictatorship they’ll realize it is all a big misunderstanding, and introduce democratic reforms. Apparently, giving lots of our aid money directly to the generals would also help this process.

The arguments outlined above might sound ridiculous to me, but read between the lines of reports from the International Crisis Group, the arguments made by officials from the European Union External Action Service, and a sadly large number of foundations, academics and so-called experts, and these are the arguments they are making. What is frightening is how seriously they are being taken.

The truth is no-one is forcing the dictatorship to do what it does. Only they are responsible for their actions. To try to excuse them, to blame the victims, or those helping them, provides comfort and protection to people responsible for the most appalling human rights abuses, and who are determined to cling on to power at any cost. The behavior of the regime is inexcusable. It is time to stop making excuses for them. Stop blaming the victims.

* Zoya Phan is the Campaigns Manager at Burma Campaign UK. Her autobiography is published as “Undaunted” in the USA, and “Little Daughter” in the rest of the world.

Corruption in Burma, Part VII: Censor board hurdles – Sandy May
Mizzima News: Wed 25 May 2011

Rangoon – In Burma, there is a state censorship board, the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD), under the Information Ministry. All kinds of books, cartoons and journals need to pass their manuscripts or stories through the censorship board prior to publication.

The board has authority to remove anything from the manuscripts, and they typically provide comments as to why they removed ‘unsuitable’ material. Moreover, the board has authority to decide to whom they should grant a publishing license. With this power, it is alleged that officials from the censorship board have become deeply involved in corruption.

Unless you pay bribes
The initial hurdle that all publishers face is obtaining a publishing license. A female publisher, who asked not to be named, told Mizzima that she was adamant that she would not pay a bribe.

‘I applied for a license to publish a magazine. I attached all the required documents to my application form. But, I did not pay a bribe to any official or approach any authority. So, for more than two years after I applied, I did not get the license. Recently, I was finally granted the license, but I said I would not take it because I have published magazines under my friend’s license’, she said.

Her friend, who is the license owner, said, ‘I heard that my friend applied for a license to publishing a magazine. We for the time when she would get the license, but in vain.

‘At this point, I understood what was going on. With the help of my dad, I tried to get a strong recommendation from a minister. Then I went to the censorship board and applied for a license and attached the minister’s recommendation. And I paid bribes of hundreds of thousands of kyat to the relevant officials from the censorship board. Then, within 20 days, I was granted the publishing license’.

That was not the end of the story. ‘But, this was not all I needed to do. I needed to prove that I had stayed away from party politics. But, that was also easy if I had enough money. I paid 500,000 kyat (US$ 610) to the police officer in charge, and he produced proof that I was not involved in party politics. Then, I received a publishing license. There are many steps in the process. But, if you have the testimonial of an important person, the process can be speeded up. Now, I’m publishing magazines’.

The woman who did not pay a bribe said she wanted to know how much time it would take to get the license without paying a bribe. ‘That’s why I did not pay bribes’, she said. ‘Now I know it takes an extremely long time unless I you pay bribes’.

A publisher who tried to upgrade his magazine publishing license to a journal publishing license said, ‘I think getting a license to open a beer bar is easier. To get approval to do good things is difficult’.

But there is a way if you have money. ‘I spent 2 million kyat to get my magazine publishing license. I bought it from a reseller who is a member of staff of the censorship board. They got the license for free in a few days because they had testimonials by a minister. But, I had to pay 2 million kyat to them’, the publisher said.

‘Earlier, they told me that updating the magazine publishing license to a journal publishing license was easy. But, later I was told that I needed approval from a minister. Now, I’ve lost the desire to publish journals’, he said.

There are many resellers. According to people in the publishing business, to buy a license for publishing news journals, the applicant must pay a minimum of 4 million kyat; for a license for other journals, you must pay a minimum of 3 million kyat; and the minimum price of a magazine publishing license is 2 million kyat.

The official rate to apply for licenses varies from 100,000 kyat to 300,000 kyat.

Observers say that in the real world the close associates of the authorities get their licenses almost free and then resell the licenses to other people for hundreds of thousands of kyat.

All this takes place even though the regulations state that nobody can resell or lend a publishing license.

White Tiger party to cooperate with Thai company for mining in Shan State – Hseng Khio Fah
Shan Herald Agency for News: Wed 25 May 2011

Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), better known as the White Tiger party, the second winning party in Shan State at the 2010 elections, is planning to work together with some Thai companies in mining projects in Shan State as well as others business projects, according to party’s finance chief Sao Than Myint.

Apart from mining projects, the companies have also proposed, when the party members and some 10 representatives of the companies met on 23 May, at the party’s office in Rangoon, that they were willing to help develop local communities including their agricultural projects, said Sao Than Myint.

“They said they wanted to help in agricultural and farming including technical methods,” he said.

The party however has yet to reach any agreement with the companies as it still have to discuss and hold meeting with Executive Committee (EC) again whether the projects should be conducted or not.

In addition, they party and the companies will also have to make some survey first what kinds of ore the companies are interested to extract, where and which part of the state that the projects would be set up, Sao Than Myint added.

Currently, the companies have reportedly more interest to work in areas where there is a shared boundary with the Thailand like eastern and southern Shan State.

“Whatever it is we haven’t given them commitment because we are still having discussion with EC members. Then we will have another meeting with the companies,” Sao Than Myint said.

If both sides can reach an agreement, the party members then will submit a letter for permission to the state government and to the union government if necessary, for approval.

Regarding their projects, the groups say they will also make consideration for environment problems the projects may cause to local people.

The party however says it will not handle any project directly.

“The party will not be directly involved in business. We will lay down principles and hire someone to handle on behalf of the party. He/she then will operate the project in the name of the party’s company,” Sao Than Myint added.

The company name is called “Top White Tiger”, according to the party. Now, the party is producing detergent powder with “White Tiger” logo. The raw materials are imported from Malaysia.

New players enter, but the China-Burma game continues – Aung Linn Htut
Irrawaddy: Wed 25 May 2011

On Thursday, Burma’s new president, ex-Gen Thein Sein, will pay his first official state visit to China. Although Thein Sein will for the first time be playing a leading role in Sino-Burmese diplomacy, what will happen in the future between these two neighboring countries may be predicted based on their present and past relationship.

Previously, successive Burmese governments were particularly careful in dealing with China. Such caution dates back to the Bagan Dynasty, when Burma was destroyed by the Chinese during the reign of Burmese King Narathihapatae. Later, just after Burma gained independence from the British in 1948, the country was engaged in a war of aggression with the Chinese Kuomintang army during the administration of Premier U Nu, resulting in three Burmese border towns being handed over to China. Then further conflict broke out while Burma was ruled by the late dictator Gen Ne Win, during which China, assisted by the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), deployed its troops and spies in the Kokang, Wa, Ahkhar, Shan and Kachin areas of northeastern Burma.

The Burma-China border was also quite tense during Burma’s nationwide pro-democracy uprising in 1988. Relations between Beijing and the Burmese government, then led by the Burma Socialist Programme Party, were not in good shape. And using the pretext of a US aircraft carrier entering Burmese waters, China reportedly deployed two army brigades along the border with plans to invade upper Burma and conquer Mandalay. When the US did not invade, China canceled its original plan and reportedly shifted towards supporting the CPB in a serious operation to take over the area east of the Salween river.

After the CPB was defeated in the Mong Yang Operation, China again changed its tactics with respect to Burma. First, it withdrew its support for the CPB leadership and allowed ethnic groups to break away from the party and form their own militias. In addition, the Chinese and Burmese intelligence services began low-level communications. Then in 1989, Kokang leader Peng Jiasheng followed Beijing’s advice and contacted Burmese Maj Than Aye, head of intelligence unit No. 9 based in Lashio, Kachin State, to discuss peace without disarmament. Lo Hsing Han, a former drug lord, served as a liaison between the two parties and a cease-fire deal was reached.

The Kokang offer was accepted by Burmese Gen Saw Maung and Brig-Gen Khin Nyunt, then the leaders of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), with the approval of Ne Win, who had resigned his official post in 1988 but retained a great deal of influence over state affairs. Later, many armed ethnic armed groups based along the Sino-Burmese border followed the Kokang example and entered into cease-fire agreements with the SLORC.

Snr-Gen Than Shwe and Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, both holding the rank of Maj-Gen at the time, were not happy with the cease-fire agreements, but they dared not protest against deals entered into by their superiors. After taking office, however, Than Shwe used to say he was dealing with the Chinese not out of desire but because it was unavoidable. He never shook hands with leaders of cease-fire groups from the northeastern part of the country, and frequently told divisional and regional commanders at quarterly meetings that those groups would be attacked one day.

In 1994, a Chinese national was caught in possession of spy communication devices at a check-point in Lashio. During interrogation, it was learned that he was a Kuomintang [Taiwan] agent spying on mainland China. Consequently, Burmese authorities arrested a Taiwanese intelligence agent with the rank of colonel in Rangoon and nine other agents based in Mandalay, May Myo [Pyin Oo Lwin], Lashio, Kut Khaing and Muse. The agents said they were not spying on Burma, only collecting information about Yunnan Province to send back to Taiwan. When Than Shwe received a detailed report about the situation, he said, â€œThese Taiwanese don’t cause any trouble for us, so let them free and ask them to give us whatever information they collect regarding mainland China.â€� At the time, Thein Sein was the Colonel General Staff Officer for Than Shwe.

After the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory in the 1990 election, China was the first country to recognize the party’s victory by sending its ambassador to Burma to the NLD. But after the SLORC refused to transfer power to the NLD, Beijing focused on its economic interests and sold US $2 billion worth of second-handed fighters, tanks, cannons and heavy and light weapons to the Burmese military. Despite the fact that Burma had no foreign income at the time, Saw Maung had to buy the items on credit in order to gain support from China, a permanent United Nations Security Council (UNSC) member.

When Beijing asked for payment when Than Shwe was in power, he said Burma was unable to retire the debt and blamed Saw Maung for purchasing old or worn-out equipment. As a result, China held a grudge against Burma. But China warmed to its neighbor once again when UNOCAL, a US company, and TOTAL, a French company, extracted natural gas in Burma.

China started making investments in Burmese hydro-power projects around the year 2000, and also requested the Burmese government to allow its cargo ships from Yunnan to travel down the Irrawaddy River to the Indian Ocean. Furthermore, Beijing offered to construct a deep-sea port at Bamaw in the Irrawaddy Division, build a road between Bamaw and the Chinese border and clear the Irrawaddy River as it had done the Mekhong. China requested that in exchange, Burmese authorities agree not to check ships that sailed along the Irrawaddy River with the Chinese flag. The Burmese regime, at the time called the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), initially agreed to the Chinese proposal.

Afterwards, however, former Chinese president Jiang Zemin was reportedly angered during his state visit to Burma in 2001 because Than Shwe withdrew his agreement to the deal just when the two countries were about to sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) regarding passage along the Irrawaddy. As a result, the relationship between the two countries became tense.

Than Shwe then changed his political tactics, first using Suu Kyi as a scapegoat and then releasing her from house arrest in May 2002 in order to improve relations with US president George W. Bush. However, Burma came under serious pressure from the US and European countries following the May 2003 attack on Suu Kyi’s entourage, also known as the Depayin Massacre, after which she was once again placed under house arrest.

To contain pressure from the international community, the regime once again moved close to China. Consequently, interests in the Burmese energy, mining and irrigation sectors were transferred to Chinese companies. Instead of the nearby India, off-shore natural gas from western Arakan State was sold to Beijing. And when Khin Nyunt was ousted in 2004 and Chinese authorities became concerned about the plight of ethnic armed groups in Burma’s northeastern region, Than Shwe’s regime hurriedly sent former Gen Shwe Mann, the current speaker of the Lower House of Burma’s new Parliament, to China to calm the situation.

In late 2008, the Chinese foreign minister met with Than Shwe and told him to follow UNSC instructions, and Than Shwe reportedly became furious with the foreign minister for telling him what to do. As a result, soon after the departure of the foreign minister from Burma, Than Shwe said that he wanted to change the route of the planned oil and natural gas pipelines between Burma and China. Instead of using Kyaukpyu, Arakan State, he now wanted to use Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, as the starting point for oil and gas transfers. A senior Chinese leader immediately came to Burma and appealed to Than Shwe not to change the route. Since then, Beijing has never urged the regime to release Suu Kyi or enter into dialog with the opposition.

In November 2008, the Burmese regime sent Shwe Mann to China to garner support for its new Constitution. The timing was coincidental with Than Shwe pressuring ethnic armed groups to transform into members of its border guard force (BGF). Chinese authorities reportedly told Shwe Mann not to use violent means in dealing with the ethnic armed groups, but the regime launched a military offensive against the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDDA), the Kokang group led by Peng Jiasheng, for not agreeing to the BGF plan.

The attack resulted in the exodus of tens of thousands of refugees from Burma to China and once again caused serious tension between the two countries, as Beijing was reportedly furious with the regime for not respecting its request. To ease the situation, Than Shwe sent Shwe Mann to Beijing, but Chinese leaders were reportedly not satisfied with Shwe Mann’s explanation and instead asked the regime to assign someone higher than him to handle the matter. A delegation led by Maung Aye was therefore sent to China and and was pressured into signing a Memorandum of Understanding on six projects, including the Kyaukpyu oil pipeline and hydro-power plant. Later, Beijing asked the international community to support Burma’s 2008 Constitution. In addition, China’s support for Burma’s 2010 election and the resulting new government has been evidenced by the recent visits of two Chinese political and military leaders to Burma.

According to reliable sources in Naypyidaw, the current capital of Burma, Chinese leaders who have visited Burma in 2011 gave their full support to the new government and discussed regular meetings between Chinese and Burmese army officials at the border to resolve problems in a friendly manner, joint military training and the purchase of ordinance, and investments in oil and gas pipelines, hydro-power plants and deep-sea ports. The sources said that the Chinese leaders did not speak one word about Suu Kyi, but asked the Burmese government to use dialog to deal with matters related to cease-fire groups in northeastern Burma.

Based on an analysis of the past and present relations between the two countries, one can predict that China will be particularly dangerous for Burma in the future and the situation will be very worrisome for the Burmese people. Burmese military leaders, who may have thought they are good at the political game, have played China against the US and India, but they are now in a position to only follow whatever Beijing asks them to do. China has not only acquired many parts of Burma’s economy, it has to a certain extent dominated ethnic relations and culture.

Burma’s current military leaders, including Gen Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, are reportedly not happy with the situation, but they do not know all the details of what their seniors previously did and agreed to do. As a result, they do not know what words and actions are right and wrong with respect to China, so they have to follow Than Shwe’s instructions. If they continue the way they are going, Burma will indeed become a part of China, or a Chinese colony, as many people say. Or the discontent of the Burmese people will grow and lead to anti-Chinese riots, which will end up in conflict between the two countries.

* Aung Lin Htut is a former Burmese military intelligence officer and deputy ambassador to the US who is currently living in Washington.

Five facts about China-Myanmar relations
Reuters: Tue 24 May 2011

Myanmar’s new civilian president, Thein Sein, arrives in China on Thursday for a three-day state visit.

Here are five facts about the complex relationship between China and Myanmar:

*In 1949, Burma, as Myanmar was then known, was one of the first countries to recognise the People’s Republic of China. But relations soured in the 1960s following anti-Chinese riots in Rangoon (now called Yangon).

* Following a crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in 1988, the West imposed broad sanctions on Myanmar. China stepped into the void, providing aid and weapons and ramping up trade.

Beijing has continued to provide broad diplomatic support for Myanmar’s, though the powerful military remains wary of their enormous northern neighbour.

* Bilateral trade rose more than half last year to $4.4 billion, and China’s investment in Myanmar reached $12.3 billion in 2010, according to Chinese figures, with a strong focus on natural resources and energy projects.

* Myanmar gives China access to the Indian Ocean, not only for imports of oil and gas and exports from landlocked southwestern Chinese provinces, but also potentially for military bases or listening posts.

In October, China’s state energy group CNPC started building a crude oil port in Myanmar, part of a pipeline project aimed at cutting out the long detour oil cargoes take through the congested and strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.

* The relationship has had rocky patches of late. In August 2009, refugees flooded across into China following fighting on the Myanmar side of the border between rebels and government troops, angering Beijing. Myanmar has since promised to maintain stability on the border.

In 2007, China’s Foreign Ministry published an unflattering account of Myanmar’s new purpose-built capital Naypyitaw, expressing surprise that the poor country would consider such an expensive move without first telling its supposed Chinese friends. (Writing by Ben Blanchard; Editing by Alex Richardson)

A bottom-up approach to democracy: The question of federalism in Burma – Banya Hongsar
Shan Herald Agency for News: Tue 24 May 2011

Restoring Burma’s democratic political system is the new destiny of Burma’s citizens. Different approaches, strategies, and principles will have to be used based on the concepts of those involved on the ground. The aspiration for unity can be fostered in grassroots practice when a commitment is made to uphold the principle of human rights and equality. The concept of federalism must come before democracy in Burma, as we have seen in recent political events.

The desire of all ethnic people to establish federalism in Burma is a popular topic of debate after the election in November 2010. A military-affiliated government has transformed itself as an alternative government under the new constitution. Pro-democracy activists and political resistance forces have been struggling to foster a new united campaign, while the nation has been divided on various fronts.

The question of federalism in Burma is not a relevant topic to most of Burma’s observers and experts from Western nations. However, most ethnic armed force leaders believe that it is only way to move away from the current political stalemate. According to the UN Information Center in Rangoon, “Recognizing the significance of the government’s commitments, we must stress that implementation is key. I underscored the opportunity and responsibility that the government now has to translate its commitments into effective action. Domestically and internationally, expectations are high that it will start taking concrete steps soon”.

In addition, a press statement by Mr. Vijay Nambiar, Special Adviser to the Secretary-General, in May stated that President U Thein Sein will be playing a win-win game with the UN and U.S. engagement for a wider acknowledgement of his new government in the international community arena.

The newly elected military-affiliated government for the Union of Myanmar will not help Burma grow into a peaceful and prosperous nation under the rule of laws. The newly formed government is not committed to better governance or to sharing power with the ethnic states based in parliament unless the local Members of Parliament align with the government. Local activists and politicians should be seeking greater political participation in local issues such as health, education, and economy, while they also have to strive for better access to state budgets and resources which are mainly controlled by military-linked businesses and sectors.

I am a citizen and activist of Burma who would like to see Burma transform into a democratic nation. I will seek a place to bring this debate with relevant facts and arguments from the past and current events of Burma.

A sensible way of building a new nation under a federalist model will never be perfect in modern politics unless peoples’ participation in decision-making process is in place. It is a new political ground that Burma — as a nation that has to prepare that political inclusiveness — is the foundation of building a flourishing democracy in this century. A nation of multi-ethnic diverse people has to support local and national policies that each voice is lawfully heard and protected. The best form of federalism engages different political interest groups and ensures that local issues to the broader national issues on health, education, employment and legal protection to all citizens of the country are heard. Burma is a land of peace in the history, but the country has been torn a part due to lack of trust and respect between multi-ethnic political leaders and the Burmese army’s generals. For the last 50 years, the nation has been ruled by military might and, as a result, the nation has declined, in dysfunction and is marginalized in the modern world stage. The Burma majority ethnic needs to address this decline and if modern political leaders decide to pursue a federalist platform, then they need to rebuild Burmese trust in their government.

The best model will include the principle of political change in the country with a sense of social justice within the community of each ethnic group and neighbouring borders. Activists, new political leaders, and those who seek political power in the meantime should foster a mentality of change in the spirit of evolution and revolution. The seven ethnic states and regions with high proportions of ethnic people are required to be incepted under a sensible constitution in due time.

It is in Burma’s interest that the nation should be seeking lasting peace and prosperity like other countries in the region. However, any conflicts over issues can not be solved unless political leaders share the burden of the nation on social, political, and economic implications.

A federalist model in Burma should also seek technical assistance from local, national, and international constitutional lawyers and experts. Burmese constitutional experts and modern political leaders have been working on it for some time both privately and publically in liberated areas. But the federalism project like National Reconciliation Program (NRP) and other programs like Transitional Justice on Burma have limited resources and practical network with grassroots inside the country. Burma’s pro-democracy campaigners nationally and internationally are wise to set up a kind of “Burma Federalism Project” locally and nationally with the support of other civil society network. It is the network that could reach to local media, civil society and other groups like workers where a community education session could also commence within the community. A similar project should be setting within the community in all state and region under the laws that citizen could explore new idea for co-existing with peace and unity in purpose. A mentality of community should be fostered within the community’s attitude and behavior.

Buddhist culture has been living within the majority of Burma’s peoples more than a thousand years. Imposing a new institution in social and political terms will require time and space to be integrated within the community. It is not only a systematic to be changed for nation’s prosperity and lasting peace, it also requires institutional changes with moral responsibility. This is the hard question for Burma: Can institutional change be achieved in such a closed political landscape?

Western observers and experts on Burma rarely look at the nature of the society on its societal and cultural functionality in social and political terms, even though they have the best intentions for the Burmese. They have been seeking a solution for Burma that falls under the banner of “democracy, human rights and national reconciliation” for some years now. A close-minded political culture has been deepening among Burma’s people prior to British rule in early 1880s. A self-observed community in religion and traditional beliefs has been living with the mentality of the generation of the 19th century while open-minded generation of the 21st century tends to seek liberalisation. Local politicians fail to capture the changing pattern of old and new generation while they mobilize the movement in the early 1990s.

After 60 years of militarization and nationalism of the Burmese, a question of federalism in the 21st century must be examined based on rulers’ attitudes. A newly formed government and parliament is dominated both the national and state assemblies by the former military personals. The ethnic leaders have been calling for political dialogue both formally and informally to the ruling military regime for over 20 years, but the ruling Burmese dominated new government will never make or give a gesture for any proposals.

The ruling military regime lacks vision for the formation of federalism apart from blaming the ethnic leaders and people with a propaganda of “disintegration of the Union” in the last 60 years. Despite ethnic leaders reaching consensus on many historical accords for a genuine with a balance of power between the national (federal government) and state governments by a new model of constitution proposed by Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) in 2004, the military government ignored the initiative for once and for all.

I will advocate and explore a sensible way for Burma to be governed under the principle of federalism in the 21st century with a sense of national pride from all citizens of the country regardless of race, religion, and ethnicity. It is time that a mature political vision and a bold movement among local people for fostering public participation in local issues from schooling to hospitals and from road construction to town planning in which each citizen has a say on local issues that matters to us.

Although the question of federalism in Burma has been under shadow under the banner of democratization in recent events after the release of pro-democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, the aspiration of the movement has never been diminished among ethnic and majority Burmese democracy activists. The only sensible model of federalism will sustain Burma’s lasting political stability in the 21st century.

An attempt at “socialism” failed from 1962 to 1988 amidst political manipulation by the ruling military government. Over 20 years of military rule will never sustain peace and security among the community in the country and beyond. A newly crafted a shameful constitution and newly elected government lacks federalism and democratization with a principle of ‘free and fair’ society. Burma watcher and prominent journalist Bertil Lintner warned, “Recent openness in other areas should not be viewed as a sign that newer leaders are more liberal-minded. Rather, this suggests that the new generation is perpetuating the same cycle of repression, openness, and then repression again that the older generation perfected.”

In addition, the Australian National University recently convened a conference about Burma with an estimated over 70 guests from researchers, scholars, policy makers from Australian government, Burma democracy activists and speakers from the Union of Myanmar. Some speakers also shared the view of the new government is willing to “change, reform and cooperate” under the new legislative framework while the majority are silence on this assertion.

A lack of trust and respect between Burmese and non-Burmese ethnic people, especially among political leaders should be healing both spiritually and mentally. A sensible model of sharing power and balance of power between Burmese- dominated officials within the government and non-Burmese ethnic elites those who are based in urban should be fostering a mature relations and win-win positions for common good to common purpose. Lacking mature respect and trust among Burmese and non-Burmese elites will delay federalism in Burma regardless political conviction in our era.

An aspiration of formation of genuine federal governance in Burma is not only a lasting political solution, but also a lasting regional human security in terms of armed conflict and internally displaced person. Burma will be a nation of progressive in social and political order if the country is equally ruled by each ethnic government in their own state and division under the rule of laws. A political movement on a campaign for federalism will never achieved unless local young people and young women in our generation share common interest for education, health and economy development among local Burmese and non-Burmese people in the same country.

New political leaders and democracy activists have little choice but to take bold action on community setting where they could engage local issues on health, education and socio-cultural development for the best interest of each citizen of the country. Federalism is not only bargaining for sole political power, but also for the sake of sharing power, responsibility and resources among local people. Hence, therefore, the rule of laws is the foundation of the movement in our era.

I have lived in a Western country for more than 10 years under the rule of laws, democracy and practice of federalism from local and national issues. In Australia, I am informed by media, government’s agency and public notices. I have the the right to be informed and to be engaged with the issues in my local area and it has been a good experience. I have been observing and learning from the practical lessons that local government has major role to play in local education, health and social and cultural development for the local people.

It is Burma’s best interest that local government in each state and division have constitutional power under a parliamentary framework in which the government could implement independently without intervention of the federal government. Federalism like Australia has strong social and political capitals because citizens are informed in all local and national issues prior to decision making process through the government.

It is a good time that local activists and other new political and social interest forces build a consensus for where to take it from here. Burma will be ruled by military elites and its linked businesses in the foreseeable future unless a new campaign for a genuine federal state is formed in our new generation. No one will lose anything by supporting a better and fairer model of federalism in Burma. It is the foundation of Burma for the 21st century. Unity is strength and diversity is wealth for Burma. U Ko Ko Hlaing said recently in the Myanmar Time journal, “The president was ‘likely’ to declare a general amnesty at the ‘time he sees fit’.” Indeed, equality under the laws must uphold the rule of laws based on the principle of human rights in this new era of democracy.

The president also welcomed those whose opinions are different and wanted anti-government groups to participate in the democratic process, provided they accept the constitution. This assertion is not balanced, but a welcoming gesture for further political debate in the country. On the contrary, Lintner again warned that, “For instance, the new constitution gives the commander in chief of the armed forces the power to directly select one-fourth of all parliamentary seats, and allows the president to hand over power to the army in the event of a ‘national crisis’ — a term so vaguely defined it could mean a popular pro-democracy uprising. There is no indication that Gen. Thein Sein has any intention to change this.” Lintner clearly read the mindset of the army’s general based on the history of the past and the present. A closer look should be examined by local politician whether the president keeps his own words.

A constitutional and institutional change will never be completed unless an attitude change is accomplished among local people in cultural diverse ethnic nationality. David Scott Mathieson, a senior researcher in the Asia Division of Human Rights Watch, asserted that “needs of local development in health, education, land management, and economic reforms, including urgently needed micro-financing projects. These fundamentals have been lost in the haze of a system of control and the various responses by communities to survive under continued military rule (with a thin civilian facade for now).” Over 400 farmers lost their local farm land from 1996 soon after the government of Union of Myanmar (the former ruling junta) confiscated in Mon State during the construction of Unocal –Total gas project for security and building a new army camps in the village’s farms. Land rights must adequately address in the new laws for the survival of local farmers and peasants. Workers and farmer’s rights under the laws should be debated in the local state and division assembly as an urgent matter. Federalism in Burma will only succeed when people of Burma from all ethnicity share the pain and gain. A political power without morality is a sin. A free and fair society will maintain peace only when people respect a dignity of a person. This is the campaign that I am devoted to walk along with global friends who wish Burma success in the 21st century.

“Federalism is one mechanism for reconciling as far as possible. The autonomy of diverse regions within a nation with a sufficient degree of national and governmental unity,” Christopher D. Gilbert asserts in his book Australian and Canadian Federalism. He added that, “Perhaps the more diverse are the regions comprising a federal nation, the looser and more de-centralized that nation’s federalism needs to be.”

The faith of over 50 million people in Burma is on President U Thein Sein’s hand. He has an opportunity to liberate them as once for all or he lives with guilt of political coward if he lacks of courage to restore a united Burma under his own principle of “clean government, fair government, just government” as he claimed in his opening speech in March. Federalism is not a treat to the sovereignty of Burma/Myanmar. It is strength of the nation that competes to the world new social, economy and political changes in the 21st century.

Statement of the special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Mr. Tomas Ojea Quintana
FCCT, Bangkok via Mizzima News: Tue 24 May 2011

This is the final day of my mission to Thailand which began on 16 May 2011. I visited Chiang Mai, Mae Hong Son and Bangkok this time in my efforts to gather information about the situation inside Myanmar where I have not been able to visit. This information is important for preparation of my next report to the UN General Assembly later this year. I met with various stakeholders including civil society and community based organizations, experts, UN officials, and diplomats. I also met with the Foreign Minister of Thailand and Myanmar’s Ambassador to Thailand. I spoke with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by telephone.

The UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution shortly after I presented my last report this March that asked me: “to provide an assessment of any progress made by the Government in relation to its stated intention to transition to the democracy to the General Assembly.”

My findings from this mission are that the situation of ethnic minority groups in the border areas presents serious limitations to the Government’s intention to transition to democracy. Violence continues in many of these areas. Systematic militarization contributes to human rights abuses. These abuses include land confiscation, forced labor, internal displacement, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence. They are widespread, they continue today, and they remain essentially unaddressed by the authorities.

I am concerned that the Government is not finding a political solution to solve the ethnic conflicts. The authorities have now reached the final step of their 7-step roadmap to democracy, but democracy requires much more. The Government has said that the Parliament is the only venue for discussion on national reconciliation. Even though the establishment of national and state and regional legislatures is important, these venues alone are not sufficient. These democratic institutions are very new, and I see some positive signs in them, but it is too early for them to function effectively and to manage this important and complex issue that has a direct impact on ongoing human rights abuses and compromises stability. We also have to keep in mind that the electoral process excluded several significant ethnic and opposition groups, so their voices are not being heard in these fora.

In Mae Hong Son, I met with a number of Karenni groups. Kayah State is one of Myanmar’s smallest but most militarized states. The group told me of their concern about the new conscription laws. According to their information, which has also been echoed by other ethnic groups from other states, village men have been requested to provide lists of names of people to serve. A number of refugees have fled out of fear of being conscripted including women, Only Karenni living in towns but not in villages have birth certificates or identification cards which would pose a serious problem for verifying who is over the age of 18. This could exacerbate Myanmar’s critical problem of child soldiers.

Another issue that was raised was the problem of infrastructure projects in Kayah State. These projects have been leading to well-documented human rights abuses throughout Myanmar. Now there appear to be several more new projects in development. Myanmar requires strong rule of law in order to guarantee the rights of the people in context of these infrastructure projects. Communities need to be consulted in a meaningful way, which does not appear to have been done in most cases. Revenues from these projects should be recorded appropriately and used to benefit the people of Myanmar for the realization of their economic, social and cultural rights. The private companies that are involved in these projects also have a responsibility to not be complicit in human rights abuses.

Finally, the groups highlighted the dire situation of economic, social and cultural rights in Kayah State. Young people leave for jobs in neighbouring countries. Children are sent by parents to refugee camps in Thailand for basic education opportunities because schools are not available in much of the state and the quality of the schools is inadequate.

In respect to the recently announced release of prisoners, I must say that the release was insufficient because most of the prisoners of conscience remain in prison. It was not an amnesty but a commutation of sentences by one year only. This decision of the Government was also a disappointment because it did not provide the strong signal of commitment to national reconciliation. National reconciliation requires the full participation of all key stakeholders, including prisoners of conscience, some of whom are ethnic minority leaders. I would like to see a concrete and timebound plan announced by the Government for the systematic release of all prisoners of conscience. In previous reports, I highlighted the situation of elderly and sick prisoners to be of special attention.

Also key to national reconciliation is the issue of truth, justice and accountability. The Government and the people of Myanmar need to address this matter urgently as I have repeatedly said in my reports and statements. I have also stated that the primary responsibility lies with the Government to undertake independent, impartial, and timely investigations of serious human rights violations. The international community also has a role to play particularly if the Government fails to meet this responsibility. As I have suggested previously, a commission of inquiry might be one way to address the issue. I discussed the issue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. She supports a commission of inquiry absolutely. She said a commission of inquiry is a commission of inquiry, not a tribunal. I agree with her. The idea of a commission of inquiry is that it would be an instrument to bring about transition to democracy, national reconciliation and establishment of accountability. It should pursue the truth and facilitate reparations. It should also end and prevent ongoing human rights abuses.

Through this mission, I see some positive signs in the developments. In the first and only sitting of the Parliament so far, MPs despite limitations were able to raise some important questions from the human rights perspective. These questions included the possibility of a cease fire in Kayin State, the issue of citizenship status of Rohingyas, and whether amnesty would be granted to Shan political prisoners.

Some interesting discussions about economic, social and cultural rights seem to have begun, including a national seminar on poverty reduction that is taking place right now. I have started to address the important matter of economic, social and cultural rights in my last report to the Human Rights Council. At the state level, there appears to be some participation by ethnic minority parties in the legislatures. Finally, the new President’s speeches have led to some expectations for positive change. He provides some interesting ideas that could be developed into benchmarks for progress. We will have to watch closely to see how this is translated into action.

It is my hope to be able to visit Myanmar as soon as possible to continue discussions with the authorities and other stakeholders about progress being made towards the transition to democracy and concerns about the ongoing serious human rights situation in the country

Suu Kyi says ‘we must rely on ourselves’ – Jim Andrews
Mizzima: Mon 23 May 2011

Chiang Mai – Burma’s political opposition can expect little support from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and India and must now depend on its own efforts to win democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi has told a German TV panel.

‘We know in the end we must rely on ourselves, and that is not a bad thing’, she told the panel, in a programme broadcast on Sunday to Asia by the German world news channel Deutsche Welle, in cooperation with the Hertie School of Governance.

The pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi joined the round table discussion devoted to the future of Burma from what was described as a ‘secret location’ in Rangoon.

Suu Kyi said she was particularly ‘saddened’ by India’s ‘disappointing role’ because of the links with Burma that stretched back to colonial times. The Indian government has reportedly been attempting to improve their relations with the authorities in Burma, aware of the growing influence of China in the Southeast Asian country. New Delhi has stressed that they have strategic and economic interests to protect in Burma and that the struggle for democracy is up to the Burmese people.

As for Asean, Suu Kyi said the organization could learn much from the way African countries sorted out their problems together. ‘One of the problems is that Asean talks about non-interference, in contrast to African countries’, she said. The members of the 53-state African Union take an active interest in developments in member states, and have on occasion deployed peacekeeping troops in several troubled states.

She lamented what she said was the lack of international support and poorly coordinated international aid, claiming Europe was ‘too disunited’ when it came to Burma.

She noted during the discussion that people in Burma, subject to the censored media, had been following events in the Arab world with great interest. The protests of ‘Arab Spring’ in Egypt, Libya, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen had raised questions in Burma’s exile media as to whether there might be a repeat of Burma’s 2007 ‘Saffron Revolution’ protest against the military junta, though observers claim the situation in Rangoon is very different from the streets of Cairo.

Suu Kyi said she was encouraged by the interest young Burmese appeared to be showing in politics. ‘This has been one of the greatest changes I have seen since being released (from house arrest)’.

‘Young people are much more interested now (in politics), particularly because they are frustrated and they see they must bring about change themselves.

‘[Burma’s] youth has decided it must empower itself. Young people are becoming much more self-reliant’.

Nevertheless, ‘pervasive fear’ still hindered political progress in Burma, Suu Kyi said.

Burma needed an independent judiciary as a top priority, she said. Rule of law would result in freedom for the country’s political prisoners—one of the preconditions for change.

UN envoy: Myanmar does little to stop rights abuse – Todd Pitman
Associated Press: Mon 23 May 2011

Bangkok – The United Nations’ human rights envoy to Myanmar said Monday that the country’s nascent civilian government has done little to address widespread abuses, including forced labor and extrajudicial killings, since replacing the ruling junta in March.

Elections last year for a new parliament and the installation of civilian leaders this spring were supposed to be the final steps of what Myanmar’s military leaders had hailed as their “roadmap to democracy.” But U.N. envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana told reporters in Bangkok that “democracy requires much more.”

Myanmar’s government is currently refusing to allow Quintana to visit the Southeast Asian nation. The envoy spoke after a weeklong trip to Thailand to talk with refugees from Myanmar. Thailand is home to more than 100,000 people who have fled the neighboring country.

Quintana said violence continues along Myanmar’s eastern border region, and ethnic minority groups there are victims of “land confiscation, forced labor, internal displacement, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.”

These abuses “are widespread, they continue today, and they remain essentially unaddressed by the authorities,” Quintana said.

In Myanmar’s eastern Kayah state, for example, both men and women have fled out of fear of being conscripted into the military, he said. There is such a deficit of schools there that some parents send their children to refugee camps in Thailand for basic education, he added.

Ethnic groups living in the eastern and northern border areas have sought more autonomy since Myanmar’s independence in 1948, and the government maintains uneasy cease-fires with most armed groups in those regions but faces low-level rebellions by others. Human rights organizations have long accused the military of forcing civilians into forced labor, particularly as porters.

The military has ruled Myanmar with an iron hand since 1962, and critics charge the new government is merely the latest iteration of the repressive regime.

Last week, Washington’s deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Joseph Yun, also expressed concern about the new government’s human rights policies.

The Myanmar Times, meanwhile, quoted Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin as urging Yun to refer to the country as Myanmar rather than Burma.

The former junta changed the country’s name from Burma to Myanmar in 1989, but many regime opponents and pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi still call the country by its former name.

The paper quoted the minister as telling Yun: “You might think this is a small matter, but the use of ‘Myanmar’ is a matter of national integrity. … Using the correct name of the country shows equality and mutual respect.”

The U.S. Embassy in Myanmar declined to comment on the report.

Though the U.S. long tried to isolate Myanmar, the Obama administration has switched to a policy of engagement in hopes of coaxing democratic change. Washington still insists that the government release political prisoners, estimated at more than 2,000 by the U.N. and human rights agencies.

Myanmar’s government last week released more than 14,000 prisoners from jails across the country under a clemency program, but Quintana and international rights have criticized the program because most political prisoners remain in detention.

Over the weekend, the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, said 22 political detainees at Yangon’s main Insein Prison began a hunger strike to protest living conditions, including poor food and health care that have given rise to a scabies outbreak.

“National reconciliation requires the full participation of all key stakeholders, including prisoner of conscience,” Quintana said.

Treatment of ethnic minorities in Myanmar limiting path to democracy – UN expert
UN News Centre: Mon 23 May 2011

A United Nations human rights expert on Myanmar said today that the continued treatment and condition of ethnic minority groups in the country’s border areas presents was seriously restricting the Government’s intended transition to democracy.

“Violence continues in many of these areas, while systematic militarization contributes to human rights abuses,” said Tomás Ojea Quintana, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, in a statement.

“These abuses include land confiscation, forced labour, internal displacement, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence. They are widespread, they continue today, and they remain essentially unaddressed by the authorities.”

Mr. Ojea Quintana, who was not able to visit Myanmar, spoke after wrapping up an eight-day visit to neighbouring Thailand.

He said he saw “positive signs” in the elections of new national and regional legislatures earlier, but added that “it is too early for them to function effectively and to manage this important and complex issue that has a direct impact on ongoing human rights abuses and compromises stability. ”

He said the electoral process excluded several significant ethnic and opposition groups, “so their voices are not being heard in these fora.”

Regarding a recently announced release of prisoners, the independent expert said most prisoners of conscience remain in jail. “I would like to see a concrete and time-bound plan announced by the Government for the systematic release of all prisoners of conscience.”

Last week Vijay Nambiar, the Secretary-General’s Special Adviser for Myanmar, told the Security Council that the prisoner release was short of expectation and insufficient.

Mr. Ojea Quintana said: “Through this mission, I see some positive signs in the developments. In the first and only sitting of the Parliament so far, MPs, despite limitations, were able to raise some important questions from the human rights perspective.”

The Special Rapporteur also noted the beginning of discussions about economic, social and cultural rights and some participation by ethnic minority parties in the legislatures.

“The new President’s speeches have led to some expectations for positive change. He provides some interesting ideas that could be developed into benchmarks for progress. We will have to watch closely to see how this is translated into action.”

President Thein Sein was elected by Parliament in February.

“It is my hope to be able to visit Myanmar as soon as possible to continue discussions with the authorities and other stakeholders about progress being made towards the transition to democracy and concerns about the ongoing serious human rights situation in the country.”

Mr. Ojea Quintana, who has served in an unpaid and independent capacity since May 2008, reports to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva

Burmese government land grab: Farmers without rights – U Myo and Lane Weir
Mizzima: Mon 23 May 2011

In 2002, Saytoktaya Township farmlands were illegally occupied so that the government could build a military service factory. Fields and crops were bulldozed and no compensation was given.

In May 2009, authorities in Arakan State confiscated farms for the purpose of providing land for a Chinese gas pipeline construction project from the Indian Ocean to mainland China. The promised compensation never materialized

In December 2010, the government permitted a large Chinese company, Two Diamond Dragon, to confiscate hundreds of acres of farmland from local people in Kachin State.

These are just examples of a rash of cases over the past decade in which the Burmese authorities have been grabbing farmers’ land in pursuit of royalties and tax revenues, seemingly oblivious of the heartache caused to farmers, workers and families who are suddenly left with virtually no means of support.

As a result, many workers and farmers are left with no option but to leave Burma to pursue work as migrant labourers in neighboring countries, particularly Thailand.

Jackie Pollock, the director of the MAP Foundation in Chiang Mai, Thailand, says that for migrant labourers ‘moving away from their homes, families and friends to work in Thailand is a huge decision. But there is comfort for those migrants that move knowing that they have a home to return to’.

But, as Pollock points, ‘for those who migrate because their land has been confiscated, even this last shred of security is torn from them, making the migration a traumatic experience.’

An analysis of Burmese domestic law clearly illustrates the illegality of these land confiscations, resulting in heightened vulnerability and insecurity for Burmese workers and farmers.

The problem in domestic law
After struggling under British colonial power, the 1947 Constitution brought in prior to independence, the following year, represented liberation for the Burmese people. Under colonial rule, there had been no rights for peasants and workers. However, under the new Constitution, and subsequent laws passed by the legislature, protection for peasants and workers emerged.

Section 30 of the Constitution provided that the ‘State is the ultimate owner of all lands’ and that ‘subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the State shall have the right to regulate, alter or abolish land tenures or resume possession of any land and distribute the same for collective or cooperating farming or to agricultural tenants’ and that ‘there can be no large land holdings on any basis whatsoever. The maximum size of a private land holding shall, as soon as circumstances permit, be determined by law’.

These provisions marked an attempt to provide land and security to small farmers and workers in Burma.

Prior to independence, the wealthy elite owned large estates that they, along with the colonial government, had confiscated from small farmers. The majority of farmers, then, were forced to work as tenants on these estates. Tenants were required to pay exorbitant rents, in the form of crops, to the landowners. Unable to pay the rent, many farmers accumulated enormous amounts of debt and suffered from heightened vulnerability. Farmers across Burma aspired to own the farms that they worked.

Following independence in 1948, the constitutional provisions on land, described above, were supplemented by the Tenancy Law and the Land Nationalization Act. The Land Nationalization Act, for example, set out to ensure that land was owned by farmers in small holdings by giving the government wide powers over the use and distribution of land. However, subsequent amendments to these laws, particularly the Tenancy Law, enabled large landowners and the government to continue leeching more and more resources from the farmers. Corrupt government officials and large landowners used the Tenancy Law as a mechanism for quashing the rights of Burmese farmers and workers.

Compounding the problem is the issue of low wages. Laws passed in December 1948 and November 1949 set basic minimum wages for farmers. Unfortunately, the governments of General Ne Win and the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) ignored these laws. Instead of aiding those that the 1948 and 1949 governments attempted to benefit, they have disregarded the basic needs of farmers and instead governed for the benefit only of the government and its cronies.

The current government continues to govern in contrast to both the 1948 and 1949 laws and international standards on minimum wages by setting the level far below an adequate amount. Burmese workers earn a minimum wage of just 12,000 kyat (US$ 13.2) per month, in stark contrast to the 30,000 kyat minimum that Burmese government employes receive.

By comparison, Burmese workers receive the lowest compensation among Asean countries. For example, what a Burmese worker earns in a month, a Thai worker is guaranteed in just three days of work. Not being able to earn a living that meets their basic needs is forcing many workers to seek employment in neighbouring countries.

In sharp contradiction to the current treatment of workers in Burma, the 1963 Tenancy Law and the 1963 Law Safeguarding Peasant Rights were intended to protect farmers. The Law Safeguarding Peasant Rights, for example, stipulates in Section 30 that ‘notwithstanding anything elsewhere contained in any existing law, a Civil Court shall not make a decree or order for: (a) a warrant of attachment for or confiscation of agricultural land; neither for employed livestock and implements, harrows and implements, other animate and inanimate implements, nor the produce of agricultural land, (b) prohibition of work upon or entry into agricultural land, (c) prohibition of movement or sale in whole or part or use of employed livestock and implements, harrows and implements, other animate and inanimate implements, or the produce of agricultural land and (d) arrest in detention of a peasant in connection with any matter included in paragraphs (a) (b) and (c)’.

Ongoing illegal government action
The reality today is that the rights of farmers and workers are not being protected in accordance with the law.

This was illustrated on March 9, 2011, in proceedings in the Burmese legislature, the country’s new Parliament. On that day, three representatives in the legislature, Aung Thein of Ywangan Constituency, Aung Zin of Pazundaung Constituency and Ye Tun of Hsipaw Constituency, posed questions that received responses inconsistent with Burmese domestic law.

For example, Aung Zin asked why, in contrast to the purposes of the 1963 Tenancy Law and the 1963 Law Safeguarding Peasant Rights which aims to protect the interests of farmers owning small land holdings, the land of peasants was now being confiscated and nationalized in order to construct large factories and contract resources to foreign companies for the purpose of developing large agricultural holdings. This, he suggested, had turned farmers back into tenants.

He asked if the government could justify the apparent inconsistencies between domestic law and government action. The Minister for Agriculture and Irrigation, Htay Oo, responded by arguing that the government was acting to serve the interests of peasants who constituted the majority of the population and that these actions were taken in accordance with domestic law. He failed to provide reasons as to why this was the case.

The government’s actions cannot be justified. Clear contradictions between government action and domestic law can be seen on three grounds. First, the government attempted to use the powers conferred on them by the Land Nationalization Act to justify the confiscation of farmland from small farmers. However, it was the intent of the legislature when it passed the act to enable the government to provide land for farmers, not to aid government officials in their attempts to line their own pockets by making contracts with foreign multinational companies. The government permits these activities as they are then able to collect taxes from the foreign companies. The intent of the Land Nationalization Act and the actions taken by the government are clearly inconsistent.

Second, the actions taken by the government in actively engaging in confiscation, or enabling the confiscation of farmland, represents a clear violation of the Law Safeguarding Peasant Rights. As documented by the International Labour Organization, the government has arrested and detained farmers who have protested the illegal confiscation of their land.

Finally, the government has violated the provisions of the 2008 Constitution. Section 36 (d) of the Constitution provides that the state ‘shall not nationalize economic enterprises’. By confiscating land from small farmers in order to provide land and resources to foreign companies for the benefit of government officials, the 2008 Constitution has clearly been contravened.

Life for farmers and workers in Burma is growing increasingly more difficult. The minimum wage fails to provide the ‘just and favourable remuneration’ that ensures ‘an existence worthy of human dignity’ that is guaranteed by Article 23 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

As a result, many Burmese citizens are forced to leave their families and communities to work as migrant labourers in neighbouring countries. Further, the government’s efforts to confiscate the land of small farmers in order to profit from foreign investors has increased the vulnerability of many Burmese citizens. These actions have been taken in sharp contrast to both Burmese domestic and international laws.

The government has provided no reasonable justification for their actions and, therefore, the government is acting in an illegal manner inconsistent with their responsibilities to the Burmese population.

Myanmar to get RI rifles – Dina Indrasafitri
The Jakarta Post: Fri 20 May 2011

Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro says the government hopes to sell Indonesian-made SS-2 assault rifles to Myanmar.

“[Myanmar] looked at the SS-2. We have been offering it,” he said Thursday after the ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting in Jakarta.

Purnomo said that the nation’s arms trade was currently conducted by Indonesian Incorporated, which represented Indonesia’s state-owned weapons maker, PT Pindad; the Defense Ministry and the Defense Industry Policy Committee (KKIP).

“Myanmar is already in the process of transition. They already had an election. It has to be done in phases,” Purnomo said.

Col. Jan Pieter Ate a special assistant to the Indonesian Defense Minister, said that in principle Indonesia would not limit its arms sales to any nation, including ASEAN member nations.

“They should control their own markets rather than countries outside ASEAN,” he said.

Jan Pieter said that Indonesia’s policy on arms sales was related to the ASEAN defense industry collaboration.

“It’s all right if we want to sell [arms] to Malaysia, Laos or Vietnam, and Myanmar. What we do not hope for — and we do not compromise in this — is if the weapons are used to threaten other countries,” Jan Pieter said.

He added that Indonesia’s stance was firm, waving off the possibility that Indonesian-made weapons might be used on civilians.

“The main purpose of weapons is to defend a country. This appeals to us as well,” Jan Pieter said.

Weapons sales might help Indonesia support Myanmar’s shift towards democracy, he added.

“With such a relationship, we will have better access to the country to improve democracy. If one [nation] does not have a relationship with another, it would be hard to influence one another. One of the ways is through trade, and defense is one of the ways [to do that],” Jan Pieter said.

University of Indonesia security analyst Andi Widjajanto said the idea of selling Indonesian weapons to Myanmar was more positive than negative. “An ‘embargo’ of light weapons to Myanmar will in fact push the junta to enter the black market,” he said.

Giving Myanmar the option to remain in the international weaponry market would cause the transnational criminal network supporting arms smuggling to lose revenue, he said.

_______________________________________________
Readingroom mailing list
Readingroom@...
http://daga.org.hk/mailman/listinfo/readingroom_daga.org.hk

#857

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Date: Sat Jun 4, 2011 4:30 am
Subject: information

maxediger

Friends, I am now living in Cambodia. I moved my house and office here yesterday and friends in Cambodia are helping me settle in. It is a big change, but i look forward to learning so many new things here in Cambodia. So, if you come to Cambodia sometime, I will be happy to spend time with you and introduce you to friends here..

max

--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#858

From: Center For JustPeace Mindanao <centerforjustpeace@...>
Date: Sat Jun 4, 2011 12:30 pm
Subject: Re: information

centerforjus...

thanks I max, thought I am no longer part of this loop

ABDULBASIT R. BENITO
Executive Director
Bangsamoro Center for Just Peace Inc.

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
To: cjpa <justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sat, June 4, 2011 12:30:11 PM
Subject: [justpeaceinasia] information

max

--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#859

From: Yam Bahadur Kisan <ybkisan@...>
Date: Sun Jun 5, 2011 12:32 pm
Subject: Re: information

ybkisan@...

Dear Max

Congratulation for new place. I know that Cambodia needs you as a local peace initiators.

Do well and be well!

Yam

__________________

Mr. Yam Bahadur Kisan

M.A., B.L. (Tribhuwan University, Nepal)

Advocate, Author and Researcher 

P.O.Box No : 21066

Kathmandu, Nepal

Phone : 00977-9851011724

Email : ybkisan@..., kisanyb@...

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
To: cjpa <justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Saturday, June 4, 2011 10:15 AM
Subject: [justpeaceinasia] information

max

--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#860

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Sun Jun 5, 2011 3:42 pm
Subject: [FaithPeace] Fwd: Resending Faith and Peace Newsletter - 30/4/11

piapi

Bruce van Voorhis reported that some people may not have received the last issue of Faith and Peace Newsletter.

Apologies to those of you who are receiving it a second time.

April 2011

Doctrine Divides, Action Unites

Contents

۩ Home Page

۩ School of Peace

۩ Faith and Peace Archives

۩ Photos and events

۩ Who are we

e-mail : forumicf@...

► Letter for Terry Jones
Sri Murniati
Pastor Terry Jones, the leader of a small local church in the United States, oversaw the burning of the Qur’an on March 20 after the holy book of Islam was found “guilty of crimes against humanity” during a “trial” in the church and “executed.” The author, a Muslim, invites Pastor Jones and his followers to instead embrace dialogue about tolerance and pluralism that are inspired by the book they burned. [Read more]

► Looking beyond Terry Jones
Ann Gillespie
A Christian pastor in the United States adds her voice to those calling on Pastor Terry Jones and those like him who know little about Islam, but condemn it, to reflect on their rhetoric and actions and to see every person, in the words of Mother Teresa, as “Jesus in disguise.” [Read more]

► New Briefing Paper: Burma’s Constitution—Denying Ethnic Rights
Burma Campaign UK
With the leaders of the military government of Burma shedding their uniforms to give the public appearance of a civilian government through the Constitution of 2008, confusion has arisen in some quarters about what this “democratic transition” means for the people of the country. Through a recently published briefing paper, a leading organization in Europe promoting human rights and democracy in Burma tries to explain the impact the country’s new Constitution has on the lives of its ethnic communities. [Read more]

► EU Prolongs Sanctions on Burma
People in Need
In the aftermath of last year’s Nov. 7 elections in Burma that most observers have condemned as neither free nor fair, there has been speculation that governments that had imposed sanctions on the military government in the past would dilute or even end them. The European Union, however, recently decided against changing its policy for another year. [Read more]

► Ahmadis and Their Neighbors at the Grassroots Level
Didin Nurul Rosidin
The author notes that much of the argument and debate about the Ahmadiyyah in Indonesia is driven by political and religious elites in the country. Lost in the cacophony of their intolerant judgments, however, is the peaceful coexistence of people of different faiths living together every day in local communities. [Read more]

► Chinese Armed Police Cordon Off Ngaba’s Kirti Monastery, 2,500 Monks Face Food Shortage
Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy
The self-immolation of a Tibetan monk in March to mark the third anniversary of the uprising of Tibetans against Chinese rule in Tibet has resulted in a security crackdown against the monastery where he lived. [Read more]

► A Verdict on Organic vs. Chemical Agriculture
Anil Bhattarai
A general perception is that organically grown food, while more healthy and beneficial to the environment, cannot produce enough food to meet the ever increasing needs of the world’s population, thus requiring large-scale agriculture based on the use of chemicals. Three decades of research in the United States, however, highlighted in this article question this assumption. Moreover, the author explains the implication of these findings for livelihoods and food production in his country of Nepal. [Read more]

_______________________________________________
FaithPeace mailing list
FaithPeace@...
http://daga.org.hk/mailman/listinfo/faithpeace_daga.org.hk

#861

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Date: Mon Jun 6, 2011 12:45 am
Subject: Re: information

maxediger

yes, your still in the loop Bobby. the loop just isn't working much these days. we need to get it active again. max

On Sat, Jun 4, 2011 at 7:30 PM, Center For JustPeace Mindanao <centerforjustpeace@...> wrote:

thanks I max, thought I am no longer part of this loop

ABDULBASIT R. BENITO
Executive Director
Bangsamoro Center for Just Peace Inc.

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
To: cjpa <justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sat, June 4, 2011 12:30:11 PM
Subject: [justpeaceinasia] information

Friends, I am now living in Cambodia. I moved my house and office here yesterday and friends in Cambodia are helping me settle in. It is a big change, but i look forward to learning so many new things here in Cambodia. So, if you come to Cambodia sometime, I will be happy to spend time with you and introduce you to friends here..

max

--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

‎"Try as I may I can not escape the sound of suffering. Perhaps as an old man I will accept suffering with insouciance. But not now; men in their prime, if they have convictions are tasked to act on them." -- Julian Assange, 2007

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#862

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Date: Mon Jun 6, 2011 2:44 am
Subject: important information from Korea

maxediger

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n0VO7gfDojA&feature=share

This site contains some important information about protests against a US military base in Korea.

max

--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#863

From: Amrit Manandhar <amrit_manandhar2001@...>
Date: Mon Jun 6, 2011 8:32 am
Subject: Re: information

amrit_manand...

Hi, Max, Good Luck to your new life in a new destination. My best wishes are always with you for your success.

Amrit Manandhar

--- On Fri, 6/3/11, Max Ediger <ediger.max@...> wrote:

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Subject: [justpeaceinasia] information
To: "cjpa" <justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Friday, June 3, 2011, 9:30 PM

Friends, I am now living in Cambodia. I moved my house and office here yesterday and friends in Cambodia are helping me settle in. It is a big change, but i look forward to learning so many new things here in Cambodia. So, if you come to Cambodia sometime, I will be happy to spend time with you and introduce you to friends here..

max

--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

‎"Try as I may I can not escape the sound of suffering. Perhaps as an old man I will accept suffering with insouciance. But not now; men in their prime, if they have convictions are tasked to act on them." -- Julian Assange, 2007

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#864

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Mon Jun 6, 2011 9:41 am
Subject: [FaithPeace] Faith and Peace Newsletter - 31/5/11

piapi

May 2011

Doctrine Divides, Action Unites

Contents

۩ Home Page

۩ School of Peace

۩ Faith and Peace Archives

۩ Photos and events

۩ Who are we

e-mail : forumicf@...

► Waiting for Wisdom and Virtue in Burma
Aung San Suu Kyi
The Nobel Peace Prize laureate and leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma shared her views about education in a videotaped address via a live video link with a packed auditorium at the University of Hong Kong on May 30 as part of the university’s activities to celebrate its centenary this year. In her message, she not only congratulates the university in Hong Kong but also reminisces about the former high quality of education in her own country and its role in the country’s development before Burma’s military rulers sought to neuter it. [Read more]

► A New Tourism Model for Burma
National League for Democracy
While Burma’s military government was busily promoting Visit Myanmar Year 1996, the National League for Democracy (NLD)—at the time the country’s main opposition political party led by Aung San Suu Kyi—called for tourists to boycott Burma and stay away from the country as a form of protest against the abysmal human rights record of the military rulers leading the nation and their authoritarian governance. Today, although people continue to be deprived of their rights and democracy is a fantasy in the minds of Burma’s generals masquerading as civilian leaders, the NLD, which is no longer a political party but is still the primary organized movement for democracy in the country, has issued a new statement on tourism that welcomes visitors to return to Burma—but not all tourists. [Read more]

► New Briefing Paper: Crisis in Shan State
Burma Campaign UK
A London-based solidarity group has recently released a new report about fighting in Shan State in eastern Burma after the Burmese government broke a ceasefire that had been in place for 22 years. This brief article contains a link to an online copy of the report. [Read more]

► Pakistan’s Ahmadis Still Suffering a Year after Lahore Attacks
Nasim Malik
The author reminds readers in this article, which was published by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) in Hong Kong, about the massacre of Ahmadis as they worshipped in a mosque in May 2010 in the Pakistani city of Lahore. Today the victims and their families still await justice and an end to the discrimination that has tormented them for more than 25 years. [Read more]

► Saka Dawa Nyung Ne Prohibited at Drepung Monastery
Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy
In this report, Chinese government authorities appear to be confused about how to react to the observance of a traditional Buddhist festival at a Tibetan monastery as they vacillate between halting, approving and eventually prohibiting it. [Read more]

► Thai and Cambodian Buddhists Walk for Peace
On May 16, Buddhists in Thailand and Cambodia used a practice of their faith, a Dhamma Yatra or march, to seek peace between these two predominantly Buddhist societies that have been fighting periodically since June 2008 over competing claims to land on their border near Preah Vihear Temple, a Hindu temple built in the 11th century. Online media reports by Thai journalists about the Dhamma Yatra can be read at <http://www.mcot.net/cfcustom/cache_page/210346.html> and <http://www.bangkokpost.com/multimedia/vdo/237650/walk-for-peace>.

► Carried by Dialogue from Jerusalem to Gaza
Rabbi Gideon D. Sylvester
Being an Orthodox rabbi living in Jerusalem, the author experiences every day the tensions, fears and violence that engulf a land that is holy to multiple faiths. He now believes though that the first step away from the abyss of more violence is a conversation with those who are different. [Read more]

► How Is Peace a Religious or Spiritual Value in Your Faith?
Dennis R. Koehn
Drawing on his experience for several decades as a person in the United States promoting non-violent solutions to inevitable domestic and international conflicts, the author explains the way in which religion is often hijacked by political or even religious leaders to justify war as the proper means to resolve disagreements. Many important questions are raised by the author on which people of all faiths can reflect. [Read more]

► Reflections of a Catholic American on bin Laden’s Death
Rebecca Cataldi
The killing of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad, Pakistan, on May 2 generated a wide range of emotions in the author that she shares in this article. She also explains the effect that prayer and forgiveness have had on her and notes a variety of ways to overcome the mistrust, fear and violence of the past decade between people of different faiths and nationalities in order to be “one human family under God.” [Read more]

► Understanding and Dialogue Key to Healing the World
Larry Hufford
The killing of Osama bin Laden on May 2 in Pakistan prompted the author, a professor of international relations in the United States, to reflect on his memories of 9/11 and to call now for this day in his country and around the world to become an annual occurrence when people of different faiths come together to build mutual understanding through dialogue instead of being remembered as a day associated with interfaith distrust and divisiveness. [Read more]

_______________________________________________
FaithPeace mailing list
FaithPeace@...
http://daga.org.hk/mailman/listinfo/faithpeace_daga.org.hk

#865

From: Goldy George <goldymgeorge10@...>
Date: Mon Jun 6, 2011 5:51 pm
Subject: Re: information

goldymgeorge10@...

Dear Max:
Nice to get your news at all times. I wish you all the best for your
stay in Cambodia. Just to get an update from you if Paddy is still in
Cambodia?

Keep me informed about your movements.

Regards
Goldy

On 6/6/11, Amrit Manandhar <amrit_manandhar2001@...> wrote:
> Hi, Max, Good Luck to your new life in a new destination. My best wishes are
> always with you for your success.
>
> Amrit Manandhar
>
> --- On Fri, 6/3/11, Max Ediger <ediger.max@...> wrote:
>
>
> From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
> Subject: [justpeaceinasia] information
> To: "cjpa" <justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com>
> Date: Friday, June 3, 2011, 9:30 PM
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Friends, I am now living in Cambodia.  I moved my house and office here
> yesterday and friends in Cambodia are helping me settle in.  It is a big
> change, but i look forward to learning so many new things here in Cambodia.
> So, if you come to Cambodia sometime, I will be happy to spend time with you
> and introduce you to friends here..
>
> max
>
> --
>
> Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/
>
>
> ‎"Try as I may I can not escape the sound of suffering. Perhaps as an old
> man I will accept suffering with insouciance. But not now; men in their
> prime, if they have convictions are tasked to act on them." -- Julian
> Assange, 2007
>
> "For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100
> years' benefit, we must cultivate people."  Ho Chi Minh
>
>
>
>
>
>


--
---------------------------------
*Creation of a casteless and peaceful society is indeed the first step
towards just, egalitarian, and harmonious society. A society of equals,
neither unequal nor more-equals, beyond the strings of caste, class, gender,
race, ethnicity, etc. Otherwise it leads to social oppression, political
exploitation, economic deprivation, cultural domination, gender
discrimination, class isolation, deliberate exclusion. Lets’ believe in a
society beyond this....*
*GOLDY M. GEORGE *

Goldy M. George
Dalit Mukti Morcha
Chhattisgarh

#866

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Date: Mon Jun 6, 2011 11:44 pm
Subject: Re: information

maxediger

Greetings Goldy. Yes Paddy is back in Cambodia. As you know, he had some health problems so returned to New Zealand for treatment. He received excellent treatment there and recently returned to Cambodia to continue work. However, he will need to return to New Zealand soon for some further treatment and then all should be better. Thanks for asking, and I will try to keep all friends updated if there are any changes.

Max

On Tue, Jun 7, 2011 at 12:51 AM, Goldy George <goldymgeorge10@...> wrote:

Dear Max:
Nice to get your news at all times. I wish you all the best for your
stay in Cambodia. Just to get an update from you if Paddy is still in
Cambodia?

Keep me informed about your movements.

Regards
Goldy

On 6/6/11, Amrit Manandhar <amrit_manandhar2001@...> wrote:
> Hi, Max, Good Luck to your new life in a new destination. My best wishes are
> always with you for your success.
>
> Amrit Manandhar
>
> --- On Fri, 6/3/11, Max Ediger <ediger.max@...> wrote:
>
>
> From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
> Subject: [justpeaceinasia] information
> To: "cjpa" <justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com>
> Date: Friday, June 3, 2011, 9:30 PM
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Friends, I am now living in Cambodia. I moved my house and office here
> yesterday and friends in Cambodia are helping me settle in. It is a big
> change, but i look forward to learning so many new things here in Cambodia.
> So, if you come to Cambodia sometime, I will be happy to spend time with you
> and introduce you to friends here..
>
> max
>
> --
>
> Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/
>
>
> ‎"Try as I may I can not escape the sound of suffering. Perhaps as an old
> man I will accept suffering with insouciance. But not now; men in their
> prime, if they have convictions are tasked to act on them." -- Julian
> Assange, 2007
>
> "For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100
> years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh
>
>
>
>
>
>

--
---------------------------------
*Creation of a casteless and peaceful society is indeed the first step
towards just, egalitarian, and harmonious society. A society of equals,
neither unequal nor more-equals, beyond the strings of caste, class, gender,
race, ethnicity, etc. Otherwise it leads to social oppression, political
exploitation, economic deprivation, cultural domination, gender
discrimination, class isolation, deliberate exclusion. Lets’ believe in a
society beyond this....*
*GOLDY M. GEORGE *

Goldy M. George
Dalit Mukti Morcha
Chhattisgarh

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#867

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Date: Tue Jun 7, 2011 1:24 am
Subject: interesting book

maxediger

https://members.truth-out.org/bgift34-gift/choose-type-donation

I just saw this short introduction to a new book and wanted to pass it on. I'll try to get a copy and maybe in the future can share some of the information with you.

max

--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#868

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Tue Jun 21, 2011 4:19 am
Subject: [Readingroom] News on Burma - 21/6/11

piapi

Life of a Burmese landmine refugee
KIA encourages defection in Burmese Army
YCDC strips out vendors in Yangon
Kachin say 10K people flee fighting in N. Myanmar
Myanmar rebels eye China mediation in clashes
Lower US dollar value hits rice business and farmers
Energy projects �fuelling� border fighting
China�s hand in the renewed civil war in Burma
Vietnam, Burma seek reciprocal support
Myanmar to launch satellite in cooperation with three countries
Amnesty Int�l repeats call for inquiry into human rights abuses in Burma
A new �civilian� government revives an old civil war
Doing what�s �appropriate�
A grim trade: Trafficking Palaung women to China
As dollar falls, FECs plummet
North Korea keeps silent on ship�s turnaround
Burma starts a new civil war with Kachin and Shan
Illusion of freedom in Myanmar
They never want to see ethnic unity�
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the 100th International Labour Conference
U.S. said to turn back North Korea missile shipment
United Nations desire to help address country�s long-standing problems
Burma must not be allowed to fail
Burma�s richest man
Can you travel responsibly in Burma?
Myanmar gets record $20B investment pledges

Life of a Burmese landmine refugee � Simon Roughneen
CNN International: Fri 17 Jun 2011

Having fled their home country to escape oppression, what is to become of the thousands of Burmese refugees in Thailand? With his crutches resting against the clinic bed, Than Tin rolls up his trouser leg, gingerly pointing to a heavily bandaged leg stump.

�All I remember is being blasted up in the air,� recalls the 48-year-old father-of-five, hoisting both arms to suggest the impact of the landmine. �First was no pain, but half my leg was gone, but then it was like so bad burning.�

He was logging in the forests around Myawaddy, a trading town in Myanmar close to the border with Thailand, the site of one of the world�s longest-running civil wars.

Countless landmines litter the hilly jungle terrain, on and off the tracks close to where government soldiers fight ethnic minority rebel militias; thousands of beleaguered civilians hide out or make the arduous trek to a precarious refuge in Thailand.

According to the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL), Myanmar�s government continues to lay antipersonnel mines, mostly in regions populated by ethnic minorities.

The larger of these minorities maintain their own militias and political parties, and have become accustomed to de facto local autonomy even as the government holds out against their calls for the creation of a federal state.

Some rebel groups also plant mines, though they say they only lay them on roads near army bases, and inform villagers of the location of the devices.
Not just for refugees

A landmine took half of Saw Maw Kel�s left leg in 1986 while he was fighting in the jungle.

He learned the prosthetics trade from medics and non-governmental organizations during his recuperation. The clinic where he works employs six people, turning out around 200 replacement legs a year, mostly for landmine victims from Myanmar.

�Not just refugees come here,� he says, referring to the Mae Tao clinic in Mae Sot, �but ordinary Burmese who cannot pay for treatment at home.�

The Burmese remain among the poorest in Asia, with an annual per capita income of US$469 according to 2010 U.S. State Department figures.

Despite growing foreign investment, over US$20billion in 2010 alone according to the Burmese government, and a sanctions-busting multi-billion dollar oil, gas and gemstone revenue windfall, health spending for 2011 will be just 1.3 percent of the national budget, against 25 percent to be spent on the military.

Myanmar has been ruled by the army since 1962 and in the country�s first elections for two decades last November � which were widely condemned as neither free nor fair by independent outside observers � the army and its political affiliates won 89 percent of parliamentary seats and 26 out of 30 ministries.

The government is uncomfortable with some activity along the border, which they think is a haven for opposition groups. This is no doubt boosted by the presence of people like Zipporah Sein, head of the political wing of the main Karen group, the Karen National Union (K.N.U.).

The Karen are a mix of animists, Buddhists, Christians and Muslims. They have fought the central Burmese government, and sometimes each other, for much of the time since independence from Great Britain in 1947.
Border closed

In an interview at her office on the border, the day after the Burmese authorities blamed the KNU for a train bombing in central Myanmar last May, Sein dismisses the allegation: �The Burmese regime always blames the K.N.U. when something like this happens, but we do not get involved in such activity.�

Her presence in the area, where then K.N.U. leader Mahn Sha Lar Pahn was assassinated in 2008, no doubt irks the Burmese authorities.

The Mae Sot-Myawaddy border crossing remains closed on the Burmese side.

Thai traders say that they are losing out and a number of Thai officials have made ominous statements in recent months about sending the refugees back.

Thailand�s Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said that repatriation would not take place unless it was safe for the refugees to go back, but nonetheless some are keeping a low profile in their temporary abode, wary of tensions surrounding their presence.

�New arrivals are sometimes hiding in Thai villages,� says Poe Shan of the Karen Human Rights Group.

New arrivals have crossed the border almost every day since the November 2010 elections, and ongoing fighting in Myanmar�s ethnic regions suggests that calls for the refugees to go back are premature.

�The Burmese army has a shoot-on-sight policy in some places, and that includes civilians as well as rebels,� says Mahn Mahn, head of the Backpack Health Workers Team, a group of mobile medics operating secretly in Myanmar�s ethnic minority regions.
Hard to go home

�There is no protection for many people inside, how can they go back?� he asks.

At Mae La, the biggest of the nine refugee camps along the Thailand-Myanmar frontier, and a 45-minute drive north of Mae Sot, around 45,000 people live in closely packed timber huts on stilts, their brown roofs dovetailing with leafy green foliage and low clouds on the rain-soaked cliff tops behind.

Undeterred by the Saturday afternoon downpour, two groups of men play takraw, a sort-of soccer-volleyball hybrid, at the camp�s edge.

�If you go inside the camp, it might mean trouble for us,� says Aung Aung, a pseudonym for one of the players, who asked for his real name to be withheld.

Since 2005, around 70,000 Burmese refugees have been resettled, including 50,000 to the United States, sparking a whispering campaign that some of those entering the camps are economic migrants seeking a ticket to a new life in the West.

Brushing off this suggestion, Aung Aung says, �I don�t know about everyone in the camps. For me, I do not want to go the West at all, even though my grandmother is already in Indiana.�

He says his family was involved in opposition politics in Myanmar, and worked with the National League for Democracy, the officially proscribed party headed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel peace prize winner who was released from house arrest by the Burmese authorities in November 2010.

�I am from Rangoon,� says Aung Aung. �What I really want is to go back there, if ever there is a real democracy.�

KIA encourages defection in Burmese Army
Kachin News Group: Thu 16 Jun 2011

In a bid to encourage desertion in the Burmese Army, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has welcomed willing Burmese soldiers to join the KIA, in a statement today.�We are fighting on the front line and if some of the Burmese soldiers want to join us we will warmly welcome them,� said the statement.

The join secretary the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) the political arm of the KIA explaining the statement said, �We have in an order to all battalions said we are doing this because we should.�

A KIO officer from the front line said, �This morning we got the order that says we should treat well all Burmese soldiers, who want to desert from the Burmese Army to our side and injured Burmese soldiers would be sent away immediately from the front line.�

The six point statement said KIA was fighting for restoration of a real federal system with political means by ending the regime in Burma, said KIA.

At the same time KIA said they believe if dictatorship or military rule ends then real federalism with freedom and justice can be restored in the country.

YCDC strips out vendors in Yangon � Aung Khin + MYA
Eleven Media Group: Thu 16 Jun 2011

Not only in downtown but also in suburban areas, Yangon City Development Committee is removing street vendors from their roadside.In fact, vendors only from crowded areas should be stripped out, but roadside seller from some areas in Yangon should be spared with time limitation, said a civil expert.

Although removing of vendors on the motorways and roadside vendors are meant to prevent obstructions on the platforms and traffics, vehicles parking on the roads are the major causes of traffic-jams, according to the city dwellers.

�There were no parking areas at the high-rises which were constructed since a decade ago. When the vehicles are parked on the roads and commuter buses are not driven systematically, traffic-jams have occurred. Chaotic traffics should be managed first to avoid traffic hitch. The lives of dependent family members are to be considered when strict regulations are issued for street vendors,� said a Yangonite.

Most of the street vendors are grass root people relying on daily income, and hundreds thousands of family members are depending on them. Therefore, they should be allowed to lay their trays on the roadsides with limited times and places, according to civil experts.

Taking photo records, staff personnel of district and township offices under the management of YCDC (Management Department) are removing the vendors.

�I�m selling snacks at 30th Street. Responsible persons warned us that we were prohibited not to display our shops at 30th Street since 9 June. One day ahead, they asked and recorded our names and addresses. They also told us that they do not want to confiscate our items,� said a female vendor.

Dates of prohibition against selling goods at the roadside areas are different from one street to another and one township to another. It was learnt that vendors are permitted to sell the goods after 12 noon near Bogalay Bazaar.

�Vendors have not been forbidden to sell the goods near Sanpya Market in Thingangyun Township, while street vendors have already disappeared near Theingyi Market in downtown. Roadside sellers in Yangon downtown areas, Hlawga, Hmawbi and Htaukkyant townships have been ordered not to open their shops. No vendors are seen near Tamwe Market at present,� said a vendor.

Street vendors were allowed with market stall taxes on the roads and near the markets. To manage the accommodations for vendors, plans were made to set up evening markets. However, it did not materialize. Although another plan to open an evening market at the Lahapyin (Open Space) Market was drawn up similar to Bangkok of Thailand, it did not appear.

�There are 150 thousands domestic migrants in Yangon within five years. Most of them have to rely on daily income. Their livelihoods are selling on the roadside. So, enough time should be taken in the changing trend for the consideration of the dependant family members of vendors,� said a businessperson.

According to official statistics, there were over 40 thousands of vendors in 33 townships of YCDC jurisdiction in 2009. Civil experts estimate that the figure is possible to double at present. As hundred thousands of family members are depending on street vendors, the prevailing campaign of YCDC is sure to cause difficulties for the grass root people. Street vendors are the highest number among the millions of people who come into Yangon City every day.

�Mutual understanding should be kept between sellers and pedestrians. Vendors should place their trays of goods only at the permitted places and times. They should properly discard their garbage and wasted water,� said a resident in Yangon.

�The case of street vendors in Yangon cannot be tackled immediately as in foreign countries. As a third world country, there are many grass root people here. Except traffic-jam areas and crowded places, the shops of street vendors should be allowed with a fixed time and place. Vendors and night markets are major tourist attractions in Bangkok,� said a businessperson in Yangon.
�At the moment, the prices of shops and other charges are high. As today�s profit is the capital for tomorrow and they are depending on daily income, the vendors have to sell their goods at the crowded areas near offices and companies,� said a resident in Yangon.

�It can be said that removing street vendors is a good system instead of permitting street vendors with a fixed time and with stall market taxes in the past. It is true that street vendors are nuisances of the characteristics of a city. However, the difficulties of their family members should be considered. This plan should be carried out only in traffic-jam areas,� said a civil expert.

Kachin say 10K people flee fighting in N. Myanmar � Grant Peck
Associated Press: Thu 16 Jun 2011

Bangkok � More than 10,000 people in northern Myanmar have fled fighting between government troops and an ethnic minority group�s militia, and are living in temporary camps near the Chinese border as refugees, members of the minority group said Thursday.The website of the Kachin News Group, associated with Kachin anti-government exiles, quoted one of the group�s leaders saying that refugees have fled territory under government control.

The report cited Kachin Independence Organization civil administration officer Salang Kaba Doi Pyi Sa saying that China had closed the border to refugees, but in Beijing, Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei denied the allegation.

�Since the outbreak of the conflict, some of the people from Myanmar crossed the border and went to China to find their relatives and friends,� Hong said. �China has provided necessary assistance in accordance with common practice.�

Reports from the remote area cannot be independently confirmed.

The fighting began June 9 when government troops allegedly shelled a Kachin base in a bid to force the rebel fighters from a strategic region where China is constructing major hydropower plants.

The total number of casualties so far remains unclear. Col. James Lum Dau, a Kachin spokesman in Thailand, said Thursday that 16 people on the government side had been killed, and 150 wounded. He said he was unable to give the number of Kachin casualties.
Myanmar�s state-controlled media have not reported the fighting.

Myanmar�s central government has tenuous control of many parts of the country where minority groups many of which maintain their own militias are strongest. It has reached cease-fire agreements with 17 ethnic minority rebel militias since 1989 and most have been allowed to keep their weapons and maintain some autonomy over their areas.

The 8,000-strong Kachin militia reached a peace deal with the country�s former ruling junta in 1994, but the truce broke down last year after the militia rejected a call by the government for them become border guards under army leadership. The junta made the appeal ahead of last November�s elections, Myanmar�s first in 20 years, which introduced the nominally civilian government now in power.

Reached by phone, Chinese local officials said refugees who had fled into China required little government assistance, as they found food and shelter with their friends and relatives, and that many have returned to Myanmar.

�As the situation gradually eases, the Myanmar border residents have started to go back to the Myanmar side,� said Sun Konglong, vice general-secretary of the government of Dehong, a border prefecture in Yunnan province.

Another official, Shen Yu, from the Dehong emergency affairs office, said the refugees started arriving June 8 and numbered up to 300. Shen said more than half of them have already returned to Myanmar.

* Associated Press writer Gillian Wong and researcher Yu Bing in Beijing contributed to this report.

Myanmar rebels eye China mediation in clashes
Agence France Presse: Thu 16 Jun 2011

Bangkok � Myanmar ethnic minority rebels on Thursday appealed for China to help end a deadly standoff with government troops as Beijing called for calm after people fled across the countries� shared border.Fierce fighting began a week ago near a large hydropower project being built in Myanmar�s northern Kachin State to provide power to China, and has since spread to northern areas of neighbouring Shan State.

China � one of the Myanmar military�s closest allies � on Thursday urged both sides to �resolve their differences through peaceful negotiations�.

�We are closely following the situation on the border between China and Myanmar and call on the parties in conflict to remain calm and exercise restraint so as to avoid an escalation of the situation,� foreign ministry spokesman Hong Lei said.

The remarks came after the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) said it wanted China to be a �referee� in any potential negotiations.

�Without the involvement of another country as a witness, as a facilitator� there is no solution,� KIA press spokesman Henry Branglai told AFP from the group�s headquarters near the Chinese border in Kachin State.

Battles with the national military continued to rage on Thursday, a week after hostilities began with what Branglai said was a government incursion into KIA-held territory �to get some influence over that area�.

More than 10,000 people have massed on the Myanmar side of the frontier, with many people seeking out KIA-held areas as they look to avoid being forced into carrying supplies for the Myanmar military, according to the rebels.

Branglai said thousands had crossed the border during the fighting and were being allowed to move back and forth between the countries.

Hong denied reports that Beijing was not allowing Myanmar refugees to cross the border and said China was providing support.

But a local official in the Yunnan province foreign affairs department, who refused to give his name, said there were no refugees at all.

�The borders are open as per usual. Myanmarese nationals come and go every day. We are not considering providing tents or food as at the moment. There is no need,� he said.

The authorities in Myanmar � where power was handed to a nominally civilian government in March after almost half a century of military rule � have given no information about casualties or displaced people.

But a government official confirmed the fighting on Wednesday and said some bridges had been destroyed.

Myanmar has been plagued by decades of civil war with armed ethnic minority rebels in various parts of the country since independence in 1948.

The mainly Baptist and Catholic Kachin account for about seven percent of Myanmar�s population and an insurgency agitating for greater autonomy gathered momentum from the 1960s until a ceasefire was signed in 1994.

The KIA, thought to have at least several thousand fighters, used to be one of the most powerful rebel groups but was until recently considered to be open to dialogue.

Relations between the army and ceasefire groups have soured over the past year as ethnic minority fighters were pressured to give up their weapons or come under state control in the run-up to a controversial November election.

Several local Kachin parties were refused permission to contest the vote, dashing long-held hopes for greater self-rule.

Rights groups accuse the army, which has doubled to 400,000 personnel over the past two decades, of waging a brutal counter-insurgency campaign in areas where civil war continues involving the rape, torture and murder of villagers.

Myanmar�s military rulers earned a rare rebuke from China in 2009 when an offensive against ethnic Chinese Kokang rebels in the country�s northeast caused tens of thousands of people to spill over the border.

Lower US dollar value hits rice business and farmers � Yan Pai
Irrawaddy: Thu 16 Jun 2011

Sales of rice have declined in Burma as exporters, including the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (UMEHL), have stopped buying from domestic traders following a drop in the value of their overseas earnings, according to business sources.With the US dollar recently reaching as low as 750 kyat, down from around 1,000 kyat last year, exporters have been reluctant to convert their earnings back into the Burmese currency.

Although licensed trading companies in Burma enjoy a preferential exchange rate, currently around 800 kyat to the dollar, this has done little to offset the overall decline of the dollar against the kyat, the currency used for purchasing rice and other domestic products.

Further complicating matters is the fact that foreign currency transactions are illegal in Burma, although trading companies sometimes informally use dollars, euros and Japanese yen when doing business with each other.

�Exporters are suffering great losses right now, so they�re just holding on to their earnings and watching the situation. This means that domestic rice traders are also in a bind, as they usually rely on exporters to buy much of their rice,� a rice dealer from Rangoon�s Bayintnaung rice market told The Irrawaddy.

To make up for the loss of sales to exporters, some rice traders are trying to sell off some of their stock domestically. However, with few buyers around with cash in hand, this hasn�t been easy.

Sluggish sales have had the effect of driving down prices. According to dealers in Rangoon, a sack of export-quality rice now sells for 12,500 kyat (US $16), down from 13,500 kyat ($17).

Falling rice prices will add to the burden of already struggling farmers, who say that they may be unable to repay government agricultural loans and other debts if the dollar continues to fall, putting further pressure on overseas demand.

�Everything depends on the exchange rate, so it will be difficult in the long run it things continue the way they�re going. At the end of the day, it will be farmers who have to shoulder the burden,� said a farmer from Thayawaddy District in northern Pegu Division.

He added that while the price of rice has gone down, the cost of producing it hasn�t. Fertilizer and fuel remain expensive, and wages for farm laborers are rising all the time, he said, warning that unless these trends change, there could be a disruption in rice production.

Khin Maung Nyo, a Rangoon-based economist, also suggested that the rising value of the kyat could cause lasting damage to the Burmese economy. If the currency makes prices for Burma�s goods too uncompetitive, exports will suffer, domestic producers will lose out and job opportunities will be affected, he said.

Energy projects �fuelling� border fighting � Francis Wade
Democratic Voice of Burma: Thu 16 Jun 2011

The Burmese government�s campaign to rout armed ethnic groups along its northern border has at its heart the goal of securing areas around lucrative China-backed hydropower projects, environmental groups claim.Two of the main flashpoints over the past week are in southern in Kachin state, where the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) controls territory close to the Shweli and Taping dams. The KIA recently ended a 17-year ceasefire with the Burmese government, sparking heavy fighting on 9 June.

Nine dams financed by Chinese companies are being constructed in Burma�s northernmost Kachin state, according to Burma Rivers Network. It said that the Taping fighting follows a warning letter from the KIA that if construction of the controversial Myitsone Dam in Kachin state proceeds, civil war will break out.

�Mega dams in Burma have severe negative social, economic and environmental impacts while the majority of electricity generated is exported to neighbouring countries or used by the military,� said BRN. �Most of the dams are located in ethnic states and allow the expansion of Burma Army control into these areas.�

The KIA has destroyed several roads and bridges close to hydropower sites, which are deeply unpopular amongst many civilians who are often the victims of forced relocations but who see little reward from the ventures.

Burma�s relationship with China to an extent hinges on these energy projects, thus necessitating the need for the Burmese army to secure territory surrounding them.

Fighting has escalated in Kachin, Shan and Karen states since late last year following the refusal of armed groups to assimilate into the Burmese army.

In March, central Shan state witnessed several clashes between Burmese troops and the Shan State Army, whose northern faction also recently ended a 15-year truce with the government. The epicentre of the fighting was close to the town of Hsipaw, where the highly lucrative Shwe gas pipeline will run through en route to China.

Burmese army reinforcements were also sent to the site of the Ywathit Dam in Karenni state, which is being built by China�s Datang company. In December last year the Karenni Army, one of the myriad ethnic armed groups operating in Burma�s border regions, attacked a convoy of trucks transporting equipment to the dam, BRN said.

China�s hand in the renewed civil war in Burma � Ba Kaung
Irrawaddy: Thu 16 Jun 2011

The current armed conflict in Burma�s northern Kachin State has effectively ended nearly two decades of ceasefire between the country�s second largest ethnic army, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and the newly sworn-in Naypyidaw government, bringing a strategic region near the Chinese border to the verge of a civil war.The gunfire that was exchanged between the KIA and the Burmese army over the past seven days has claimed only a few casualties on both sides. But, despite concerns that the fighting will spread to other areas, no other clashes have been reported in the region since midday on Monday.

The past week�s conflict is extraordinarily significant because for the first time it has reignited a civil war in northern Burma which has been in hibernation mode since a fragile �gentlemen�s� agreement was reached in 1994.

The clashes that broke out last Thursday presented a new challenge in the armed struggle of Kachin rebels who initially demanded independence in 1961 but later called for a federal union.

The new and daunting challenge for the KIA today is its neighbor China. Across Kachin State, Chinese state-owned mega-corporations such as China Power Investment and China Datang are constructing a number of large-scale hydropower dams. And the electricity from those dams will be exported to China.

KIA spokesperson La Na told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the immediate cause of the latest fighting stemmed from the Burmese army�s aggressive attempts to control areas surrounding the hydropower dams, which are located near the Chinese border�areas which have long been under the control of KIA forces, and just a few kilometers away from China�s strategic oil pipeline from the Bay of Bengal to Yunnan Province which passes through central Burma.

La Na said that these massive investments were implemented without the consent of the local public or stakeholders such as the KIA, and these economic interests have already pushed Beijing into becoming an ally of the Burmese army.

�When we approached the Chinese company officials working at these dams, their response is that they already have agreements with Naypyidaw,� he said. �China wants to get resources from Burma. So it seems that their policy is to secure our country�s resources by any means necessary and, in this case, with the connivance of the Burmese authorities.�

According to Burma Rivers Network, an independent environmental group, these dams have severe social, economic and environmental impacts. In addition, the majority of the power is to be exported to neighboring countries, necessitating the expansion of Burmese army control in the areas where these dams are being built.

The NGO said in a statement on Wednesday that the latest fighting near the Dapein and Shweli hydropower dams in northern Burma shows how the build-up of Burmese government troops in the region fuels the conflict and adds to the deep resentment against the widely unpopular dam projects.

Given China�s huge investment in the region, it is interesting to question whether the Burmese armed forces tried to dispel the KIA battalions from the areas near these projects only after it received explicit approval from Beijing.

The ongoing armed clashes in Kachin State come just a few weeks after Burmese President Thein Sein visited Beijing and the two countries announced the establishment of a strategic relationship. During the visit, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabo appealed to Thein Sein �for the smooth implementation of infrastructure projects, including oil and gas pipelines, hydroelectric power and transportation,� according to state news agency Xinhua.

China kept mum on the latest crisis near its border�unlike during the Burmese government�s surprise offensive in 2009 against the small Kokang ethnic militia group in northeastern Shan State. At that time, China reprimanded Naypyidaw for creating �border instability.�

On Thursday, only a week later after the fightings, China has called for restraint on both parties and de-escalation of the tension.

Despite repeated stress on the importance of border stability from both Chinese and Burmese governments, the KIA official said the words lacked sincerity, describing it as �stability forced on the ethnic people by military means.�

Asked if China had possibly given a green light to the Burmese army to clear the KIA-controlled areas, Jim Della-Giacoma, the Southeast Asian Director of International Crisis Group, said, �We don�t think Beijing would have been caught off-guard by this [the latest clashes] as they were by the Kokang fighting of August 2009, but their larger interests remain.�

The ICG report last year said that the Kokang conflict and the rise in tensions along the border prompted Beijing to increasingly view Burma�s ethnic groups as a liability rather than a means of strategic leverage. It also said that the ethnic groups� view China�s support for them as provisional and driven by its own economic and security interests.

According to Dr. Zarni, a Burmese research fellow at the London School of Economics, the Burmese generals� insensitivity to the survival needs of local communities has resulted in the rise in military tensions with respective armed organizations.

�The ruling military class in Naypyidaw has condemned the Burmese people to slavery, and has colonized the ethnic groups with their other hand,� he said. �Now this ruling class is fulfilling the wishes of the Chinese government, and what they want in return is China�s political protection on the international stage.�

Della-Giacoma described the current break in hostilities in Kachin State as �the lull before the storm.�

�We are not yet at a point of full resumption of conflict in Kachin, but if the Myanmar government doesn�t move quickly to create space for a de-escalation, that�s where this is headed,� he said.

Despite the presumed incentive of economic interests and the China factor, the core major cause of this conflict, the KIA official said, is the Burmese army�s attempt to subjugate the KIA under central command�a move the KIA has rejected, just as many other armed ethnic groups have done.

Added to the Kachins� resentment toward Naypyidaw is that three Kachin political parties that tried to run in the parliamentary elections last year were banned from doing so on the grounds that their leaders were linked with the Kachin Independence Organization, the KIA�s political wing.

La Na said the KIA had lost trust in the Burmese government and will not accept any peace talks inside the country. He said that KIA wants a neighboring country to host a dialogue between it and the Burmese government, so that Naypyidaw can be held accountable.

�Our major goal is for a genuine federal union. We don�t seek independence,� he said.

Regarding the Chinese hydropower projects in Kachin State being included in any peace talks, the official said that although the KIA clearly rejects the Myitsone Dam project, which is not near KIA military bases, it is not in opposition to other dam projects in Kachin State.

�We wanted to have a say in these projects and make sure that the revenue from these dams benefits Kachin people too,� he said, adding that the apparent immediate objective of the Burmese army attack is to completely control full and direct access to China.

He said he does not rule out a large-scale major offensive by the Burmese army in the coming days.

�It depends only on the Burmese government,� La Na said. �We have prepared a broad defensive military position, just in case.

�But we know that real victims of war will be the people of the region,� he added. �That�s why we are not conducting military attacks in any other area except to destroy bridges to deter the Burmese army tanks coming in.�

Vietnam, Burma seek reciprocal support � Joseph Allchin
Democratic Voice of Burma: Wed 15 Jun 2011

A delegation from Vietnam has finished a high-level trip to Burma at a crucial time in regional diplomacy for both countries.The group was lead by Vietnam�s deputy prime minister, Hoang Trung Hai, and according to the state-run Vietnamese News Agency signed a raft of agreements on key areas of economic cooperation, from aviation, agriculture, finance and mining.

However there are key geopolitical issues for both countries: for Vietnam its recent spat with Beijing over South China Sea islands with oil potential will have necessitated a push by Hai to build regional allies and prize states away from the regional giant.

Burma�s campaign to garner support in its bid for the ASEAN chair in 2014 will have likewise been a big factor in the talks. Following discussions between Hai and Burmese Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo in Naypyidaw, the Vietnamese News Agency said Hanoi �supports Myanmar�s [Burma�s] bid to assume ASEAN 2014 chairmanship�.

But the contested Spratly Islands in the South China Sea is perhaps the more delicate issue. ASEAN nations such as Vietnam and the Philippines have attempted to bargain collectively with China, despite all three nations making separate conflicting claims over the tiny islands and maritime territories. Burma in this respect will have to tread carefully.

After making his first state visit since changing titles from prime minister to president, Thein Sein will have to balance ASEAN with China whilst simultaneously bidding for Beijing�s economic, military and diplomatic power as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. He will also continue to push for the vital role of ASEAN chairmanship which will be a valuable boost to the country�s international image.

Vietnam meanwhile began live fire drills off its coast on Monday which, strikingly given recent history, will be with the US navy�s Pacific fleet, the world�s largest. The two old adversaries appear to have warmed in the face of a mutual threat, with the US allegedly pushing aggressively for stronger relations in order to dent China�s growing power.

Responding to the Spratly Islands dispute, China�s foreign affairs spokesperson, Hong Lei, told the Financial Times: �We hope that countries that are not parties to the South China Sea dispute truly respect the efforts of the countries concerned to resolve their disputes through consultation.�

The Vietnamese meanwhile have allowed street protests against the Chinese and, perhaps significantly, released lists on its official website detailing who would be exempt from military conscription should there be a war.

Despite their shared communist histories, Vietnam and China have long had an uneasy relationship, which resulted in a border war in 1979 shortly after the Vietnamese had finished vanquishing western powers from the country.

Vietnam remains an important player in ASEAN, while it is seen as a natural ally to Burma given its role as a powerful counter-balance to the more liberal nations such as Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore. The economic relationship between the two countries also holds tremendous potential, with the Vietnamese News Agency quoting Thein Sein as �[speaking] highly of Vietnam�s achievements in its renewal process�.

In this respect Vietnam may provide the best template for economic reform for Burma, given the integration of private enterprise and foreign direct investment into its manufacturing sector. It has also seen huge success in developing its agricultural system to rival Thailand as a leading exporter of rice, likely prompting the agreement between Hai and Burmese agriculture minister U Myint Hlaing to cooperate in the agriculture sector.

Myanmar to launch satellite in cooperation with three countries
Xinhua: Wed 15 Jun 2011

Yangon � Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications authorities are planning to launch a satellite which cost about 200 million U.S dollars in cooperation with companies from Russia, China and Japan, local media reported Wednesday.As part of its bid to promote the country�s telecommunication and information sectors, the authorities have initiated the program in May this year, the Weekly Eleven journal said.

For launching satellite, Myanmar has set up a five-member central committee and a seven-member working committee.

The central committee for launching satellite is to lay down policy with the launching of state-operated satellite, approve satellite-launching memorandums of understanding and other related documents, and carry out tasks aimed at obtaining space-related technology.

Myanmar has to hire satellite system from foreign countries to launch its communication and TV programs such as Sky Net, Myawady, MRTV and MRTV-4 spending about 15 million USD annually.

As part of a move to seek cooperation with foreign counterparts for the development, the Department of Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) and the Department of Public Relations of Thailand have signed a memorandum of understanding on the aspects.

Myanmar is the third country to receive Thaicom service after Cambodia and Thailand.

On March 31, 2010, Myanmar International TV (MITV), which is MRTV-3 channel, began airing its regular program directing at international audiences.

In cooperation with China Central Television (CCTV), Cable Networks News (CNN) and the Japan Broadcasting Corporation (NHK), there are also satellite news available with the MRTV.

According to statistics, a total of 217 MRTV relay stations has been launched countrywide.

MRTV was first first launched in June 1980 with four channels including Myanmar and English languages telecasting news, education and entertainment programs.

Amnesty Int�l repeats call for inquiry into human rights abuses in Burma � Thea Forbes
Mizzima News: Wed 15 Jun 2011

Chiang Mai � Amnesty International has called on Burmese President Thein Sein to allow the �urgent establishment� of the proposed international commission of inquiry into human rights abuses in Burma.The nongovernment group has researched and documented human rights abuses and crimes against humanity by the Burmese military in war-torn eastern Burma since 1988.

Calling Burma�s 2008 Constitution an �obstacle to justice�, Amnesty said, �Impunity for human rights violations and possible crimes against humanity prevails in Myanmar (Burma) and investigation and prosecution of these is obstructed by Article 445 of the 2008 Constitution�.

Article 445 effectively eliminates the culpability for any person who was an official in Burma�s military governments since 1988. It states, �No proceeding shall be instituted against the said Councils (SLORC/SPDC) or any member thereof or any member of the Government, in respect of any act done in the execution of their respective duties�. However, the laws would not apply to an international tribunal.

According to the campaign group�s statement, presented at the 17th UN Human Rights Council session in June in which dialogue was fostered between Burma and other countries, Burma accepted �only 74 of the 190 recommendations made during the review�.

Burma�s conclusion to the Universal Periodic Review gave responses to only some of the recommendations, one of which included reassurance that the Burmese military is an �all-volunteer army�. The Burmese response also concluded that �� Myanmar [Burma] is still in the initial stage of a multi-party democratization process which will be enhanced and strengthened. As this process develops, Myanmar is convinced that it will be able to further promote and protect the human rights of its citizens�.

Combating impunity

�In light of this obstacle to justice, Amnesty International again calls for the urgent establishment of an international commission of inquiry to investigate crimes against humanity and possible war crimes in Myanmar (Burma)�, said Amnesty�s statement.

The statement also condemned Burma�s �vague laws� that it said the government utilizes to �criminalize peaceful political dissent�.

Benjamin Zawacki, an Amnesty International Burma researcher, told Mizzima that he thought the first step to dissolving the shield of impunity surrounding the military is to launch a commission of inquiry, as proposed by UN special rapporteur on the human rights situation in Burma, Tom�s Ojea Quintana.

�An international commission only becomes relevant when a government is either unable or unwilling to hold its own officials to account, and the government seems, if not unable, certainly unwilling�it is now incumbent on the international community to step in on behalf of the citizens of Myanmar (Burma), where the government itself is essentially unwilling to do so�, he said.

Aung Myo Min of the Human Rights Education Institute of Burma also told Mizzima that the 2008 Constitution allows military personnel in Burma to evade the hand of the law inside Burma.

�The Constitution itself, like Article 445 allows amnesty for the military or anyone in authority; it provides them with amnesty�, he said. �Actually the Constitution should be the one that protects and promotes the rights of the citizens and guarantees justice for everyone, but the Constitution itself allows this kind of amnesty and protects the perpetrators and not the victims�.

The 2008 Constitution gives final say to the military in Burma, as exemplified by Article 343 (section b), which states that �In the adjudication of Military justice�the decision of the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Services is final and conclusive�.

General Min Aung Hlaing took over from Than Shwe as commander-in-chief of the Burmese military in March.

A new �civilian� government revives an old civil war � Editorial
Irrawaddy: Wed 15 Jun 2011

It�s been a long time coming, but it seems like the vaunted �peace� that Burma�s former military rulers brought to much of the country over the past two decades has finally reverted to war.Of course, we use the term �former military rulers� advisedly. The new government that has taken shape since last year�s bogus election consists of the same lineup of military hardliners that ruled in the not-so-distant past. And you can be sure that the one name conspicuously missing from this list�that of Snr-Gen Than Shwe�is still very much on the lips of his underlings now at the helm of the new �civilian� regime.

If there was ever any doubt about this, events in Kachin State since early this week should dispel them. The return to open hostilities between the Burmese army and the rebel Kachin Independence Army (KIA), ending a ceasefire that has been in place since 1994, is just the latest step in Than Shwe�s long-term project of �national reconsolidation��his answer to calls for national reconciliation.

That�s why this week�s clashes in the northern Momauk region, near the Chinese border, should come as no surprise. As early as last year, Kachin leaders told The Irrawaddy that their refusal to buy into a scheme that would have put their troops under Burmese command as �border guard forces� probably made war inevitable.

On Monday, Kachin military commander Gwan Maw told Radio Free Asia that the conflict could turn into a full-blown civil war unless the government negotiates with the KIA�s political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization.

This is not an idle threat. Ever since a breakaway faction of a former Karen ceasefire group engaged in fierce fighting with Burmese troops near the Thai border immediately after last year�s Nov. 7 election, ethnic tensions have been rising. Since March, Shan State has also seen renewed conflict, with troops from the Shan State Army�including a brigade from a former ceasefire group�engaging in a series of skirmishes and battles with the Burmese army that have claimed casualties on both sides and killed dozens of civilians.

The most disturbing aspect of all this is that the Burmese government, flush with victory on the political battlefield, seems to be pursuing its policy of crushing its ethnic opponents with renewed vigor.

But this isn�t just a matter of getting on with the unfinished business of reasserting military control over Burma�s hinterlands. Increasingly, these areas are becoming key to the survival strategy of the country�s rulers.

It is no accident, then, that the worst clashes to occur so far have been in an area where China is building two major dams as part of a hydroelectric power plant. There have been reports that hundreds of Burmese government troops were deployed to the northern region to drive out Kachin forces after they refused to abandon a strategic base near the project. China officially confirmed that about 30 Chinese engineers from the state-owned China Datang Corporation were caught up in the conflict.

It is also no coincidence that the Burmese army�s decision to go on the offensive comes just weeks after the newly installed president, ex-Gen Thein Sein, traveled to China for his first official state visit in his new role to cement his government�s ties with Beijing.

One of the issues the two sides discussed was stability along their shared border, something that Beijing has been especially concerned about since 2009, when the Burmese regime routed the ethnic Kokang army, sending thousands of refugees fleeing into China. The question is, did Thein Sein get a green light from his hosts to go after the Kachin, in order to protect a project that is worth billions of dollars to China and Burma�s generals?

If so, the situation looks grim indeed for the KIA, whose leaders have confided that they will be hard-pressed to hold onto their bases for more than six months if they are faced with a full-scale offensive. With somewhere between 5,000 and 8,000 troops, the KIA will be grossly outmatched by the 400,000-strong Burmese army, and may be hoping that China will intervene to bring the Burmese to the negotiating table to avoid a bloodbath and a fresh exodus of refugees across the border.

But it is not only the KIA and the other ethnic armies that should be worried by these developments. The new government�s willingness to resort to force is a throwback to the bad habits of the past, and only serves to confirm that Burma is still in the thralls of Than Shwe�s political vision of a nation united under his thumb.

Doing what�s �appropriate�
Radio Free Asia: Wed 15 Jun 2011

In a program broadcast on June 3, Aung San Suu Kyi highlights the need for a probe into the 2003 Depayin massacre and urges participation in a signature campaign demanding the release of political prisoners.Q:� The present Burmese government has declared that it is a new democratic government. But why is this new government slow in exposing the truth about the Depayin massacre, which occurred during the time of the previous government? I have heard that leaders of other countries all over the world have been arrested and that action has been taken against them after massacres were exposed. But our present government has done nothing with regard to such cases.

A:� We have asked the authorities to start an investigation with regard to the Depayin incident. Punitive action and revenge are not the main issues in our request, though. We want to highlight the fact that it is not permissible"�in a country where integrity, honor, responsibility, and the rule of law are prevalent"�to ignore unlawful acts against the people. I think that with regard to the honor and integrity of the country, you would have to ask those people who are responsible why they have not done the appropriate thing in this matter.

Q:� Why do people who do not do anything for the country themselves only like to blame and criticize people who make personal sacrifices and work in the interests of the country? What would you say to those people?

A:� Generally, we can look in two ways at the reasons why people who will not do anything themselves blame and criticize others. Some have a guilty conscience for not doing anything themselves, and therefore act in a reckless manner or as if they are mad. Then there are those who want a lot of things to happen"�but who, not understanding their own responsibility, blame others for not being effective in their work and become angry and dissatisfied. In short, I would just say that these people are irresponsible and ignorant of their own responsibilities.

Q:� In 1989, you pledged that NLD members would participate in the Martyrs"� Day march to the Martyrs"� Mausoleum and that they would pay their respects at the mausoleum. Many NLD members attended� this march because of your pledge. Just as Martyrs"� Day drew near, though, many NLD members got into trouble. Some fled the country, some were arrested, and some were imprisoned. What is your answer with regard to the accusation that many NLD followers got into trouble because you, as a leader, retracted your pledge at that time?

A:� It was I who was responsible for canceling the plan to march to the Martyrs"� Mausoleum. It was necessary to change the plan, and I take responsibility for the consequences. I have not heard that any of the lives of the people who went to the march were wrecked"�whether they went to the march because they did not know that the plan had been canceled, or because they did not accept that the plan had been canceled. As far as I am aware, not one person who went to the march was given a long prison sentence. Three women who distributed notices canceling the march were sent to jail for three years. In fact, quite a lot of people who did not attend the march were also sent to jail. That was by arrangement of the SLORC. It had nothing to do with our Martyrs"� Mausoleum plan.

Q:� In my circle of people, whenever I ask them about human rights or democracy, most answer that they are not interested in politics. They say that politics is none of their business. And recently, a learned economist said in an interview with a media organization that politics is none of his business, and that he is concerned only with the study of economics. When I heard this, I felt that I could not leave it at that and thought that I should ask you about this. What I would like to know is, what is the meaning of politics? And is it appropriate for every citizen to participate and work in politics?

A:� Just as I have answered this type of question many times, I think I will have to repeatedly keep saying what politics is and who should be concerned with it, so that this will be embedded in the hearts and minds of the people. Politics is a matter that concerns all citizens, whether they want to be concerned with it or not. To put it simply:� Isn"�t it true that the government of a country is closely connected to politics? Whether one likes it or not, a government"�s actions have an effect on the lives of every citizen. If a person is an economist, there is no reason for him not to know anything about politics. Perhaps he has a cold.

Q:� Foreigners who have an interest in Burma are asking me whether it would be a good idea to stage demonstrations by all of the Burmese people both inside Burma and abroad at the same time on the same day to demand the immediate release of all political prisoners. Isn"�t this the time when the United Nations and the international community are closely monitoring the new Burmese government, and also when efforts are being made for the U.N. Security Council to decide on a resolution regarding the establishment of an Inquiry Commission on Burma?

A:� It is a good idea to plan demonstrations all over the world demanding the release of political prisoners. But for the moment, I would like you all to enthusiastically participate and help in the signature campaign that has been organized by the Democracy Network. This campaign demands the release of political prisoners, a ceasefire in the country, and the right of Burmese people who have left Burma to be able to return peacefully. I would like you to urge other Burmese around you, and also those foreigners who are interested in Burma, to participate and add their signatures to this campaign.

Q:� On the last New Year"�s Day, at the ceremony paying respects to the elderly held at the NLD headquarters, I saw you presenting the Unknown/Unsung Heroes Award to three political prisoners. I also saw you, yourself, signing and supporting the signature campaign demanding that the country"�s president release all political prisoners that is being organized by the youth inside the country. What is your view and thinking with regard to the political prisoners and the unknown/unsung heroes?

A:� There would be a lot to say if I were to talk about the political prisoners and the unknown/unsung heroes. The most important point is that political prisoners are courageous people who dare to risk prison just to stand up for their political beliefs. Unknown/unsung heroes are those people who have struggled inspired by that kind of courage, and who people are unaware of, and yet continue with their life"�s struggle while holding on to their beliefs.

Q:� I once read in a book that in any country, people get the government they deserve. Is this Burma"�s situation at this moment?

A:� What I know of this quote is that this was said by a Frenchman, de Maistre, who desired a government completely controlled by kings and popes and who opposed science and liberal policies. That kind of analysis with unbending views is narrow-minded. As for me, I believe that we must struggle inspired by the belief that every citizen has the ability to create his or her own country"�s destiny.

A grim trade: Trafficking Palaung women to China - Simon Roughneen
Irrawaddy: Tue 14 Jun 2011

Bangkok: Unscrupulous traffickers, Burma�s economic decline and militarization, and a shortage of males caused by China�s "One Child Policy"� have all combined to contribute to the trafficking of women from the Palaung region of Burma into China, says a locally based activist group."Since 2007, we have documented 72 cases of actual and suspected trafficking involving 110 people,"� said Lway Moe Kam of the Palaung Women�s Organisation (PWO). The caseload includes 11 children under 10 years of age.

Twenty-five percent of the women trafficked were forced to marry Chinese men and 10 percent of the caseload were coerced into the sex trade, according to the PWO, which grimly concluded that nine out of 10 trafficking victims do not escape.

According to a particularly gruesome account given by one victim of trafficking, she was taken to a building in Shandong, eastern China, where people were kept as live feed for leeches, used in Chinese medicine. "I saw some people in that room lying in pools of water. They were all fat, but looked lifeless and were not moving. Then I saw that there were leeches sucking those people�s blood,"� said the unnamed woman.

The PWO concedes that the number of trafficking victims is likely to be higher than reported, with real figures difficult to determine due to local cultural constraints, further hampered by the logistical and security challenges confronting researchers working in the area. In 60 percent of the cases analysed, it remained unclear exactly what kind of situation the victim was trafficked into.

"Traffickers work in secret, and the presence of the army means that we have to be careful when doing research and talking to people,"� said Lway Aye Nang, another PWO representative.

Palaung culture frowns upon extramarital sex, meaning that trafficked women who suffer sexual crimes "are often reluctant to admit they have been trafficked,"� said Lway Moe Kah, the lead author of the PWO report, "Stolen Lives" Human Trafficking from Palaung Areas of Burma into China."�

In perhaps a surprising finding, 65 percent of the trafficking perpetrators were female, a factor that Lway Moe Kam puts down to the greater trust placed in women by the eventual victim of trafficking. �It sounds better if the job offer is made by a woman,� she said, though Khin Ohmar, a Burmese exile activist based in Chiang Mai, cautioned that the female perpetrators might themselves be coerced into recruitment by other traffickers, likely male, who dominate the trade.

The investigation focused on the townships of Namkahn, Namhsan and Mantong in the Palaung region of Shan State, which sits on the Burma-China frontier. In the absence of recent census date, the Palaung are thought to number around one million people, mostly mountain-dwellers in an area laden with gold, silver, zinc and aluminum.

China�s one Child Policy has contributed to a relative scarcity of women in the country, with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences recently predicting that 24 million Chinese men of marrying age could be unable to find a wife by 2020. While the laws are not as aggressively imposed in rural areas close to Burma as they are in China�s eastern seaboard cities, they contribute to a growing gender imbalance, with sex selection abortions "extremely common,"� according to the Academy.

With families restricted by law to one, or perhaps two children, a cultural preference for male offspring has been exacerbated, said the Chinese researchers, resulting in 119 boys born for every 100 girls, a disparity that rises to 130-100 in some rural areas.

According to US government in its 2010 report on global human trafficking trends, Burma�s government has been working to combat some aspects of trafficking, such as the international sex trade. Burma prohibits sex and labor trafficking through its 2005 Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law, in which traffickers are classed in the same category as rapists.

However the US report said that Burma�s internal trafficking situation had worsened, mentioning the use of child soldiers and forced labor by the army, abuses that are particularly common in ethnic minority areas.

However, the law is not applied on the ground, according to Palaung and Kachin researchers, and Burma�s policy in other areas directly or indirectly contributes to the trafficking of women and children, they say, with conflict and economic decline forcing people to migrate, making them vulnerable to traffickers and criminal gangs.

Within Burma, the Palaung are perhaps best known for the local tea industry, which in recent years has been commandeered by the Burmese army, a factor that the PWO say has contributed to the human trafficking problem in the region.

The PWO accuses the Burmese army of monopolising the tea industry, and of "forcing local people to sell their tea to military-supported companies at very low prices."� The ensuing income drop contributes to increased economic migration within Shan State and across the border to China, which renders local women vulnerable to traffickers.

Describing a similar scenario in Burma�s now conflict-wracked Kachin State, Khaung Seng Pan of the Kachin Women�s Association"�Thailand (KWAT) says that "a lack of jobs and the army�s presence has pushed people out."�
Her organisation says that it is aware of 130 cases of human trafficking into China from Burma since 2010, involving women and children from Kachin State.

Kachin State sits north of the Palaung region in Shan State, similarly sharing a border with China. Since June 9, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Burmese army have fought on-off battles, with the KIA accusing the government of breaching a long-standing ceasefire agreement and of encroaching into KIA-held areas.

Naypyidaw is demanding that the KIA and other ethnic militias become part of the country�s border guard, a proposal which most of the militias have rejected.

As dollar falls, FECs plummet
Irrawaddy: Tue 14 Jun 2011

Rangoon � The US dollar has been falling steadily in Burma�s unofficial foreign exchange market since the beginning of this year, but its decline has been outpaced by that of another currency that is technically its equal�the Foreign Exchange Certificate, or FEC.While the dollar�s drop has been attributed to a variety of factors�from an influx of aid money and a flood of drug profits to surges in domestic and foreign investment�the fate of the FEC has been tied to just one: the fact that nobody wants it.

�Many travel agencies, airline offices and hotels simply refuse to accept FECs now,� said a Rangoon-based tour guide, speaking on condition of anonymity. �It�s illegal, but that hasn�t stopped businesses from saying they won�t take them. At most, they will accept only half payment in FECs, and the other half has to be paid in dollars.�

Initially introduced to ensure that tourist dollars flowed into government hands (in the past, foreigners were required to buy a fixed number of FECs on arrival in the country), the FEC continues to serve as mechanism of government control over international transactions, from trade to aid.

In the wake of Cyclone Nargis, for instance, there was a controversy over how much of the money intended for victims of that disaster was actually being siphoned off by the ruling regime, which required that aid dollars be deposited in a state-run bank and withdrawn in FECs�effectively imposing a �tax� of several percentage points on all aid money that came into the country.

Since then, the gap between the dollar and the FEC has continued to widen. At present, the FEC is worth just 680 kyat on the unofficial market, while the dollar is at a multi-year low of 755 kyat.

The fact that the FEC is now worth a full 10 percent less than the dollar means that more and more companies are reluctant to accept them, putting further pressure on the unloved unit.

Rangoon�s well-known Park Royal Hotel confirmed that it is now accepting only US dollars. Traders Hotel, a Rangoon landmark, said that it is still accepting FECs�for now.

�Today we accept FECs, but we are not so sure if we will continue to do so if the value of the FEC continues to drop,� said a hotel employee.

Among those most affected by the fall of the FEC are employees of foreign-owned businesses or international nongovernmental organizations. Many are paid in FECs, resulting in a dramatic loss of income at a time when consumer prices continue to rise.

�Last year, someone making 250 FEC a month took home about 250,000 kyat. Now they�re only getting about 160,000 kyat,� said a worker at the Chatrium Hotel in Rangoon.

North Korea keeps silent on ship�s turnaround � Evan Ramstad
Wall Street Journal: Tue 14 Jun 2011

Seoul�The turning back of a North Korean ship suspected of transporting missiles and parts, the highest-profile interdiction against Pyongyang in more than a year, shows that the cat-and-mouse game over its weapons program is still on�and that it remains unclear which side is winning.Under pressure from the U.S. and other countries, a North Korean vessel called the M/V Light turned around in the South China Sea two weeks ago and returned to the North last week, U.S. and South Korean officials said Monday.

Among the countries that agreed to apply pressure was Myanmar, a previous destination for North Korean weapons, a senior U.S. official said. Some reports said the North Korean ship was bound for Myanmar, but the U.S. official, Gary Samore, special assistant to President Barack Obama on weapons of mass destruction, said its final destination wasn�t clear.

�It was headed for the Straits of Malacca, which would have required it to pass between Malaysia and Singapore,� Mr. Samore said. �Since we had alerted the Singaporean and Malaysian authorities, there might have been concern [in Pyongyang] whether it could pass through the straits without action by either of those countries.�

North Korea�s state media haven�t reported on the latest journey of the M/V Light, keeping with a silence it maintained over previous interceptions of its weapons-ferrying ships and planes.

The incident is unlikely to change the fundamental standoff between North Korea and other nations over its nuclear-weapons program. The U.S., China and other countries have tried to lure North Korea back to the so-called six-party talks, in which Pyongyang has been encouraged to give up its nuclear pursuit in exchange for economic incentives and security guarantees.

Mr. Samore said the multilateral cooperation is a signal to North Korea that other nations remain committed to enforcing the trade limitations set forth by the U.N. Security Council several weeks after Pyongyang tested a nuclear weapon in 2009.

�To the extent we can persuade North Korea to engage in negotiations over their nuclear program, we have to demonstrate to them that they�re paying a penalty for refusing to engage, for violating the U.N. Security Council resolutions,� Mr. Samore said. �Denying them revenue from weapons sales is one of the tools that we have available.�

Estimates about the size of North Korea�s weapons exports are widely varied and imprecise, but the country has a long history of weapons sales to countries such as Iran, Syria and Myanmar. Since the 2009 sanctions, North Korean weapons shipments have been stopped several times at sea, but analysts believe air shipments have increased.

At a nuclear-disarmament conference Monday in Seoul, participants said the development showed Pyongyang�s authoritarian regime is still hoping to use its weapons program to boost its impoverished economy. �Today�s news shows the challenge of trying to manage the flow of [nuclear] technology,� Leonard Spector, deputy director of the Monterey Institute�s Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Washington, said at the conference.

U.S. officials in late May began tracking the M/V Light, and a U.S. Navy destroyer intercepted it on May 26 and followed it down the Chinese coast for several days. Meanwhile, American diplomats won agreement from several southeast Asian nations to stop the ship if it attempted to make port.

U.S. officials also discussed the M/V Light with North Korean officials several times via the North�s U.N. delegation, a so-called back channel the two countries use because they don�t maintain official diplomatic relations.

�The North Koreans claimed the ship was going to Bangladesh with a cargo of industrial chemicals,� Mr. Samore said. �We have no way to verify whether any of that was true. And we had good reason to be suspicious with this ship, which in the past has been involved in the export of weapons to [Myanmar] and other locations in the Middle East.�

The U.S. military intercepted a North Korean cargo ship suspected of carrying weapons in July 2009. That ship was bound for Myanmar and returned to North Korea after being shadowed by a U.S. military ship for several days.

Around the same time, the United Arab Emirates detained a ship carrying conventional arms made in North Korea that were headed for the Middle East. India, South Africa and South Korea made similar searches or seizures of North Korean ships later that year. And in December 2009, Thailand grounded a cargo plane that was transporting missile parts from North Korea to the Middle East.\

Burma starts a new civil war with Kachin and Shan � Zin Linn
Asian Tribune: Tue 14 Jun 2011

Warfare has continued for two straight days between the Burmese Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) at Sang Gang position. The post is in N�mawk (Momauk) Township, in Manmaw (Bhamo) District of Kachin State, northern Burma, Kachin News Group [KNG] said.On June 11 Saturday, the battle took place at 3 p.m. through mid-night. On Sunday June 12, the battle started at 7 a.m. in the morning, said KIA officers at the frontline. Although both sides have casualties, the exact numbers cannot be known.

Local sources said that over and above 500 Burmese troops from more than three battalions have been deployed right through Sang Gang area. Burmese battalions in Manmaw District are also marching into the battle zone so as to reinforce their armed forces.

The Manmaw-based Infantry Battalion No. 237, N�mawk-based Light Infantry Battalion No. 437 and Dawhpumyang-based Infantry Battalion No. 142 are taking position among the Burmese troops in the combating area, according to the KIA source.

Fighting on 9 June ended resulting both sides made an agreement of captives� exchange. However, the Burmese troops allegedly break a promise on an agreement to withdraw its troops from Kachin territory in Manmaw District. As an alternative, Burmese side insisted that KIA troops located on a nearby mound close to their base have to move away.

As Kachin troops refused to withdraw, heavy artillery fire hit the KIA on Saturday afternoon. Due to heavy artillery bombardment, the the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) decided to close its last liaison office in the state capital, Myitkyinya. According to Kachin officials, the shutting down of its final liaison office indicates the official end to diplomatic contact channel with the Thein Sein government. The liaison officials were called back because of security concerns, KIA said. KIO�s liaison personnel arrived back at their headquarters in Laiza Saturday midnight.

It�s a sign of beginning of an all-out war between KIA and the Burmese government armed forces. In hope of setting up political dialogue, the KIO signed a ceasefire agreement with the central government on February 24, 1994 and supported the military-favored 2008 constitution.

No political dialogue happened in the 16-year ceasefire time and the KIO was intimidated to remove weapons by transforming into the Burmese Army-controlled Border Guard Force (BGF). The KIO�s closure of its liaison office in Myitkyinya indicates that over 16-year old truce has been cancelled to start a new civil war again.

According to some analysts, this incident of breaking a truce by the Burmese government is a total stupidity. Although Thein Sein government has guaranteed democracy, it even does not want to allow equal political rights toward the ethnic people.

More evidences were found also in the Shan State. Yesterday, Burma Army attacked the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) with its MA-10 mortars forcing the SSA to move back from its position, quoting local sources, Shan Herald Agency News (SHAN) said.

The Burma Army reportedly fired dozens of shells on the Kawng Sao Merng base, located one mile east of its former HQ Hsengkaew, Hsipaw township, with its MA-`10 mortars and other types of heavy weapons from around 5:00 to 9:00, said a source from Hsengkaew militia group, formerly SSA base security force.

In the attack, the Burma Army Military Operations Command (1) used three battalions from Kyaukme based to crack down the SSA�s hundred-fighter unit.

It was hard to resist such heavy weapons as the strengths were also lopsided, said Colonel Sai Htoo, Assistant Secretary General-2, Shan State Progress Party, the political arm of the embattled Shan State Army North. SSA also did not want local villagers to be the victims of counter attacks if it did not leave the area first.

According to the SSA, its strategy on war is never to stick to a static defensive. It is instead to be on a mobile defensive as the strengths between the two sides are unbalanced.

To date, the Burma Army side is still reportedly deploying more troops to SSAs new HQ Wanhai, according to local eye witnesses from Kehsi Township, Shan Herald Agency News (SHAN) said. Fighting between the two sides have been three months long since 13 March and had killed dozens of civilians including at least 300 casualties on the Burma Army side in the conflict zones. Most of the civilians were reportedly killed and injured by the Burma Army�s heavy shells, claimed the SSA.

Without addressing and honoring the political aspiration of ethnic people, the new Burmese government seems to be unwilling to end political and civil conflict throughout ethnic regions. So, it is clear that Thein Sein government is not heading toward democracy; instead it is attempting to protect a military-centered sham civilian administration.

Illusion of freedom in Myanmar � Francis Wade
Asia Times: Tue 14 Jun 2011

Chiang Mai � An apparent relaxation of media regulations suggests that Myanmar�s once watertight censorship board has in recent months undergone something of a change of heart.The amendment to the country�s press laws in March to allow the majority of non-news journals to bypass pre-censorship was accompanied by last week�s announcement that two Thailand-based dailies, the Bangkok Post and The Nation, will soon be allowed to hit newsstands in Yangon. Both events have helped to massage the carefully crafted image of a government loosening its grip on the media as it moves steadily towards democratic reform.

Aiding the revamp is President Thein Sein, a remnant of the previous ruling junta who in his few public appearances since taking office has sought to dilute his hardline image with somewhat reformist rhetoric. He used his first speech as the country�s new leader to emphasize that the media is the �fourth estate� in Myanmar and demanded that both civilians and ministers �respect the role� it plays.

His words would seem to mark a sea-change for media freedom from the half-century of military rule that ostensibly ended on March 31 with the installation of an elected government. Beneath the surface, however, little has changed for the country�s harassed journalists and censored publications. The new rule allowing some 200 journals and magazines to avoid the scrutiny of the censorship board is reserved only for fluffy publications that deal with topics like sport, children�s literature and entertainment � the sort of material that poses little threat to the rulers.

Still at the mercy of government censors is any magazine that reports on political topics or questions decisions made in parliament, which means that any hint of public debate or commentary about the new government and its leaders will continue to be redacted.

Indeed, the ostensible relaxation of censorship rules could in fact make the working environment more dangerous and unpredictable for domestic journalists. Previously it was up to the censorship board, known as the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD), to spot and block news that could be considered critical of the government and its policies. Now the onus has shifted to the scribes themselves, with the result that they can no longer safely test the limits of the law and will take the full weight of retribution whenever they are perceived to have crossed an ever-shifting line.

Observers know well the potential penalty of pushing this boundary in a country where nearly 30 media workers are currently behind bars. Some of them are serving decades-long sentences, usually on trumped up charge, for their critical news reporting. They are a constant warning to other local journalists and a motivation for self-censorship that is endemic at local news publications.

About 2,200 political prisoners are currently locked up in Myanmar�s prisons, a situation the newly elected parliament has failed to address.

Myanmar�s consistent ranking at the tail end of press freedom indexes is one of a number of barometers historically used by the international community to justify punitive measures, including economic and financial sanctions, against the regime. But nearly 15 years after the first set of economic sanctions was implemented, international players are increasingly questioning their efficacy.

The European Union (EU), for instance, recently suspended a visa ban and asset freeze it had imposed on a number of senior government officials. The United States, too, has moved tentatively towards more engagement after imposing new financial sanctions against the military regime and its business supporters after its 2007 crackdown on Buddhist monk-led street protests.

Thein Sein�s government has capitalized on this potential opening through a carefully choreographed public relations campaign that began with last November�s elections and the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and has continued with recent reform vows.

These cosmetic changes have helped to shift image perceptions, seen in the EU�s dropping of some of its punitive measures in March and its coincident praise for the regime�s �greater civilian character�. United Nations official Vijay Nambiar followed with his own kudos, saying the regime has demonstrated �very encouraging� signs after his visit in May.

Old authoritarian ways
Despite this high-level praise, so far there is no indication that the government has overhauled the authoritarian and unchecked way power has long been wielded in Myanmar. On-the-ground evidence points to the contrary, with armed conflict in the border regions escalating and the harsh political sentencing of journalists and dissidents continuing apace since last year�s elections. Two journalists from the exile-run, Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma were recently jailed for eight and 13 years for merely photographing the aftermath of mysterious grenade attacks in Yangon last year.

To be sure, marginal new media space has opened. In particular, domestic journals have been allowed to cover the Middle East and North Africa uprisings but have been barred from publishing any hard or comparative analysis of those events.

Some believe a real acid test will come on July 3 when neighboring Thailand heads to the polls after violent street protests and a military crackdown last year. Fresh in the minds of Yangon�s news editors will be last year�s three-week suspension of The Voice, after the popular magazine ran a piece on Thailand�s �red shirt� anti-government movement that irked the censorship board.

At the same time, there are parallel indications that the regime is tightening its grip, particularly over the Internet. Media watchdog Reporters Without Borders released a report shortly after last year�s elections alleging that what the government had presented publicly as an Internet �upgrade� would in fact improve its on-line surveillance capabilities. �The new system requires Internet requests to go through even more ISP [Internet service provider] servers and therefore users are subjected to more screening and controls,� the report said.

Reporters Without Borders also claimed that the upgrade gave the military exclusive control over the country�s main link to the global Internet, meaning that during times of crisis or upheaval authorities will have the power to shut down publicly-accessible Internet servers without affecting its own access.

Underground journalists who have kept the world informed about pivotal events that the regime has tried to censor will in future struggle to feed footage and information to foreign news outlets, as they did so effectively during the August-September 2007 uprising and crackdown.

The government�s improved online surveillance capabilities are already on display: in April a former army captain was arrested for possessing an e-mail with the words �national reconciliation� in its title. He faces up to 20 years in prison under the draconian Electronics Act and may well carry the distinction of being the newly elected government�s first political prisoner.

Strict rules for Internet cafes that require owners to take regular screen shots of their computers and send them to the Telecommunications Ministry every month have also been tightened. Customers can now no longer use CDs and external hard drives.

In March authorities enacted a ban on the use of Internet-based services like Skype that allow locals to avoid exorbitant international telephone costs but are also more difficult for the government to monitor.

The duplicity of the government�s reform vows and actual policies is plain and clearly out of step with a genuine democratic transition. So far that�s being lost on what was once a more discerning international community, judging by the EU�s and UN�s recent praise of the regime and its direction.

Those premature kudos will allow the country�s new rulers to claim democratic gains where they are lacking and shy away from the media and other reforms needed to ensure that the new elected government isn�t a carbon copy of the military old.

* Francis Wade is a Thailand-based journalist with the Democratic Voice of Burma.

They never want to see ethnic unity
Mizzima News: Tue 14 Jun 2011

The Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) 6th Congress, held on the Thai-Burma border, ended on Saturday. About 40 delegates and special guests attended the congress. Mizzima interviewed ENC spokesman Dr. Sui Kher about the role of the congress and current political issues.Q: What was the purpose of the 6th congress meeting?

A: We viewed the current political situation in light of our policies and strategy, and we adopted plans for the future.

Q: What is the new political atmosphere?

A: The power centre has shifted slightly from absolute power concentrated only in the hands of Than Shwe [former senior-general of the junta]. They are trying to project a new image to the world.

Q: What are your plans?

A: First, we considered and discussed what the political parties in Burma should do and how we can facilitate their work. And we discussed what should be our priorities in capacity building. We have three core goals. The first is capacity building for the domestic political parties. They must work in domestic politics based on the 2008 Constitution. At the same time we are drafting proposed state constitutions for each state.

The second area is a constitutional awareness campaign among the people, because the new government will work based on this Constitution. Conducting an awareness campaign does not mean we are giving support to the Constitution. We must educate people on these matters that will be essential and useful to their understanding. We must educate the people on constitutional law.

The third area of our core political process is international advocacy. We must continue this work. At the same time, we work for the goal of dialogue with the government. We must facilitate a dialogue between stakeholders, and we must give stakeholders the necessary support.

Q: War between the KIA and government troops has broken out. Did the ENC discuss this issue and also the unification of armed ethnic alliances for fighting against the government?

A: The war issue is handled by the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). The mission of the ENC covers all ethnic issues. There are three major groups in our ethnic forces, namely ethnic political parties, armed ethnic groups and ethnic civil society. We must formulate our strategy to cover these three groups. The ENC will focus on this strategy formulation, and the UNFC will focus on the war issue, fighting against the government using a combined force.

But instead of launching wars against the government, we should work for a peaceful resolution through international bodies. As our statement said, we welcome what President Thein Sein said about being willing to build confidence among ethnic people and calling for national unity. We urged President Thein Sein to cease the current armed conflicts with ethnic people and to extend a nationwide cease-fire and finally to enter a dialogue with ethnic people as soon as possible.

Q: Can the current conflict with the KIA spread to other areas?

A: It depends on President Thein Sein. If they don�t see this issue as a political issue and if they try to resolve this issue with violence rather than political means, the current conflict will be escalated and spread to other areas.

Q: What are the differences between the new and old government? Have human right violations in ethnic areas been reduced?

A: We must say we have not yet seen any changes or only slight changes, but the new government has been in power for only three months. We are interested in whether or not they will implement the new policy changes expressed in the president�s address.

Q: Some criticized the ENC for supporting the junta�s electoral process in the recent election.

A: From our point of view, we must consider what the people should do within this new constitutional framework and the election framework.

Q: So the ENC has two approaches. The first is to support domestic ethnic political parties and at the same time give support to six armed ethnic groups.

A: Our opposition forces are weak in exercising the principle of �unity in diversity�. I think we are weak in considering how to cooperate among ourselves. Fighting against the SPDC (military regime) is not the only way. Now the ethnic political parties are performing their role; it�s their way to fight against the former SPDC.

Q: What is the overriding goal of the ENC?

A: Our political stance has not changed. Building a federal union will remain as our overall political goal.

Q: Will President Thein Sein coming to you be a way to negotiate for peace?

A: Even if a dialogue takes place, the ENC would not be the stakeholder (or dialogue partner). We are just an advocacy and lobby group, and we will play a role only as a support mechanism in this regard.

Q: Do you think the military regime is trying to disrupt ethnic people�s efforts to build unity?

A: They never want to see ethnic unity. But that view is misguided because dividing ethnic groups will not benefit them. They will get good results only through a dialogue with the groups, one that can build ethnic unity. This is the only way they can establish a stable state. Fighting with ethnic forces will not benefit them or ethnic people.

Transcript of the video message from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi delivered to the 100th International Labour Conference
International Labor Organisation: Tue 14 Jun 2011

The former General Secretary of the National League for Democracy in Myanmar appeals to the ILO to expand its activities in Myanmar.The Preamble to the Constitution of the International Labour Organization starts with the very strong and simple statement that universal and lasting peace can be established only if it is based on social justice. Further on, it declares categorically that the failure of any nation to adopt humane conditions of labour is an obstacle in the way of other nations which desire to improve conditions in their own countries. This is a magnificent assertion of the linkage between the destinies of different nations made at a time when globalization was hardly recognized as a word, let alone a concept.

The ILO showed itself thus to be an organization for all times, its mandate firmly routed in a pragmatic assessment of what needs to be done if our world is to be regulated by peace and justice. Moreover, member States of the ILO are represented not only by government delegates, but also by delegates of employers and workers, thus making the Organization not only unique among international agencies, but uniquely geared towards the future when international agencies and organizations would need to be the voice not only of governments but of the true representatives of nations � the people.

In choosing the need for a new era of social justice as the theme of this 100th Session, the ILO has shown itself once again to be not just in sync with the times, but perhaps even to be running a little ahead.

Universal and lasting peace has certainly not been assured for the human race and there is an urgent need to try to find new and better roads towards that goal which must be kept in sight, even if all too often it seems to be unobtainably remote.

Globalization presents new opportunities but it also poses new dangers which include, to focus on the most obvious, the easy dissemination of the propaganda and weapons of hate and terrorism. It is therefore imperative to intensify the quest for peace if we are to keep the earth secure for us and for coming generations.

When the ILO was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1969, the Chairman of the Nobel Peace Committee recalled the Organization�s founding principle, that social justice was the base of lasting peace as stated. There are few organizations that have succeeded as the ILO has in translating action the fundamental, moral ideal on which it is based. Moral ideas vitalize to become the driving force of practical change is an exhilarating and, as the ILO has proved, not an impossible dream.

The current guiding philosophy of the ILO, the Decent Work Agenda, based on international labour standards, employment, social protection and social dialogue, could constitute enormous strides towards social justice, and, hence, progress and peace. We look to the Organization to uphold its record of success through the achievement of these objectives and, in keeping with its credo, to ensure that no nation must be allowed to fail, if all nations are to triumph.

Here I would like to make a special appeal for my own country, Burma. Once upon a time it was considered the nation most likely to succeed in South-East Asia. But now it has fallen behind almost all the other nations in this region. The work of the ILO in our country has highlighted the indivisibility of social, political and economic concerns. In its attempt to eliminate forced labour and the recruitment of child soldiers, the ILO has inevitably been drawn into work related to rule of law, prisoners of conscience and freedom of association.

Six months ago, the National League for Democracy and other organizations and individuals who have been struggling for political change in Burma established a people�s network that incorporated social and humanitarian projects into a broad programme for democracy and human rights. The growth, rapid beyond our expectations, of this network is evidence of the indivisibility of social, economic and political concerns, and of the hunger of our people for a society secured by acceptable norms of social justice joined to political and economic progress.

We look to the ILO to expand its activities in Burma to help usher in an era of broad-based social justice in our country. We are particularly concerned that our workers should be enabled to form trade unions, concerned with the highest international standards as soon as possible. Labour rights are integral to the triumphant development of a nation and, once again, may I reiterate the declaration of faith of the ILO that failure in one nation raises obstacles in the way of progress in all other nations. Burma must not be allowed to fail and the world must not be allowed to fail Burma.

I would like to conclude with a heartfelt expression of appreciation for what the ILO has been able to achieve in Burma, in spite of many difficulties. I hope that a progressively closer cooperation can be developed between the Organization and all those who sincerely wish for lasting peace solidly founded on social, economic and political justice, not just in our country, but throughout our world.

U.S. said to turn back North Korea missile shipment � David E. Sanger
New York Times: Mon 13 Jun 2011

Seoul, South Korea � The United States Navy intercepted a North Korean ship it suspected of carrying missile technology to Myanmar two weeks ago and, after a standoff at sea and several days of diplomatic pressure from Washington and Asia nations, forced the vessel to return home, according to several senior American officials. Washington made no announcement about the operation, which paralleled a similar, far more public confrontation with North Korea two years ago. But in response to questions about what appears to be a growing trade in missiles and missile parts between North Korea and Myanmar � two of the world�s most isolated governments � American officials have described the episode as an example of how they can use a combination of naval power and diplomatic pressure to enforce United Nations sanctions imposed after the North�s last nuclear test, in 2009.

It was a rare victory: a similar shipment of suspected missile parts made it to Myanmar last year before American officials could act. Despite the Obama administration�s efforts to squeeze North Korea with both economic and trade sanctions, there are continuing reports of sophisticated missile technology exchanges, some of it by air, between North Korea and Iran, among other nations.

North Korea, aware that shipments leaving the country are under increased scrutiny, has found a profitable trading partner in the authoritarian government in Myanmar.

The extent of that trade is unclear to American intelligence agencies. Two years ago, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton publicly expressed suspicions that Myanmar was attempting to purchase nuclear weapons technology, but it recently said it was too poor to use such technology. And the evidence has been scant at best. (In 2009, India inspected a North Korean ship that was believed to be carrying equipment for a nuclear reactor to Myanmar, but quickly discovered that its contents were legal.)

The most recent episode began after American officials tracked a North Korean cargo ship, the M/V Light, that was believed to have been involved in previous illegal shipments. Suspecting that it was carrying missile components, they dispatched a Navy vessel, the destroyer McCampbell, to track it.

�This case had an interesting wrinkle: the ship was North Korean, but it was flagged in Belize,� one American official said, meaning it was registered in that Central American nation, perhaps to throw off investigators.

But Belize is a member of the Proliferation Security Initiative, an effort begun by President George W. Bush�s administration to sign up countries around the world to interdict suspected unconventional weapons. It is an effort that, like the military and C.I.A. drone programs, Mr. Obama has adopted, and one of the rare areas where he has praised his predecessor.

According to American officials, the authorities in Belize gave permission to the United States to inspect the ship.

On May 26, somewhere south of Shanghai, the McCampbell caught up with the cargo ship and hailed it, asking to board the vessel under the authority given by Belize. Four times, the North Koreans refused.

As in the 2009 case, which involved the North Korean vessel the Kong Nam 1, the White House was unwilling to forcibly board the ship in international waters, fearing a possible firefight and, in the words of one official, a spark �that could ignite the Korean peninsula.� Moreover, the Americans did not have definitive proof of what was in the containers � and a mistake would have been embarrassing.

�There is always a chance that the North is setting us up for a raid that they know will find nothing,� one official said. �So we want to make sure we don�t fall into a trap.�

By happenstance, a group of senior officials from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations � including a representative from Myanmar � was in Washington while the slow-speed chase was occurring 8,000 miles away. On May 27, when the group visited the Old Executive Office Building opposite the White House, Gary Samore, the president�s top nuclear adviser, addressed the officials, urging Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia to fully join the nonproliferation effort.

He then surprised the Asian officials by telling them he had a �sensitive subject� to raise, and described the American suspicions, providing the group with a picture of the ship on its way to Myanmar. He reminded them that under United Nations Security Council Resolution 1874, which was passed in response to the North Korean nuclear test in 2009, its vessels are to be inspected if �reasonable grounds� exist to suspect that weapons are being exported.

�The Burmese official in the room protested that we were making accusations,� said one American official familiar with the exchange. Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has denied stockpiling missiles or buying parts from North Korea. It repeated those denials during recent visits to the country by a midlevel State Department official and by Senator John McCain.

American officials dismiss those denials, pointing to years of evidence of missile-related purchases during both the Bush and Obama administrations. But they concede they are mystified about Myanmar�s motives. The missiles that they believed were aboard the M/V Light have a range of about 350 miles, meaning they could hit parts of India, China, Thailand or Laos � all unlikely targets.

The message apparently got across. A few days later, long before approaching Myanmar, the cargo ship stopped dead in the water. Then it turned back to its home port, tracked by American surveillance planes and satellites, and suffering engine trouble along the way.

Secretary-General, in meeting with Group of Friends on Myanmar, reiterates United Nations desire to help address country�s long-standing problems
United Nations-Office of the Secretary General: Mon 13 Jun 2011

The following statement was issued today by the Spokesperson for UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon:

This morning, the Secretary-General convened the first meeting of his Group of Friends on Myanmar since the establishment of a new Government in Naypyitaw. The Group heard from his Special Adviser, following his recent visit to that country.Given Myanmar�s decades-long conflict and political deadlock, this meeting took place against a backdrop of significant recent developments that could affect the country�s future direction and standing regionally and globally.

It is clear that Myanmar today continues to face the same challenges it has faced for too long; the country�s human rights, political, social, economic and humanitarian problems are serious, deep-seated and long-standing.

Equally clear, however, is the desire of the United Nations to see Myanmar succeed in addressing those challenges. President Thein Sein�s stated recognition of the need to do so in a way that strengthens national unity, including through wide-ranging reforms, is welcome. Whether the new Government has the political will, capacity and support to live up to its commitments and promises is yet to be seen. In order for Myanmar to move forward, all citizens should be allowed to participate in building their country�s future.

Releasing all political prisoners and reaching out as broadly as possible through dialogue to all those who have a contribution to make � including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and political forces inside and outside Parliament � will be key to ensuring that any reforms enjoy broad support. There is no time to waste.

Collectively too, the international community has a shared responsibility towards the people of Myanmar. Enabling the current process to result in a successful transition requires us to follow events closely, but also to recognize efforts and maximize opportunities for meaningful change. That is why, with the cooperation of the new Government and the continued support of Member States, the Secretary-General is personally committed to the United Nations long-term engagement with Myanmar in the political, humanitarian and development areas, all of which are important to advance durable peace and democracy.

Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi: �Burma must not be allowed to fail�
The Associated Press: Mon 13 Jun 2011

Geneva � Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi said Monday her nation yearns for justice and progress, and the international community must help lift its workers� grim conditions.
�Burma must not be allowed to fail and the world must not be allowed to fail Burma,� the 65-year-old Nobel laureate told a U.N. labor conference by videolink, using the Southeast Asian country�s former name.

The pro-democracy icon, freed last November after spending much of the past 20 years under house arrest, said her nation once seemed the most likely success story in southeast Asia but �has fallen behind almost all the other nations in the region.�

Suu Kyi won the 1991 Nobel Peace prize for her nonviolent struggle for democracy. She led her National League for Democracy to victory in 1990 elections, but the military junta that led the government refused to recognize the results.

The former junta changed the nation�s name to Myanmar, but many democracy supporters and Suu Kyi still call it Burma.

After elections in November that were swept by a party close to the ruling junta, military leaders turned over control to a nominally civilian government in March.

In recent months Suu Kyi has been turning to videolinks and other means to get her message out, fearing � as she has for years � that if she were to leave the country she might not get back in.

Suu Kyi, seeking to revive her party, said its members and other groups and people struggling for political change created a �people�s network� six months ago to focus on social and humanitarian projects that spread democracy and human rights.

�The growth, rapid beyond our expectations, of this network is evidence of the indivisibility of social, economic and political concerns, and of the hunger of our people for a society secured by acceptable norms of social justice joined to political and economic progress,� she said.

Suu Kyi also addressed the International Labor Organization�s involvement in Myanmar.

In February, the military government extended an agreement allowing the ILO to investigate complaints from inside the country of forced labor.

A 2007 agreement with the country�s labor ministry allows the ILO maintain an office in Myanmar enabling victims of forced labor to seek redress. The government says it is trying to eliminate the practice.

At the time of the original agreement, Myanmar faced international sanctions because the ILO � the U.N.�s labor agency � had accused Myanmar since 1998 of using forced labor to aid the military and build roads and other projects. In a November 2009 report, it said it was �deeply concerned� that the country continues to imprison people who have complained of forced labor.

�We look to the ILO to expand its activities in Burma to help usher in an era of broad-based social justice in our country,� Suu Kyi said. �We are particularly concerned that our workers should be enabled to form trade unions, concerned with the highest international standards as soon as possible. Labor rights are integral to the triumphant development of a nation.�

Burma�s richest man � Luke Hunt
The Diplomat: Fri 10 Jun 2011

No sooner had the Burmese military attempted to convince the world it was too poor to undertake a nuclear programme than its richest man emerges from the shadows to brag about the incredible fortunes he, the generals and local and Chinese businessmen have amassed over the years. Tay Za is a 47-year-old billionaire � and he wants the West to know it.

He recently told an Italian journalist in his first interview with the foreign press: �I want it to be known once and for all that I am the wealthiest man in Burma. Too many Chinese have taken our citizenship and are now boasting they are the richest. But they�re not pure Burmese.�

In a fantastic interview with Raimondo Butrini and published in La Republica, Tay Za did anything but cry poor from a snakeskin sofa with armrests shaped of enormous golden conch shells in a plush Rangoon mansion.

The Burmese businessman heads a list of 3,000 people with sanctions leveled against them, yet despite this runs a network of companies with an estimated turnover of about $500 million a year, with interests that include aviation and gem stones.

�My holdings show that actually your Western sanctions don�t bother me,� he said.

�In fact, they suit me fine, and that goes for everyone else on your black list, including the generals themselves. But I don�t like seeing our economy depending on Chinese trade alone.

�They have the money and can afford everything, even the jade and precious stones from my mines. Everyone knows that China has enormous interests here. The Chinese need a secure trade route for their goods from the Middle East and Africa without using the Straits of Malacca, which are controlled by the US.

�That�s why they�re building huge ports along our western coast, and railways across the country up to Kunming, behind their frontier. Our gas goes up there too, through hundreds of miles of pipeline.�

The interview was far reaching and offered some rare insights into the running of the country. Asked if the Burmese generals fear Chinese control, he responded:

�You can be sure of that. But people abroad don�t seem to realize that sanctions are bound to thrust us into the arms of Beijing in the end. Just the other day, China offered a loan of $30 billion, which the government hasn�t yet accepted, but certainly will soon.

�In exchange, they will obviously get more concessions. All this is going on because you are following the moral principles of (former US president) George Bush, who will go down in history as America�s worst ever president for the mess he made in Iraq and its consequences.�

Tay Za also had some fair points about hypocrisy and Western sanctions: �China is always being accused of violating human rights, but where are the sanctions against them? As for the champions of these sanctions, why do America and France let Chevron and Total operate here with no restrictions whatsoever? They�re the hypocrites, moralizing while they knowingly swell their government coffers, not China, India, Thailand, Singapore and Korea.�

However, he also made a somewhat dubious point, saying: �You should realize that the real victims of your measures against us here are the poor, who live hand to mouth.�

It�s a hard line to swallow given his bragging rights are based on how so few have attained such great wealth in a country of so many poor. It also makes a mockery of claims by Burma�s Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo, who recently told US Sen. John McCain during his tour there to assess the country�s changing politics that Burma isn�t wealthy enough to acquire nuclear weapons.

Can you travel responsibly in Burma? � Jonny Bealby
Guardian (UK): Fri 10 Jun 2011

Aung San Suu Kyi has given the green light to tourism in Burma. But how easy is it to be a responsible tourist? Jonny Bealby of tour operator Wild Frontiers travelled there to find out.I have always tried to run Wild Frontiers from an apolitical standpoint. To judge whether a government is benevolent enough to make it suitable for tourism is fraught with potential inconsistencies, bias and hypocrisy. Much better, I�ve always believed, to run all our trips in as responsible a manner as possible and let our clients decide for themselves if they wish to visit a certain country or not. That said, there are always exceptions.

And up until last November, Burma was generally considered to be one. Accused of multiple human rights violations, the ruling military junta was thought to be beyond the pale, and an unofficial tourist boycott was in place. But at the end of last year, elections (albeit rigged ones) were held, the generals handed power to a �civilianised� government and finally released Aung San Suu Kyi � the democratically elected leader � from house arrest.

Aung San Suu Kyi then dropped her opposition to tourism, arguing that as long as it is done responsibly, tourism can be a positive stance for change.

But how easy is it to travel responsibly? How does the ethical traveller make sure the money he or she is spending reaches ordinary Burmese people? Before launching our programme to the country, I decided to go and find out.

You can�t avoid financing the government to some extent; with a 10% tax on most things, it�s inevitable that some funds will find their way into their coffers. But if you are clever, and avoid those hotels either owned by the government or their privileged cronies, it is possible to keep this amount to a minimum.

At the Red Canel, a small locally-owned boutique hotel in Mandalay, a woman called Lwen Lwen showed us around. As she�d worked here for five years, I asked her what she thought about tourism and if bookings were up or down. �Oh this year will be best year,� she said with a smile. �More tourists, we very happy.�

When I headed to Bagan, the story was the same. San Win, the manger of the lovely Tharabar Hotel, thought the tourist boycott folly. �The only people that suffer,� he said, �are the people � no one else.�

He was simply concerned there were going to be enough hotels rooms for the coming season. According to him there were only 9,000 suitable rooms in the entire country, 700 in Bagan, and if too many tourists came, the infrastructure wouldn�t be able to cope. But he too was bullish about the future. �Things are changing,� he said. �More private places will come up and they will make a difference.�

One thing was for sure, even in low season � with many friendly touts trying to sell me everything from Buddha�s heads to grasshoppers, it was obvious that plenty of ordinary people make a living out of tourism.

Although it is impossible for me to know the true extent of human rights violations inflicted on the people of this wonderful country by the government, or how much money they earn as a result of our presence, of three things I feel I can be sure. First, this government is not in power because of tourism; compared with the income they derive from timber, oil and gas, gems and agricultural exports, the money made from tourists is insignificant. Second, there is no doubt in my mind that the vast majority of Burmese people want tourists to visit; a more welcoming and friendly population I have yet to find. And last, it is also clear that a huge number of ordinary civilians, both directly and indirectly, benefit, from our presence.

Tourism does not sustain the generals; indeed it can be argued staying away leaves the country and its people more isolated and vulnerable. There should be other ways of persuading them to change.

Later this month Aung San Suu Kyi is due to go on a tour of the provinces. Although the programme will be carefully managed with public appearances avoided and meetings with party delegates taking place in private, it represents a critical juncture in both her political position and that of the new government.

There is no doubt that The Lady, as she known in Burma, is deeply loved, so what will happen should the public hear their hero is in town and gather in numbers to greet her? Will the old, dictatorial ways resurface with Aung San Suu Kyi being sent back to her house in Rangoon? Or will it be allowed? Only time will tell.

It will be up to our clients to decide if they wish to come here or not. But as long as I am convinced Wild Frontiers can both offer our clients an interesting experience, and in doing so, benefit the ordinary people of this beautiful country, from 2012 we will start to offer Burma as one of our destinations.

*Some names have been changed

Myanmar gets record $20B investment pledges
The Associated Press: Thu 9 Jun 2011

Yangon, Myanmar � Myanmar received a record $20 billion of foreign investment pledges in the last financial year despite Western sanctions against its military government.The figure from the Ministry of National Planning Development dwarfs the value of foreign direct investment announced by Myanmar in previous years.

FDI commitments in the financial year ended March 2010 totaled just $302 million. They totaled about $16 billion in the previous two decades.

Neighboring China with $8.27 billion accounted for 41 percent of the FDI commitments in the financial year that ended in March. Much of that money will be plowed into hydropower projects.

Other top investors included the Chinese territory of Hong Kong with $5.39 billion followed by Thailand with $2.94 billion, and South Korea with $2.67 billion.

The U.S. and European Union have imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar for its poor human rights record and failure to make democratic reforms. Sanctions, including banning U.S. companies from investing in Myanmar and banning Myanmar exports to the United States, started in 1997.

Since Myanmar liberalized its investment code in late 1988, it has attracted large investments in oil and gas, hydroelectric power and mining, mainly from neighboring countries such as China and Thailand.

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#869

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Date: Fri Jul 1, 2011 8:22 am
Subject: Fwd: Stand with Aung San Suu Kyi

maxediger

please read this and consider taking action.......max

Dear friends,

Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's movement for democracy in Burma is hanging in the balance this week, with the regime threatening a brutal response to her call to free political prisoners. Activists have appealed to the world for help, saying international pressure is crucial to tipping the balance. Let's stand with Suu Kyi and the brave Burmese:

The future of Aung San Suu Kyi and her amazing movement for democracy in Burma is hanging in the balance this week, and we could make the difference.

Suu Kyi has bravely called on the military regime to free the thousands of monks and peaceful activists still held in horrific prisons, some in cramped dog cages. Unprecedentedly, thousands of Burmese have risked their own safety to join her call for freedom through an online petition! Yesterday, the regime issued an ominous warning to Suu Kyi – and the Generals may be deciding right now between dialogue or another brutal crackdown.

This could come down to us. Activists in Burma have appealed to the world for help, saying that pressure from the international community is crucial to preventing violence and freeing political prisoners. Let's stand with Suu Kyi and the brave Burmese, sign on to their petition, and send it to the EU, India and other key governments who can press the regime. Sign below and forward this email to build our outcry:

http://www.avaaz.org/en/stand_with_aung_san_suu_kyi/?vl

International pressure, including a massive Avaaz campaign, helped free Aung San Suu Kyi, who spent 15 years in detention. But over 2000 of her fellow political prisoners remain in filthy jails, some in cramped, lice-filled kennels normally used for military dogs. Suu Kyi has consulted widely with the Burmese people since she was freed and is now making the push to release political prisoners -- her first major effort to press the regime for change. The future of Burma could depend on their response.

Suu Kyi led the party that won Burma's last real democratic elections in 1992. After a military coup, the brave Burmese have pursued a peaceful non-violent movement for democracy and rights, facing killings, torture and intimidation in response. Pressed by economic woes, international sanctions and national strife, the military junta has tried to set up a fake democracy -- but Suu Kyi's movement is still banned and her campaign for prisoner release is a key test of whether the Generals will allow real change.

Burma has suffered too long. Let's stand with this incredible woman and help her put her country on the road to democracy. Sign below and forward this email to everyone:

http://www.avaaz.org/en/stand_with_aung_san_suu_kyi/?vl

Our community has stood with the Burmese people many times. Our massive petition and ad campaign in 2007 helped build an unprecedented level of international outcry against the crackdown then. Avaaz members also donated to provide technical support and training to Burmese activists who faced an internet and phone blackout. We sent millions of dollars and euros in relief funds after a devastating cyclone. Now, the Burmese are appealing again for support -- let's answer their call for help.

With hope and determination,

Stephanie, Alex, Pascal, Giulia, Ricken, Brianna, Morgan, Emma and the rest of the Avaaz team

SOURCES

Myanmar's Suu Kyi to plans first trip since release
http://news.yahoo.com/myanmars-suu-kyi-plans-first-trip-since-release-141036956.html

Myanmar tilts towards civil war
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/MF29Ae02.html

Burma: prisoners kept in ‘dog cages’ after protests
http://www.amnesty.org.uk/news_details.asp?NewsID=19496

Myanmar politician warns of Arab Spring
http://www.upi.com/Top_News/Special/2011/06/24/Myanmar-politician-warns-of-Arab-spring/UPI-27491308932120/

Gordon Brown: The release of political prisoners in Burma
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/gordon-brown/burma-political-prisoners_b_874569.html

Support the Avaaz community! We're entirely funded by donations and receive no money from governments or corporations. Our dedicated team ensures even the smallest contributions go a long way -- donate here.

Avaaz.org is a 9-million-person global campaign network that works to ensure that the views and values of the world's people shape global decision-making. ("Avaaz" means "voice" or "song" in many languages.) Avaaz members live in every nation of the world; our team is spread across 13 countries on 4 continents and operates in 14 languages. Learn about some of Avaaz's biggest campaigns here, or follow us on Facebook or Twitter.

This message was sent to ediger.max@.... To change your email address, language, or other information, contact us via this form. To unsubscribe, send an email to unsubscribe@... or click here.

To contact Avaaz, please do not reply to this email. Instead, write to us at www.avaaz.org/en/contact or call us at +1-888-922-8229 (US).

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#870

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Wed Jul 6, 2011 6:59 am
Subject: [FaithPeace] Faith and Peace Newsletter - 30/6/11

piapi

June 2011

Doctrine Divides, Action Unites

Contents

۩ Home Page

۩ School of Peace

۩ Faith and Peace Archives

۩ Photos and events

۩ Who are we

e-mail : forumicf@...

► A Family and a War
Laxmi Pathak
War, whether it is a civil war or a war with another country, destroys lives, property, economies and often hope. It does not resolve though the causes of the war. The end of one war merely plants the seeds for the next war. In this article, the author, an alumni of the 2008 School of Peace (SOP) in Bangalore, India, shares how Nepal’s civil war has ruined the lives of a happy, self-sufficient family. [Read more]

► Religious Leaders from Cambodia and Thailand United in Calling on All, Especially Governments, to Use Religious Principles for Resolving Conflict
In response to the most recent tension and violence along the Thai-Cambodian border that erupted in February 2011, leaders of Buddhism and other faiths from the two countries participated in dialogue and advocacy for peace on May 31 in Bangkok. In their joint communique, the participants from both countries note the failure thus far of the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to resolve the conflict and instead they call for dialogue between all parties based on the values of Buddhism and other religious faiths. [Read more]

► Reflections on an Interfaith Dialogue for Peace between Cambodia and Thailand
Paddy Noble
Buddhists and other people of faith from Cambodia and Thailand gathered in Bangkok on May 31 to discuss the border conflict between the two countries at a meeting organized by the World Conference of Religions for Peace (Religions for Peace International), the Interreligious Council of Cambodia and the Religions for Peace Interreligious Council of Thailand and its secretariat at the Mahidol University Research Center for Peacebuilding. The author, a Christian staff member of Interfaith Cooperation Forum (ICF) living in Cambodia, shares his reflections of this assembly of people seeking peace. [Read more]

► Hope of the Next Generation
Saw Mort
A 2007 School of Peace (SOP) alumni living and working in the Burmese refugee camps in Thailand shares the struggles and determination of Burma’s children to attain an education in this reflection about their lives and his work to assist them. [Read more]

► Child Slavery in Pakistan: 20,000 Children with Small Heads Are Run by the Shrines for Beggary
Malik Ayub Sumbal
In an article circulated by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) in Hong Kong, the author describes the extraordinary abuse of children in the name of religion in Pakistan as well as the practice of child trafficking. [Read more]

► 2011 Global Peace Index: World Less Peaceful
Institute for Economics and Peace
An international peace research center has released its annual Global Peace Index, or GPI. In a press release accompanying the announcement of this year’s index results, the institute notes that world peace has deteriorated for the third consecutive year, a drop that is “strongly tied to conflict between citizens and their governments.” [Read more]

_______________________________________________
FaithPeace mailing list
FaithPeace@...
http://daga.org.hk/mailman/listinfo/faithpeace_daga.org.hk

#871

From: Goldy George <goldymgeorge10@...>
Date: Wed Jul 6, 2011 11:08 am
Subject: Re: [FaithPeace] Faith and Peace Newsletter - 30/6/11

goldymgeorge10@...

प्रेस विज्ञप्ति July 6 2011.doc

Dear all:

Jai Bhim!

Please go through this press release which is based on a fact finding investigation by Dalit Mukti Morcha. We request you to forward it to people on your list. The complete report will also follow in a couple of days. I am also attaching a hindi version of the same if some of the member want to read it in hindi

With much metta

Goldy

On Wed, Jul 6, 2011 at 12:29 PM, CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...> wrote:

June 2011

Doctrine Divides, Action Unites

Contents

۩ Home Page

۩ School of Peace

۩ Faith and Peace Archives

۩ Photos and events

۩ Who are we

e-mail : forumicf@...

► A Family and a War
Laxmi Pathak
War, whether it is a civil war or a war with another country, destroys lives, property, economies and often hope. It does not resolve though the causes of the war. The end of one war merely plants the seeds for the next war. In this article, the author, an alumni of the 2008 School of Peace (SOP) in Bangalore, India, shares how Nepal’s civil war has ruined the lives of a happy, self-sufficient family. [Read more]

► Religious Leaders from Cambodia and Thailand United in Calling on All, Especially Governments, to Use Religious Principles for Resolving Conflict
In response to the most recent tension and violence along the Thai-Cambodian border that erupted in February 2011, leaders of Buddhism and other faiths from the two countries participated in dialogue and advocacy for peace on May 31 in Bangkok. In their joint communique, the participants from both countries note the failure thus far of the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to resolve the conflict and instead they call for dialogue between all parties based on the values of Buddhism and other religious faiths. [Read more]

► Reflections on an Interfaith Dialogue for Peace between Cambodia and Thailand
Paddy Noble
Buddhists and other people of faith from Cambodia and Thailand gathered in Bangkok on May 31 to discuss the border conflict between the two countries at a meeting organized by the World Conference of Religions for Peace (Religions for Peace International), the Interreligious Council of Cambodia and the Religions for Peace Interreligious Council of Thailand and its secretariat at the Mahidol University Research Center for Peacebuilding. The author, a Christian staff member of Interfaith Cooperation Forum (ICF) living in Cambodia, shares his reflections of this assembly of people seeking peace. [Read more]

► Hope of the Next Generation
Saw Mort
A 2007 School of Peace (SOP) alumni living and working in the Burmese refugee camps in Thailand shares the struggles and determination of Burma’s children to attain an education in this reflection about their lives and his work to assist them. [Read more]

► Child Slavery in Pakistan: 20,000 Children with Small Heads Are Run by the Shrines for Beggary
Malik Ayub Sumbal
In an article circulated by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) in Hong Kong, the author describes the extraordinary abuse of children in the name of religion in Pakistan as well as the practice of child trafficking. [Read more]

► 2011 Global Peace Index: World Less Peaceful
Institute for Economics and Peace
An international peace research center has released its annual Global Peace Index, or GPI. In a press release accompanying the announcement of this year’s index results, the institute notes that world peace has deteriorated for the third consecutive year, a drop that is “strongly tied to conflict between citizens and their governments.” [Read more]

_______________________________________________
FaithPeace mailing list
FaithPeace@...
http://daga.org.hk/mailman/listinfo/faithpeace_daga.org.hk

--
---------------------------------
*Creation of a casteless and peaceful society is indeed the first step
towards just, egalitarian, and harmonious society. A society of equals,
neither unequal nor more-equals, beyond the strings of caste, class, gender,
race, ethnicity, etc. Otherwise it leads to social oppression, political
exploitation, economic deprivation, cultural domination, gender
discrimination, class isolation, deliberate exclusion. Lets’ believe in a
society beyond this....*
*GOLDY M. GEORGE *

Goldy M. George
Dalit Mukti Morcha
Chhattisgarh

2 of 2 File(s)

DMM PR English July 6 2011.doc

#872

From: shreeram chaudhary <chaudhary_srmail@...>
Date: Wed Jul 6, 2011 1:31 pm
Subject: Re: [FaithPeace] Faith and Peace Newsletter - 30/6/11

chaudhary_srmail@...

Dear Sir

namste,

Thanks for it. I got it.

Shreeram

--- On Wed, 6/7/11, CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...> wrote:

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Subject: [justpeaceinasia] [FaithPeace] Faith and Peace Newsletter - 30/6/11
To: "FaithPeace" <faithpeace@...>
Date: Wednesday, 6 July, 2011, 7:59 AM

June 2011

Doctrine Divides, Action Unites

Contents

۩ Home Page

۩ School of Peace

۩ Faith and Peace Archives

۩ Photos and events

۩ Who are we

e-mail : forumicf@...

► A Family and a War
Laxmi Pathak
War, whether it is a civil war or a war with another country, destroys lives, property, economies and often hope. It does not resolve though the causes of the war. The end of one war merely plants the seeds for the next war. In this article, the author, an alumni of the 2008 School of Peace (SOP) in Bangalore, India, shares how Nepal’s civil war has ruined the lives of a happy, self-sufficient family. [Read more]

► Religious Leaders from Cambodia and Thailand United in Calling on All, Especially Governments, to Use Religious Principles for Resolving Conflict
In response to the most recent tension and violence along the Thai-Cambodian border that erupted in February 2011, leaders of Buddhism and other faiths from the two countries participated in dialogue and advocacy for peace on May 31 in Bangkok. In their joint communique, the participants from both countries note the failure thus far of the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to resolve the conflict and instead they call for dialogue between all parties based on the values of Buddhism and other religious faiths. [Read more]

► Reflections on an Interfaith Dialogue for Peace between Cambodia and Thailand
Paddy Noble
Buddhists and other people of faith from Cambodia and Thailand gathered in Bangkok on May 31 to discuss the border conflict between the two countries at a meeting organized by the World Conference of Religions for Peace (Religions for Peace International), the Interreligious Council of Cambodia and the Religions for Peace Interreligious Council of Thailand and its secretariat at the Mahidol University Research Center for Peacebuilding. The author, a Christian staff member of Interfaith Cooperation Forum (ICF) living in Cambodia, shares his reflections of this assembly of people seeking peace. [Read more]

► Hope of the Next Generation
Saw Mort
A 2007 School of Peace (SOP) alumni living and working in the Burmese refugee camps in Thailand shares the struggles and determination of Burma’s children to attain an education in this reflection about their lives and his work to assist them. [Read more]

► Child Slavery in Pakistan: 20,000 Children with Small Heads Are Run by the Shrines for Beggary
Malik Ayub Sumbal
In an article circulated by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) in Hong Kong, the author describes the extraordinary abuse of children in the name of religion in Pakistan as well as the practice of child trafficking. [Read more]

► 2011 Global Peace Index: World Less Peaceful
Institute for Economics and Peace
An international peace research center has released its annual Global Peace Index, or GPI. In a press release accompanying the announcement of this year’s index results, the institute notes that world peace has deteriorated for the third consecutive year, a drop that is “strongly tied to conflict between citizens and their governments.” [Read more]

-----Inline Attachment Follows-----

_______________________________________________
FaithPeace mailing list
FaithPeace@...
http://daga.org.hk/mailman/listinfo/faithpeace_daga.org.hk

#873

From: Goldy George <goldymgeorge10@...>
Date: Wed Jul 6, 2011 5:00 pm
Subject: Re: [FaithPeace] Faith and Peace Newsletter - 30/6/11

goldymgeorge10@...

You are welcome!!!

On Wed, Jul 6, 2011 at 7:01 PM, shreeram chaudhary <chaudhary_srmail@...> wrote:

Dear Sir

namste,

Thanks for it. I got it.

Shreeram

--- On Wed, 6/7/11, CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...> wrote:

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Subject: [justpeaceinasia] [FaithPeace] Faith and Peace Newsletter - 30/6/11
To: "FaithPeace" <faithpeace@...>
Date: Wednesday, 6 July, 2011, 7:59 AM

June 2011

Doctrine Divides, Action Unites

Contents

۩ Home Page

۩ School of Peace

۩ Faith and Peace Archives

۩ Photos and events

۩ Who are we

e-mail : forumicf@...

► A Family and a War
Laxmi Pathak
War, whether it is a civil war or a war with another country, destroys lives, property, economies and often hope. It does not resolve though the causes of the war. The end of one war merely plants the seeds for the next war. In this article, the author, an alumni of the 2008 School of Peace (SOP) in Bangalore, India, shares how Nepal’s civil war has ruined the lives of a happy, self-sufficient family. [Read more]

► Religious Leaders from Cambodia and Thailand United in Calling on All, Especially Governments, to Use Religious Principles for Resolving Conflict
In response to the most recent tension and violence along the Thai-Cambodian border that erupted in February 2011, leaders of Buddhism and other faiths from the two countries participated in dialogue and advocacy for peace on May 31 in Bangkok. In their joint communique, the participants from both countries note the failure thus far of the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to resolve the conflict and instead they call for dialogue between all parties based on the values of Buddhism and other religious faiths. [Read more]

► Reflections on an Interfaith Dialogue for Peace between Cambodia and Thailand
Paddy Noble
Buddhists and other people of faith from Cambodia and Thailand gathered in Bangkok on May 31 to discuss the border conflict between the two countries at a meeting organized by the World Conference of Religions for Peace (Religions for Peace International), the Interreligious Council of Cambodia and the Religions for Peace Interreligious Council of Thailand and its secretariat at the Mahidol University Research Center for Peacebuilding. The author, a Christian staff member of Interfaith Cooperation Forum (ICF) living in Cambodia, shares his reflections of this assembly of people seeking peace. [Read more]

► Hope of the Next Generation
Saw Mort
A 2007 School of Peace (SOP) alumni living and working in the Burmese refugee camps in Thailand shares the struggles and determination of Burma’s children to attain an education in this reflection about their lives and his work to assist them. [Read more]

► Child Slavery in Pakistan: 20,000 Children with Small Heads Are Run by the Shrines for Beggary
Malik Ayub Sumbal
In an article circulated by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) in Hong Kong, the author describes the extraordinary abuse of children in the name of religion in Pakistan as well as the practice of child trafficking. [Read more]

► 2011 Global Peace Index: World Less Peaceful
Institute for Economics and Peace
An international peace research center has released its annual Global Peace Index, or GPI. In a press release accompanying the announcement of this year’s index results, the institute notes that world peace has deteriorated for the third consecutive year, a drop that is “strongly tied to conflict between citizens and their governments.” [Read more]

-----Inline Attachment Follows-----

_______________________________________________
FaithPeace mailing list
FaithPeace@...
http://daga.org.hk/mailman/listinfo/faithpeace_daga.org.hk

#874

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Fri Jul 8, 2011 8:28 am
Subject: Fwd: PhD scholarship offered by York St John University

piapi

http://www.yorksj.ac.uk/research/studentships

-------- Original Message --------

From: Suzanne Parkes (S.Parkes)

Subject: PhD scholarship offered by York St John University

Dear All,

Please find below details of a PhD scholarship being offered by York St John University. May we please ask you to forward this email on to anyone you know who may be interested in applying for this scholarship.

YSJU Research PhD Studentship

The University invites applications for a competitively awarded fully-funded full time research studentship, to commence 1 October 2011. Applicants must have (or be about to complete) a relevant degree (at least a 2:1 Honours or a Masters) and should submit a proposal that demonstrates an aptitude for researching a specific topic in relation to the theme of:

● Inter-religious dialogue and peace-making – (further details below).

The supervisory team is Professor Pauline Kollontai and Professor Sebastian Kim.

The studentship will include the payment of tuition fees and carry a bursary of £14,100 per annum. Studentships will be renewed annually, subject to suitable progress, for a maximum of 3 years.

For further details and an application form visit our website

Students will be provided with excellent facilities in the University’s Graduate Centre in the heart of York. Research degrees are awarded by the University of Leeds.

Closing date for applications is Friday 15^th July 2011.

Regards,

Professor Pauline C.H. Kollontai

Deputy Dean

Faculty of Education and Theology

York St John University

Lord Mayor’s Walk

York, YO31 7EX

e-mail p.kollontai@...

tel: 0044 (0)1904 876573

PhD Scholarship 2011

Subject Area: Inter-religious Dialogue and Peace-Making

Religion is frequently cited as a cause of violent conflict, yet dialogue between religious communities often reveals that religion is not a primary source of tension. Moreover, religious-based approaches to peace-making can be invaluable in promoting peace and reconciliation.

The aim of this research, is to further identify and examine the capacities of religious-based organizations and religious leaders by focusing on objectives, methods, and best practices of inter-religious dialogue, in its broadest sense, during conflict and post-conflict contexts. The research needs to: identify key challenges and opportunities associated with religion and peace-making; provide analysis and reflection on response to these challenges and opportunities; and explore various models where religious leaders can be effective in third-party peace-making.

The research will be predominantly qualitative, although there may be a small use of quantitative data. The methodology will be desk-based and involve field work.

Research proposals which look at contemporary and current inter-religious dialogue and peace-making particularly in The Balkans; Sudan; the Korean Peninsula; and Sri Lanka are particularly welcome, but other contexts will be considered. There is scope for the research to include an examination of the role of gender in peace-making.

#875

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Mon Jul 11, 2011 10:22 am
Subject: [Readingroom] News on Burma - 11/7/11

piapi

Politics still �off limits� for Suu Kyi after tour
ICRC should visit prison labour camps in Burma
The Burmese government�s 100 days of silence
Shedding light on Burma�s judicial system
The rut and roar begins in Burma
Relaxed sanctions equal lucrative opportunities for Turkish entrepreneurs in Myanmar
Report card on Burmese President Thein Sein�s first 100 days: Words not matched by actions
ICRC returns to Burmese prisons, but doesn�t meet prisoners
Burma�s octopus strangles reform
Arakan the second poorest State in Burma
Driven from Burma, scorned by Bangladesh
Than Shwe disciple to head Burma�s intelligence
State Minister reveals USDP�s 50-year plan for ruling Burma
China urged to halt Myanmar dams
Rethinking Japan�s Myanmar policy
Cronyism: A legacy of military rule in Burma
Intelligent Dialogue Partners or Useful Idiots?
Myanmar carrying out �ethnic cleansing�
German weapons firm in Burma capital
Aung San Suu Kyi makes first trip since her release
Thein Nyunt calls up veteran politicians
Press scrutiny official �satisfied� with transition to self-censorship
Ceasefire Talks Produce Old Rhetoric, No New Agreement
Support of democracies key for Myanmar: Suu Kyi
Daewoo to expand resources business as prices rise
Burma ranked 18th on failed state index
China exploits role as best friend of poor, isolated Myanmar

Politics still �off limits� for Suu Kyi after tour � Hla Hla Htay
Agence France Presse: Fri 8 Jul 2011

Bagan, Myanmar � Democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi drew large crowds on a landmark trip to rural Myanmar that tested her freedom, but experts say the regime will tolerate her activities only up to a point.

The Nobel Peace Prize winner was trailed by plain clothes police but allowed to travel unhindered as she avoided making public speeches on the low-key four-day excursion to the ancient city of Bagan and nearby villages.

Observers warned that a full political tour, if it goes ahead, could still trigger a confrontation with the new army-backed government, which has issued stern warnings for Suu Kyi to stay out of politics.

�The regime playing nice to her this time should not fool anyone into thinking that as soon as she travels the country to in effect reconnect with her base politically the regime is to sit back and watch, undisturbed,� said Maung Zarni, a researcher and activist at the London School of Economics.

Suu Kyi refrained from any overtly political activities that might have antagonised the regime during her first trip outside the main city of Yangon since she was freed by the junta from house arrest last November.

The democracy hero, who spent most of the past two decades as a prisoner in her own home, made no comments on Friday to a throng of reporters following her every move before she boarded a flight back to Yangon.

�We had a break but did not rest,� her youngest son Kim Aris, a British national who accompanied his mother on the trip, told AFP. �There were too many people everywhere, but you can�t get away from that.�

Suu Kyi, 66, signed autographs and posed for pictures as she visited temples, markets and souvenir shops in and around Bagan, one of the top tourist destinations in Myanmar, also known as Burma.

As word spread that the softly-spoken but indomitable opposition leader was nearby, hundreds of supporters gathered to catch a glimpse, some weeping with joy and others shouting: �Mother Suu, may you be in good health!�

The crowds that she attracted, while much smaller than those seen when she last travelled in 2002 and 2003, were a reminder of her enduring popularity among many Burmese, despite a long absence from public view.

�I dropped what I was doing at home when I heard she was coming. I had to meet her in person,� 54-year-old housewife Nwe Nwe said while waiting to greet Suu Kyi in front of a lacquerware workshop in Bagan.

The question now is whether the success of the trip emboldens the dissident to launch a tour with a more overtly political tone, in defiance of a warning from the regime that �chaos and riots� could ensue if she went ahead.

The regime is sending Suu Kyi a clear message that overt political activities such as public speeches are �off limits�, said Trevor Wilson, a former Australian ambassador to Myanmar.

But her National League for Democracy party �might think it�s worth their risk being a bit provocative� They do need to demonstrate that they�re relevant,� said Wilson, a visiting fellow at Australian National University.

�It�s a bit of a cat-and-mouse game but it�s very hard to be confident that it�s going to end peacefully. It�s more likely to lead to some kind of disorder. There could be minor violence,� he said.

Security is a major concern because Suu Kyi�s convoy was attacked in 2003 during a political trip, in an ambush apparently organised by a regime frightened by her popularity.

Suu Kyi � the daughter of Myanmar�s liberation hero General Aung San, who was assassinated in 1947 � was arrested along with many party activists on that occasion and later placed under house arrest for a third time.

The dissident�s National League for Democracy (NLD) party sent many of its own members to Bagan this week to protect her, one of the party�s private security personnel told AFP on condition of anonymity.

�We think the authorities also took care of the security. They asked local people not to do this and that,� he said.

Suu Kyi�s release in November was widely seen as an attempt to deflect criticism of an election that was marred by complaints of cheating. The military�s political proxies claimed an overwhelming victory in the poll.

The NLD, which won a landslide election victory two decades ago that was never recognised by the junta, was disbanded by the military rulers last year because it boycotted the recent vote, saying the rules were unfair.

Some observers think the new government would have no qualms about limiting Suu Kyi�s freedom again if she is perceived as a threat.

�I think they would quite quickly restrict her movements if she did something that gave them a pretext,� said Wilson.

ICRC should visit prison labour camps in Burma: Political prisoner � Te Te
Mizzima News: Fri 8 Jul 2011

New Delhi � Burma�s many prisons give prisoners poor food and bad health services, and prisoners need the help of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), a former political prisoner and families of political prisoners said.
�I had to serve my prison term when the ICRC did not come to the prison, so we had to fight for our basic rights regarding the food. Usually we only got very low quality vegetable soup called �talabaw� and low-quality rice,� a former political prisoner Kyaw Win Tun told Mizzima.

icrcKyaw Win Tun, an NLD member, was charged under section 505 (b) of the Penal Code and sentenced to two years in prison. In May 2011, he was released under the one-year commutation ordered by new President Thein Sein.

Political prisoner Pannate Tun, an �88 Generation� student who is now serving his prison term in Bhamo Prison in Kachin State, said he wanted the ICRC to go to prison labour camps, according to Pannate Tun�s mother, Nyunt Nyunt Oo, who visited him last month at Bhamo Prison. Pannate Tun was sentenced to 65 years in prison.

She said her son passed on this message: �If the ICRC doesn�t come to us, let it be. But, they really need to go to the prisoners� labour camps. Prisoners died because of insufficient food, ruthless exploitation, and very hard work.�

The Thai-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP-B) said that the Burmese government needs to provide prisoners with healthy food by modern standards.

�The standards set in Burma�s prison manual were set in British colonial times, so they do not conform to today�s prices. And the Directorate of Prison Administration cannot provide the prisoners with enough food at today�s prices,� AAPP-B joint secretary Bo Kyi told Mizzima. He said the Burmese government should let the ICRC work freely in Burma.

From 1999 to late 2005, the ICRC was allowed to visit prisons across Burma and give prisoners help in order that they could get healthy food and good health services in accordance with international standards. Moreover, the ICRC gave money to families of political prisoners in order that the families could visit their loved ones.

But at the end 2005, the former junta told the ICRC that if it wanted to visit prisons across Burma, it must be accompanied by a member of the now-defunct Union Solidarity and Development Association. As a result, the ICRC stopped visiting prisons across Burma.

In early June, US Senator John McCain visited Burma for three days and urged the Burmese government to let the ICRC visit prisons in Burma freely.

On Thursday, the state-run newpaper New Light of Myanmar reported that an engineer and officers from the ICRC were allowed to visit Mawlamyine, Hpaan and Myaungmya Prisons on July 1, where they inspected the situation regarding accessibility of water and electric power in the prisons. The newspaper did not mention whether the ICRC met with prisoners or not.

Since 1986, the ICRC has provided help to mine victims and the handicapped in Burma.

There are 42 prisons and 109 prison labour camps in Burma. There are total 1,994 political prisoners in Burma, according to AAPP-B.

The Burmese government�s 100 days of silence � Editorial
Mizzima News: Fri 8 Jul 2011

On March 30, Burma officially vacated the title of the world�s only purely military dictatorship. Yet, it has now been 100 days since ex-General Thein Sein morphed into President Thein Sein, and the question must be asked what happened to the voices of the vast majority of parliamentarians elected last November, or even that of the newly enshrined president?Despite the 498 elected parliamentarians in both national houses, state policy under the brief tenure of President Thein Sein appears to be dominated by a select inner cabinet numbering some 40 high-ranking ministers, most of whom are recent high-ranking retirees of Burma�s armed forces. This regrouping of power within a tightly centralized structure was further on display with the recent announcement that such ministries as health, education and religion now fall under the purview of the central government, as opposed to operating under state legislatures.

Left with precious little to do other than await verdicts handed down to them from the inner cabinet, Parliament has thus far failed to assert itself on the Burmese political landscape in any discernable fashion, with motions ranging from amnesty for political prisoners to alternative solutions in ending ethnic conflicts to the environmental impact of ongoing dam projects all meeting with de facto vetoes from members of Burma�s ministerial elite.

But can President Thein Sein really be held responsible? While the knee jerk reaction is to throw the book at him as nominal head of state, the truth is that it is entirely unclear just how much weight the president�s opinion carries in central decision-making processes. Significant issues at stake include the handling of ongoing ethnic insurgencies as well as popular opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her followers.

Nevertheless, whether President Thein Sein is more of puppet or puppeteer, the government is pursuing a policy of economic and financial reform unarguably aimed at quelling the specter of popular discontent stemming from a lack of political reform. Focal points of the strategy include poverty eradication, and exchange rate and monetary policy. Already, state worker pensioners have learned of a raise in their income from the state, further evidence of fiscal policy seeking to preempt widespread political upheaval via economic machinations. Additionally, there is speculation that the cabinet will turn to its estimated US$ 3.7 billion in reserve to bolster small businesses.

There are undoubtedly positive outcomes that could be realized with investment in Burma�s broader population, and this could in turn raise the profile of the president and the fa�ade of parliament��especially as such measures could have been, but were not, undertaken in the preceding decades. However, this misses the point of the election of nearly 500 legislators, the end product of a 15-year National Convention process that promised political reform.

In a world where economics increasingly dwarfs politics in mature democratic societies, dictating policy much as the political axis once did in a more ideologically driven age��Burma stands as a stark counter case. While no one will contest the fact that Burma has plenty of room for improvement in areas of infrastructure and development, the construction of physical bridges can in no way alone span the gaping fissure menacing Burma�s political arena.

The lack of political reform has additionally leant more credence to the views of those that refuse to engage in the process. Why should they take part? What benefit is it to them? As such, would those invested in the parliamentary process not be better off actively incorporating elected parliamentarians into policy-making processes? Stifling the naysayers? The option is on the table.

But, if there is one tentative conclusion to be drawn from the 100 days of relative silence and inactivity characterizing parliamentarians as well as the president, Burma�s ultimate powerbrokers continue to reign largely out of sight, unaccountable and beyond the reaches of the Burmese population.

Shedding light on Burma�s judicial system � Htet Aung
Irrawaddy: Fri 8 Jul 2011

Than Oo and four other farmers were returning home by motorbike late on the evening on March 21 when they were stopped at the entrance to their village by a mob of about 20 construction workers from the site of a chemical factory.The farmers were beaten with iron bars, dragged to a building inside the site, locked inside and left overnight in a semi-conscious state.

The following day, the boss of the construction site quickly filed a complaint with police, saying his employees had been subjected to verbal abuse, including �rude words,� and that the farmers had thrown stones at the building site, and had punched a member of his staff.

The local court threw in a charge of riding motorcycles without licenses and, after a series of hearings, the five farmers were each sentenced to terms of more than 10 years in prison.

This absurd perversion of justice would be considered ridiculous in most countries, but in Burma cases like this are part of everyday life, their existence born out of judicial corruption, nepotism, and a gangster mentality that ensures that the wealthy and powerful are immune from prosecution while the poor and the innocent are routinely flayed in public.

As in so many cases where justice has been flagrantly abused in Burma, a look behind the scenes at the background to the incident paints a clearer picture.

The main player in the incident was ex-Maj Win Myint, the manager at the chemical factory construction site, which is located in the suburbs of the village of Sitsayan in Kamma Township, a rice-farming community in central Burma�s arid Magwe Region.

The site is jointly operated by Myanmar Economic Holdings Co. Ltd (MEHC), a military-owned corporation, and the ubiquitous Htoo Group of Companies (HGC), which is run by Tay Za, who recently claimed to be the first billionaire in Burma.

According to the farmers� lawyer, Aung Thein, some weeks prior to the brutal attack, Than Oo and three other farmers (though not the ones who were attacked and imprisoned) filed a lawsuit at the Kamma Township Court against Win Myint and two other officials of the MEHC for illegally confiscating some 4,000 acres of farmland for the purposes of building a factory, and of destroying their crops.

Than Oo�s wife claims that the subsequent attack on the farmers was directed at her husband, and was ordered by the retired army major.

To further emphasize his power, the following day Win Myint turned the tables on the farmers and pushed through his own lawsuit.

However, Win Myint�s malice went one step too far.

Upon hearing about the outrageous conduct of the company�s manager, the villagers of Sitsayan crowded the courthouse to support the farmers.

Fearing retaliation, Win Myint convinced the judge at the Kamma Township Court to transfer the case to Minhla Township Court.

Ruthless retribution was sought against the accused farmers and each were given sentences of more than 10 years. For his role in the fabricated litany of crimes, Than Oo was sentenced to 11 years and 6 months in prison.

However, Rangoon-based veteran lawyer Aung Thein was not prepared to surrender the case. His legal team is part of a legal network organized by the National League for Democracy, and it appealed the sentence to the district court in Minbu.

To the astonishment of everyone, they won the legal battle, and succeeded in getting the farmers� sentences cut to just three months.

Than Oo and the four other farmers were released last week from Thatyet Prison, where they had been detained since March, and returned to their village as free men.

However, this encouraging success raises a number of questions on the impartiality of Burma�s judicial system.

First, how could a township court and a district court differ so dramatically on lengths of sentence imposed for such minor crimes?

�It really is a rare success,� said Aung Thein. �However, the district court [in Minbu District] maintained the decision of the lower court [in Minhla Township] that the farmers were guilty. Nonetheless, it amended the sentences.�

And what about just rewards for Win Myint and his thugs?

�Than Oo�s wife filed a lawsuit against Win Myint, accusing him of organizing the attack,� said Aung Thein.

�But the court decided the accusation was unfounded, imposed small fines on two of the employees who were involved in the attack, and dropped the rest of the charges.�

He added: �As you all know, Burma�s judges today stand alongside the person or company that wields the power, such as MEHC and HGC, two of the most influential firms in the country.�

President Thein Sein pledged in his first presidential speech that the new government must carry out �clean and good governance.� Asked whether a reform of the judiciary should be one of the first priorities of the new administration, Aung Thein said, �Handing out the maximum sentence is such an easy job. Even a court clerk can do that.�

Taken at face value, Aung Thein�s comments and accusations highlight the immense necessity for reform in Burma�s corrupt judicial system.

In addition, the new government must move to seriously review the cases of more than 2,000 political prisoners, some of whom have been given inhumane 60- to 100-year sentences.

Another important question is: how many prisoners cannot afford to hire a lawyer or have no awareness of court proceedings and appeals systems? How many farmers similar to Than Oo are serving time for minor crimes that do not warrant the lengthy sentences handed down?

�I�d say that there is no independent judicial system in Burma,� said Aung Thein.

The rut and roar begins in Burma � Aung Zaw
Irrawaddy: Fri 8 Jul 2011

Only three months into the formation of Burma�s new quasi-civilian government, a power struggle has emerged among the former top generals who removed their uniforms and donned longyi in an attempt to convince the world that the country was on the road to disciplined democracy.Like two stags during the rutting season, ex-Gen Shwe Mann, the current speaker of the Lower House of Parliament, and ex-Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo, the current first vice-president, are bugling their presence, butting antlers and collecting allies.

Although it�s hard to predict where this conflict will lead, the pressure is on new President Thein Sein to settle the matter before it gets out of control. If Thein Sein does not resolve the situation, then he will he be sidelined and Burma could be thrown back into the dark ages of military dictatorship.

Shwe Mann was once the most up-and-coming member of the previous junta, which called itself the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). He served as joint chief of staff in the armed forces and was the number three man in the SPDC. His official title was Tatmadaw Nyi Hnying Kutkae Yay Hmu, or coordinator of Special Operations, Army, Navy and Air force, a position created by the recently �retired� dictator, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, and offered to Shwe Mann in the early 2000s.

In this position, Shwe Mann oversaw the operations of the armed forces and earned the respect and cooperation of regional commanders. It was believed that he would have the solid backing of the military following the official retirement of Than Shwe and his deputy, Gen Maung Aye, and as a result he was tipped to become president after the election.

Shwe Mann�s success and popularity, however, may have contributed to his comeuppance. His steady rise in the armed forces perhaps alarmed the ever-paranoid Than Shwe, who passed him over for president in favor of the more malleable and less dangerous Thein Sein�a man much less likely to turn against Than Shwe and his family (the way Than Shwe turned against previous dictator Gen Ne Win and his family).

Thein Sein was previously a loyal officer to Than Shwe, and while acting as prime minister for the former junta, he proved to be a front-man who was adept at carrying the diplomatic water for the generals. He is no saint�we must always remember that he was a top general and prime minister in a ruthless regime�but he is known to be less corrupt than most of the former junta leaders and a good listener. Although it was rumored that Thein Sein wanted to retire due to health reasons after the election, Than Shwe needed him and asked him to stay on.

An embarrassed and beleaguered Shwe Mann suffered another blow when, to the surprise of many, Than Shwe picked Tin Aung Myint Oo to be the first vice president. The former Secretary 1 and number four ranked member of the SPDC, who also served in the powerful position of Quartermaster-General, is a hard-liner renowned for his foul mouth and grumpy demeanor. He also has a reputation for allegedly taking massive kickbacks for granting business concessions to Burmese cronies and Chinese companies investing in Burma.

But none of this deterred Than Shwe from tabbing Tin Aung Myint Oo to be the first vice president. This should come as no surprise, however, because the move is classic Than Shwe�he wants a good cop and a bad cop in the new administration, believing that as long as there is internal conflict he is safe.

Just as the former dictator must have predicted, there is now clear tension among the top officials in the new civilian regime. The question remains, however, as to whether Than Shwe was too clever by half, because if his maneuvers set the stage for another dictator to emerge in the person of Tin Aung Myint Oo, he may be in more danger than he ever would have been under a Shwe Mann presidency.

Given his hard-line attitude and clear quest for power, it is not surprising that Tin Aung Myint Oo has emerged as a strong, and possibly the strongest, leader in the new civilian regime. He has inserted himself directly in the decision-making process, bypassing President Thein Sein to get his way on matters ranging from the budget to trade policies to security affairs.

In addition, Tin Aung Myint Oo is now believed to be allied with Kyaw Hsan, the information minister, and Khin Aung Myint, the speaker of the Upper House who is also a prot�g� of Than Shwe. With this Machiavellian trio in place, Tin Aung Mying Oo has personally interfered with many major decisions of the new government, undermining both Thein Sein�s executive authority and his ability to implement policy.

Tin Aung Myint Oo has also been able to muffle the voice of Shwe Mann, whose recent speech to businessmen in Rangoon was censored by Kyaw Hsan�s information ministry.

Shwe Mann asked the group of businessmen to be good citizens of Burma and promised that he would do the same in furtherance of Thein Sein�s public vow of �good governance� by the new authorities. He even said that �no one in Burma is above the law,� words he last spoke when the regime removed powerful intelligence chief Khin Nyunt in 2004. This time, his use of the phrase left everyone wondering whether the comment was directed towards a certain individual�maybe rival Tin Aung Myint Oo, or ever Than Shwe himself?

The Lower House speaker went on to say that if there is no Parliament in a country, the citizens will be oppressed�apparently forgetting the fact that he was one of the most prominent and powerful members of the former military regime, and the fact that two of his sons received major business concessions from that regime that made the family very wealthy.

But Shwe Mann also admitted Burma�s failure, saying the country is lagging far behind, and acknowledged its pariah status in the eyes of the world. These candid remarks impressed many of the businessmen who heard him speak, but didn�t impress Kyaw Hsan, who did not let news reports of the speech see the light of day.

The former joint chief of staff, however, is too powerful to be silenced completely and cannot be counted out. It is believed that Shwe Mann has the loyalty of the current commander in chief of the armed forces, Gen Min Aung Hlaing, who some observers note has begun to flex his muscles with the recent shuffle of the regional military commanders.

In addition, everyone is aware that Than Shwe is still watching from behind the scenes. A retired senior general who served in the SPDC�s predecessor, known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council, cautioned that Burma�s past military dictators never leave in peace�suggesting that they always come back to interfere in politics.

A case in point is Gen Ne Win, who officially retired in 1988 but continued to pull many strings until he was finally accused of conspiring to stage a coup and placed under house arrest in 2002.

Than Shwe, Burma�s most recent ex-dictator, is also a master political chess player who has no qualms about influencing the current administration when it suits his desires, and as one businessman close to Burma�s top brass recently told me, �No one wants to wake the sleeping tiger.�

Sitting in the middle of this emerging power struggle among former generals�all of whom were more powerful than him in the previous regime�is the meek and indecisive President Thein Sein, who over the last three months has made some good speeches but accomplished very little.

Thein Sein is well aware of the rise of Tin Aung Myint Oo�s faction in the government, the very existence of which undermines his promises to govern well and stamp out corruption. But what can he realistically do about it?

Can a president whose entire political existence is beholden to a still-influential former dictator fire a vice-president on the rampage, who is both undermining his authority and is rumored to be taking massive kickbacks?

If Thein Sein can muster the political will and backing to do so, the people of Burma will say his actions are beginning to match his words, and the country may stand a chance. But if he cannot, we only have to look back over the last few decades of Burmese history to predict the outcome of an internal power struggle: The military wins, and the people lose.

Relaxed sanctions equal lucrative opportunities for Turkish entrepreneurs in Myanmar � Mehmet Ogutcu
Today�s Zaman (Turkey): Fri 8 Jul 2011

London � It is now a business-as-usual matter to see Turkey�s extremely mobile and risk-prone entrepreneurs in the most unlikely places all over the world. I would not be surprised if they have already started knocking on doors and forging lucrative business alliances in Yangon, Mandalay, Naypyidaw and Mawlamyaing. As we speak, they might even have taken positions and established themselves in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, the largest country in mainland Southeast Asia � almost as big as Turkey in terms of landmass and with 56 million people.Last November after a national election, parliament � packed with retired and serving soldiers � dissolved the junta, the State Peace and Development Council. The end of military rule was seen as a move to attract much-needed foreign investment to a country that just over 50 years ago was one of Southeast Asia�s most promising and wealthiest, the world�s biggest rice exporter and a major energy producer.

The 78-year-old paramount leader, Senior General Than Shwe, named General Min Aung Hlaing as his successor as commander-in-chief. With his top allies in key posts in the army and government, Than Shwe has effectively insulated himself from a purge by preventing the emergence of another strongman. Experts agree he is likely to maintain broad behind-the-scenes influence.

Few expect immediate political, economic or social reforms, with the same generals, now retired, in control of a country where 30 percent of the population lives in poverty and botched policies and Western sanctions have blighted its economy.

The historic handover of power by the military junta was greeted with skepticism by the international community and Myanmar�s opposition, most of whom have lived under a succession of brutal army dictatorships. Members of the junta retained prominent roles as president, vice president, parliament speaker and cabinet ministers or regional ministers.

The international community is now seeking engagement with the new government after decades of frosty ties with the junta. Western sanctions will be in focus although it is unlikely that the embargoes, considered a failure by many analysts, will be fully lifted any time soon.

The EU has relaxed some of its sanctions against members of Myanmar�s government, signaling a more flexible approach by the West. Travel and financial restrictions have been suspended for four ministers � including the foreign minister � and 18 vice ministers in the new government. It is the first easing of curbs since they were imposed in 1996 in response to abuses by the junta. It follows the swearing-in last month of a new nominally civilian government. However, critics have labeled the new so-called civilian administration a sham, since it is made up of former generals, some serving military officers and a handful of technocrats.

The EU Council said in a June 2011 statement that the application of a visa ban and asset freeze for �certain civilian members of the government� would be lifted for a year, especially for Myanmar�s foreign minister �as an essential interlocutor� with the West. �We recognize that there have been changes in the government, and we will judge the new government by its actions,� said David Lipman, the EU�s ambassador to Myanmar. All those who have had their restrictions suspended have never served in the military or, as in the case of Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin, left the army more than a decade ago. The council also said a ban on high-level EU visits to Myanmar would be lifted.

However, restrictions against the rest of the country�s ministers will be maintained, and trade and financial sanctions will remain in place for at least another year. Analysts say the argument for or against economic sanctions in Myanmar is a controversial subject both inside and outside the country. Those wanting sanctions lifted, who have gained a stronger voice after Aung San Suu Kyi�s release, say they hurt everyone, rather than just the leaders they target, or that they have little impact, as foreign trade with countries like Thailand and China goes on anyway.

International sanctions against the Myanmar military regime are fast eroding under pressure from the Austrians and Germans eager to do business there. The Austro-German argument seems to be the classic �if we don�t someone else will� as Chinese, Japanese and Southeast Asian businessmen take advantage of the fact that the long-awaited elections have taken place, irrespective of the fact that they were unrepresentative of the country�s true political mix. Italy and Spain too have reportedly pushed for the modification of sanctions, whereas the United Kingdom, the Czech Republic and others urged that they remain in place.

One of the possible reasons for this dramatic reversal is Myanmar�s emergence as a significant regional exporter of natural gas. Such exports currently account for around 13 percent of Myanmar�s gross domestic product (GDP). At present the gas is exclusively exported to Thailand, but in late 2013 (should events go as planned) significant gas volumes will be piped across Myanmar and into China�s Yunnan Province. This gas will come from new fields (the so-called �Shwe� fields) that are currently being brought to the point of exploitation off Myanmar�s coast in the Bay of Bengal.

Recent feedback from the EU indicates a strong desire on the part of the EU countries to shift any gas volumes going to China to other destinations. While this strategy is principally directed at encouraging the flow of Central Asian gas westward into Europe, this line of thinking may also have an influence in the lifting of sanctions in Myanmar.

However, one should also caution that Myanmar is both a dream and a nightmare for companies. As with any authoritarian regime, the political risks are very high; the primary goal of any company is to get into the good graces of the generals by offering them the right financial terms, but this is an extremely opaque and unpredictable process, subject to power plays within the junta and the finite lifespan of any patron. What makes Myanmar worth it? Profits are clearly the attraction. Myanmar is a largely untapped commodity market offering high returns. Rising discovery and increasing energy production, including natural gas and hydropower, is making the market increasingly attractive for foreign investors. It isn�t to prevent damage to their corporate image that stops more Western companies from working there; it is the sanctions that are now in the process of being relaxed.

The Myanmar regime is so keen for investment that it is relatively easy for companies to start up projects. The lack of regulation, on the other hand, and the active support of the Myanmar government and all the resources it has to offer, just add to the attraction. As sanctions have kept so many Western companies out of the picture, Asian enterprises are having a field day in Myanmar. With less competition, Asian companies probably have to pay less to do business. Companies operating in Myanmar will likely have to give fewer concessions to secure their contracts. Moreover, due to geographical proximity and better understanding of the Myanmar market and government regulations, Asian investors might have an edge over investors from the US and Europe.

These developments signify the opening of new investment and trade opportunities. Time is of the essence for Turkish business groups to include, if they have not already done so, Myanmar in their strategic market strategies. Myanmar�s value doesn�t just rest on the country itself but also on the regional linkages that it offers through its strategic geographic location. It is a dynamic crossroad linking Southeast Asia, Western China (Yunnan) and the Indian sub-continent and serves as economic gateway to a potential vast market of over 2 billion consumers as well as a sub-regional economic nodal link. Working in Myanmar will also facilitate tapping into these regional opportunities.

Report card on Burmese President Thein Sein�s first 100 days: Words not matched by actions
ALTSEAN-Burma: Fri 8 Jul 2011

Bangkok � One hundred days after assuming the presidency in Burma, former General Thein Sein has failed to take any meaningful steps towards political, legal, and economic reforms. Thein Sein�s policies have been a continuation of the State Peace and Development Council�s programs.In a five-page briefer, the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma
(ALTSEAN-Burma) revealed that it was �business as usual� for the Burmese military despite President Thein Sein�s much-promoted image as a �softliner.�

The briefer found that the Tatmadaw continued to commit crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma against both urban and rural populations. Tatmadaw troops continued to attack, kill, and rape ethnic civilians, while over 2,000 political prisoners continued to be detained under atrocious conditions.

�If this is Thein Sein in his first 100 days, one dreads to think what the rest of the year is going to be like for the people of Burma,� said ALTSEAN-Burma�s Coordinator, Debbie Stothard. �His actions and policies seem to be exactly the opposite of the promises he made.�

The briefer can be downloaded at http://bit.ly/okzuw8

ICRC returns to Burmese prisons, but doesn�t meet prisoners � Saw Yan Naing
Irrawaddy: Thu 7 Jul 2011

For the first time in nearly six years, officials from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) have been allowed back into Burma�s prisons. Their mission, however, was to carry out technical inspections, and did not involve meeting prisoners.The state-run newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, reported on Thursday that three officials from the ICRC�s water and habitat engineering department visited three prisons�Myaungmya Prison in Irrawaddy Division, Moulmein Prison in Mon State and Pa-an Prison in Karen State�on July 1-2.

Philippe Marc Stoll, a regional spokesperson for the ICRC, told the BBC that the organization welcomed the opportunity to resume its work in Burma. The ICRC had been denied permission to enter the country�s prisons since late 2005.

Stoll added, however, that the visits were limited to observing water distribution and hygiene in the prisons, and did not include meetings with prisoners.

Despite the limited scope of the ICRC�s activities on this occasion, the news was greeted as a positive development.

�We are happy to hear that the ICRC has been permitted to resume its work. Health conditions in the prison will likely improve as a result,� said Kyi Kyi Nyunt, the elder sister of well-known political prisoner Min Ko Naing, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Thursday.

�But it would be better if they could meet the political prisoners,� she added.

Bo Kyi, the joint-secretary of Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, said that the move was due to pressure on the Burmese regime.

�If there hadn�t been any pressure, the ICRC would not have been allowed to reenter. Even now, it still hasn�t been allowed to do its work effectively,� he said, adding that it was too early to call this a sign of improving conditions for prisoners under the new nominally civilian government formed in March.

The ICRC started its work in Burma in 1986, providing physical rehabilitation for mine victims and other disabled people. ICRC delegates carried out regular visits to detainees in prisons and labor camps until the end of 2005. However, since 2006 the authorities have not permitted the organization to continue this activity according to its standard procedures applied worldwide.

Burma�s octopus strangles reform � Larry Jagan
Irrawaddy: Thu 7 Jul 2011

Bangkok � Burma�s new quasi-civilian government is under threat from within�and a military coup may be brewing as inertia has replaced the old junta. The newly elected President Thein Sein is embroiled in a power struggle that is paralysing any progress toward political or economic change.It has emerged that Vice-president Tin Aung Myint Oo is deliberately trying to undermine the new president and assert his influence over the new army chief, Gen Min Aung Hlaing. �He�s trying to control everything,� a Burmese businessman told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity. As a result, the president�s planned economic reforms and the release of thousands of political prisoners have been put on hold.

The vice-president represents the old guard�and their hard-line attitudes�and he wants to make sure everything stays unchanged. His mentor, the former top junta leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe has withdrawn from the day-to-day activities of government, leaving a power vacuum which Tin Aung Myint Oo is trying to fill at the expense of the more reform-minded president.

The vice-president (commonly known in Burma as �Shid-lone,� meaning �eight words,� because his full name is Thi Ha Thu Ra Tin Aung Myint Oo) is trying to establish himself as the new dictator�or the most powerful man in the country. Everywhere he turns he tries to establish his authority, according to sources in Naypyidaw who say he uses every opportunity to usurp the president�s authority.

He has been left with few avenues of formal influence now that the trade council he headed has been dissolved, but that has not dampened his efforts to monopolize the economy. �He�s a spoiler,� said a senior government official. And if he comes out on top, the country will be returned to the Dark Ages, he added.

After every Cabinet meeting, which usually takes once a week, the ministers are summoned into his room�without Thein Sein�for tea and an ear-bashing. Sources in Naypyidaw say he tries to exert influence on government decisions behind the scenes, especially on economic matters�especially import and export licences and company registration, which he previously controlled as head of the trade council.

The commerce minister has to report to him twice a day, according to sources in the capital. Ministers were shocked recently when their budgets were arbitrarily cut by 20 to 40 percent�except Defence, of course�by Tin Aung Myint Oo. Some ministers are reportedly so upset that they are using their own personal funds to pay for new schools and health centres, a Burmese businessman recently told The Irrawaddy.

There is a major battle for control going on between the president and his vice president�one which will determine whether the government�s plans and vision set out in Thein Sein�s speech to the parliament more than three months ago will be implemented. After the president ordered the export tax to be reduced to 5 percent, the vice president intervened�with the support of the finance minister�and had it reduced to only 7 percent.

Perhaps the most critical tussle is over the role the army is to play under the new regime. Under the new army chief, it seems clear that the army is no longer involved in politics. They are very much back in the barracks. Interestingly, the military MPs in both the national houses of parliament were virtually silent during the discussions in parliament during its first session earlier this year.

Min Aung Hlaing told the military MPs�who occupy 25 percent of parliamentary seats�before the parliament started its session that their duty was to rebuild the tarnished reputation of the army through their political work. �It�s your duty to become seasoned politicians,� he reportedly said, �as you represent the future Burma.� He virtually blamed the old guard for the current mess, said one of the military MPs.

But Burma�s new �Octopus,� Tin Aung Myint Oo, is unhappy with this current state of affairs. He wants the army to exert pressure on the executive and legislature in his favour. Several weeks ago, the vice-president summoned the army chief to see him and lectured him on the power structure, telling the general that he was the boss, as militarily he outranked Thein Sein. A silent Min Aung Hlaing was then reportedly assaulted with an ashtray.

But for the present, it seems the army chief remains his own man, intent on reforming the military machine, making it more professional. He is after all, according to several military sources, part of the army�s 88 generation. He definitely supports Thein Sein�at least for the moment, according to senior military sources.

This new generation of army commanders are close to Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, according to a Western intelligence source.

They dislike but respect Than Shwe, said the source, but they completely despise the vice-president.

But the Octopus is marshalling his forces. Information and Culture Minister Kyaw Hsan has emerged as one of his main allies. He recently tried to get him co-opted to the National Security Council, which is emerging as one of the most important institutions in the post-junta framework. This was unconstitutional and resisted, according to military sources in the capital.

For the moment these layers of political intrigue are dogging Burma�s movement forward�albeit to a unique form of guided democracy. With the Octopus tentacles tightly controlling business in Burma, he is slowly transforming the new hierarchies.

Even trusted old business friends of Than Shwe, such as Tay Za, are finding themselves shut out as control of the economy is being handed over to the new business leaders�criminals such as Stephen Law (aka Tun Myint Naing) of AsiaWorld and Ko Ko Gyi (who now owns Shwe Myin).

They are the new breed of Chinese mafia businessmen�and they are currently making vast profits with the Octopus�s blessing and support. After all, Tin Aung Myint Oo is himself reportedly very close to Beijing, and has profited enormously as a result. This is going to have very significant consequences for the future Burma.

But the real danger to Burma�s political future�while the power struggle between the two politicians is unresolved�is the possibility of a military coup, led by the army chief, at Than Shwe�s bidding.

Vice-president Shid-lone and his cronies remain the villain of the peace, and seem intent on continuing to paralyse any political and economic reforms that would benefit the country and the people.

Arakan the second poorest State in Burma
Narinjara News: Thu 7 Jul 2011

Dhaka: Arakan ranks second after Chin State for poverty among the fourteen states and divisions in poverty-stricken Burma, according to a report of results from a survey on household living conditions.
The report, titled �Poverty Profile�, was published by the UNDP in Burma in June 2011 and was based on surveys taken in 2004 � 2005 and 2009 � 2010 through its Integrated Household Living Conditions Assessment that has been implemented with the Burmese government�s Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development.

The report said the highest rate of poverty is in Chin State, at 73%, followed by Arakan State at 44%, Tanintharyi Division at 33%, Shan State at 33%, and Ayeyerwaddy Division at 32%.

Arakan State in the western coastal region has potential, with its geographically rich natural resources, to become a developed and prosperous state compared to other states and regions in Burma. But, Arakanese intellectual Dr. Aye Kyaw from New York says, Arakan being ruled as a hidden colony with militarization for many years is the main reason it has become an impoverished state in Burma.

�Arakan is just a hidden colony existing under cover of a state with over militarization by the Burmese forces for so many years. Now there are over 60 battalions based in the state and they are not the forces being deployed for the well-being of the state, but for monopolizing the state�s resources for their own benefit, and these are the reasons why Arakan became impoverished,� said Dr. Aye Kyaw.

He said the forces have confiscated many arable lands from the local people and contained the people�s access to natural resources with strict rules within the state.

Dr. Aye Chan, an Arakanese professor from Japan�s Kanta University, also said the high level of poverty afflicts the state because the government and its armed forces has monopolized even resources such as land, waters, and forests, on which the local residents depend for the livelihoods.

�All natural products and resources are being monopolized by the government and its forces in Arakan State. For example, the local residents have no right to fish in their nearby waters such as ponds, creeks, rivers, and the sea, for their livelihoods without paying a huge toll and tax to them. That is the reason why the highest level of poverty afflicts the state,� said Dr. Aye Chan.

He said despite the multibillion international business projects being constructed for exporting gas and oil found in onshore and offshore fields in Arakan State, most of the Arakanese people are fleeing their homeland to find jobs elsewhere to survive.

Over three million people are now living in Arakan State and it is estimated that over a million people have left their homeland for mainland Burma and neighboring countries due to political oppression and economic hardships in their state.

According to the report, Arakan also has the lowest level of literacy, with 71% of primary enrollment rate and 32% of secondary enrollment rate.

In terms of electricity, Arakan State has the lowest access rate, with just 26% of the population having access to electricity, most of whom are urban dwellers.

However, the report said the poverty rate has fallen by 6% across the whole of Burma according to the 2009 � 2010 survey as compared to the 2004 � 2005 survey, and the current poverty rate in the country is 26%, of which 70% is from people living in rural areas.

Driven from Burma, scorned by Bangladesh � Michael Gabaudan
Democratic Voice of Burma: Thu 7 Jul 2011

It�s the �Rohingya problem.� Burma�s history of brutal persecution of the Rohingya � coupled with their lack of citizenship rights � have forced hundreds of thousands of people to flee to neighbouring Bangladesh. Bangladesh�s Minister of Food and Disaster Management, Abdul Razzaque, recently blamed western countries for �keeping the problem alive.�

However, western countries are not to blame for keeping the �Rohingya problem� alive. The plight of the Rohingya originates with the Burmese government�s abuses of this minority. Numerous Rohingya refugees say they can barely sleep at night in Burma due to the constant fear of the NaSaKa, or border police, at their door. However, persecution of the Rohingya is made worse by Bangladesh�s failure to respond in a humane manner to this refugee crisis. Bangladesh�s intransigence in refusing to allow protection and assistance to this very vulnerable and desperate population has only exacerbated one of the world�s most neglected crises.

In an ongoing policy review, the Bangladesh government must protect the Rohingya�s basic human rights to safety, food, shelter, and � as stateless people � an identity. First and foremost, this requires a process to register Rohingya refugees. Only 28,000 out of at least 200,000 Rohingya refugees are registered � which enables them to access legal justice and basic protection. Residents know that they can abuse Rohingya refugees with impunity because the unregistered refugees cannot access justice. Furthermore, those not registered are not allowed to work, nor are they provided with any food or livelihood assistance. As a result, they face severe malnutrition.

Rohingya also face unlimited detention for working illegally, even though it is often the only way they can keep their families alive. Many Rohingya women are left alone while their husbands are held in detention or are forced to stay far away from their families to make money for their survival. Unregistered Rohingya refugee women in these circumstances have suffered sexual assaults, but cannot access justice because of their own lack of legal status.

Bangladesh has made significant progress in reducing poverty and lowering the rates of maternal and child mortality over time. It has proved resilient in the face of famines, cyclones and civil war. As a result, Bangladesh is one of the top development aid recipients, with more than $US2 billion provided last year primarily from western countries like the United States and the United Kingdom.

Unfortunately, little of the international aid money is going to help the Rohingya. In fact, Bangladesh is willing to deprive its own citizens of international assistance in order to maintain inhospitable conditions for the Rohingya. Recently, Bangladeshi authorities rejected a $33 million aid package from the United Nations intended for Cox�s Bazar, one of the most impoverished districts in the country, and where the majority of Rohingya refugees live. The UN program was designed to help reverse the annual three precent economic decline, a decline that Minister Razzaque blames on the Rohingya refugees. Other Bangladesh authorities say that the aid package was rejected because it might encourage other Rohingya currently living in Burma to flee to Bangladesh. This is appalling.

Bangladesh has not been forced to deal with the problem of the Rohingya refugees alone. Western countries provide the bulk of funds for the UN refugee agency and non-governmental organizations that provide assistance. Eight western countries have also resettled more than 700 Rohingya refugees. Yet last October, Bangladesh abruptly halted all refugee resettlement, including for urgent medical cases.

Bangladesh and other refugee-hosting countries in the region must recognize that the Rohingya refugees are not going to stop escaping from Burma until the Burmese government ends the ongoing persecution of these people. Instead of blaming the victims, Bangladesh, along with China, India and Thailand, must address the root cause and pressure Burma to reinstate citizenship rights for the Rohingya. Bangladesh has leverage with its neighbour � Dhaka�s relationship with Burma has grown significantly since a deal was agreed to create a gas pipeline from western Burma through Bangladesh and on to India.

After hosting Rohingya refugees for more than 30 years, the Bangladeshi authorities must realize that denying them their basic rights does nothing to resolve the problems posed by their presence in the country. Now is the time for the Government of Bangladesh to demonstrate that it is a responsible and accountable international partner by prioritising and protecting the rights of Rohingya refugees.

* Michel Gabaudan is president of Refugees International, a Washington DC-based organization that advocates to end refugee crises and receives no government or UN funding.

Than Shwe disciple to head Burma�s intelligence
Irrawaddy: Wed 6 Jul 2011

A trusted disciple of former Burmese junta chief Than Shwe will now head the country�s intelligence body following a major reshuffle last week of the military�s upper echelons.Army sources told DVB that Major General Soe Shein, once Than Shwe�s personal security officer, will now take the helm of Burma�s intelligence unit, known as Military Affairs Security (MAS), replacing its former chief, Major General Kyaw Swe.

New regional army commanders have also been appointed in the first major shake-up of the military since the elections in November 2010, which saw the ascent of the powerful new commander in chief, Min Aung Hlaing.

Sources said the reshuffle affected at least six regional military command (RMC) zones around the country, including Rangoon RMC, Southern RMC, Southwestern RMC, Western RMC, Eastern RMC and Triangle RMC, close the conjunction of the Burmese, Thai and Laotian borders.

General San Oo, commander of the Taunggyi-based Eastern RMC will replace his Rangoon counterpart Brig-Gen Htun Than, while Brig-Gen Soe Htut, commander of the Southern RMC, will move to the Taunggyi office.

The appointment of Soe Shein to such a senior position will likely reignite speculation of Than Shwe�s lingering grip on the Burmese military: defence ministry sources told The Irrawaddy Magazine in April that reports from the War Office marked �confidential� were still being sent to the 77-year-old, despite officially retiring as head of the military following the elections.

His position alongside Min Aung Hlaing, another Than Shwe confidante, as one of the country�s most powerful military figures also suggest that Than Shwe is building a trusted network of comrades that will ensure his safety into the future � a pertinent concern for Burma�s leaders given the regime�s history of sometimes vicious power struggles.

The new military commanders are being introduced at a time when internal armed conflict is raging on an almost unprecedented scale, with at least four border states currently hosting fighting between Burmese troops and ethnic armies.

Reasons for the reshuffle remain unclear. It comes only 10 months after a major shake-up that saw more than 50 senior Burmese military officials nudged up the army hierarchy to fill spots made vacant by the mass �retirement� of the country�s leading ringmasters before the polls.

As of last week, many of those men, including Kyaw Swe, have been replaced, but their destinations are not known.

State Minister reveals USDP�s 50-year plan for ruling Burma
Narinjara News: Wed 6 Jul 2011

Kyauk Pru: A minister from the regional government in western Burma�s Arakan State has recently publicized that the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), has an �outstanding plan� to rule the country for the next 50 years. The pronouncement was made by U Soe Aye, USDP member, minister of finance and customs, and the former minister of transport in the Arakan State government, during an address to the public during his village-to-village travel for paddy seed distribution in Kyaukpru Township in southeastern Arakan State.

�He arrived to our village on 23 May, 2011, to distribute paddy seed, and while he was speaking to the villagers through a loudspeaker he said that the local Rakhine party is just in step to follow and clap in praise for whatever his party has done in the present government, and his party has planned well for ruling the country for the next 50 years,� said an elder from Kyaktwapyin Village in the area.

The minister is said to have traveled to other villages, including Thaychaung, Kyaukne, Mingan, Kyaukngu, and Taungrun for paddy seed distribution and has made similar declarations while speaking to the villagers in those towns as well.

A villager from Taungrun Village also confirmed the statement was made by the minister during his visit to their village for seed distribution.

�He told us not to vote for other parties besides his own in the next election while distributing paddy seeds to us, and said that no party except his party would be able to fulfill the necessities in the country because his party is the only one that will rule the country for next 50 years�, said the villager.

Another villager from Kyaukngu village also said the minister rebuked a school teacher who served as in-charge for the village�s polling station and defamed the MPs of local Rakhine Party for his party�s loss in the last election.

�The minister, with no relation to his seed distribution, scolded and blamed a school teacher who served as an in-charge of the village�s polling center for his party�s loss to the local Rakhine party in the last election before the villagers, and also defamed the MPs of the Rakhine party as uneducated who have no ability to make a class-eight after adding two of them and as becoming MPs for clapping and following his party in the government�, said the villager.

Minister U Soe Aye is a strong member of the USDP in Arakan State and was elected from the second constituency of Gwa Township in the last election for the state parliament, but no candidate of his party was elected from the area he traveled to for seed distribution.

According to the villagers, it was unknown whether the paddy seed distribution was being done in the area from his party�s funds or state funds, but the minster had well spread propaganda for the support of his party, defaming the local party and distributing a small amount of paddy seeds to the villagers.

They said senior officials from the USDP in the present government have often defamed the local party before the public openly and have also implied to the local people that they should ask the local party if they need roads, schools or clinics, whenever they visit the area on their official trips.

China urged to halt Myanmar dams
Wall Street Journal: Wed 6 Jul 2011

A coalition of Myanmar dissident groups called on China to halt a series of dam projects it is building in the resource-rich Southeast Asian nation, the latest sign of rising hostility toward Chinese investment there.

The call comes as sporadic fighting has continued between Myanmar troops and ethnic insurgents in dense jungle areas near Myanmar�s borders with China and Thailand, including areas close to some of the dams. Although details about the fighting with Kachin and other ethnic-group rebels are scant�the areas are largely off-limits to outsiders�dissident groups in communication with the groups say that as many as 10,000 people have had to flee and that resentment over the dams is a significant contributing factor to the conflicts. Decades-old animosities between the ethnic groups and Myanmar�s powerful military are also to blame.

Separately on Tuesday, democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi was mobbed by supporters�and trailed by plainclothes policemen�while visiting the ancient ruins of Bagan in central Myanmar, the Associated Press reported, but otherwise the day passed without incident. It was Ms. Suu Kyi�s first trip outside of Yangon since being released from several years of house arrest late last year, and supporters have been watching closely to see if authorities permit her to move about freely.

Dissidents had been stepping up their complaints about Chinese investment amid signs it is increasing rapidly. Foreign direct investment commitments from China in the year that ended in March totaled $8.27 billion, or 41% of the total in Myanmar, compared with total Chinese investment of less than $2 billion by the end of the prior financial year, according to the Associated Press and local media reports. Major projects include a multibillion-dollar oil-and-gas pipeline built in part by Chinese investors across the country. It also includes an estimated 60 hydropower projects involving at least 45 companies, according to International Rivers, a California-based advocacy group.

Activists say the investments harm the environment and help support Myanmar�s harsh military-backed government, which is accused of a wide range of human-rights abuses, including forced labor and rape, while failing to boost living standards for average citizens. Western governments, including the U.S., maintain tough economic sanctions against Myanmar that block investment in such projects, but a growing number of dissidents are beginning to question the sanctions, in part because Chinese investment has undermined their effectiveness.

Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Hong Lei said �cooperation between China and Myanmar is on the basis of mutual equality, and is in the interest of both countries� development and both countries� people.� The spokesman added that China pays close attention to ecological protection and requires Chinese companies operating outside its borders to obey local environmental and other laws.

Attempts to reach the Myanmar government weren�t successful.

The dams have remained a major flashpoint, however. Much of the recent fighting has occurred near Chinese-backed dams that are opposed by local residents, with nine planned or under construction by Chinese companies in Kachin areas, according to the Burma Rivers Network, an advocacy group that represents dam-affected communities and uses the country�s former name. The group in mid-June cited the dams for �fueling further conflict� and �not benefiting the people of Burma,� while other dissident organizations have tried, unsuccessfully, to pressure Chinese leaders into halting the projects altogether.

The latest call was distributed by a U.S.-based advocacy group, the U.S. Campaign for Burma, and signed by more than a half-dozen other dissident groups, including the All Burma Monks� Alliance and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions. In the statement released Monday and circulated in some areas on Tuesday, they accused the Chinese government of �completely disregarding Burmese people�s life and property� and collaborating with the Myanmar government to stop the flow of rivers in Kachin areas with megadam projects.

The Chinese government support for such dam projects �amounts to an indifference toward Burmese people�s lives,� the groups said.

Meanwhile, the Associated Press reported on Tuesday that Kyaw Win, the deputy chief of mission at the Myanmar Embassy in Washington, has defected to the U.S., warning that oppression is rising in his homeland and calling for the U.S. to implement targeted sanctions against the government and its �cronies.�

Rethinking Japan�s Myanmar policy � Naing Ko Ko and Simon Scott
The Japan Times: Wed 6 Jul 2011

Tokyo � An historic meeting June 29 between parliamentary Vice Foreign Minister Makiko Kikuta and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Yangon highlights Japan�s increasing willingness to look beyond its self-interest and promote democracy in the region.Kikuta is the first high-level Japanese envoy to meet with Suu Kyi since 2002, and although the meeting only lasted an hour, it carried added symbolic weight as it was followed by Suu Kyi�s announcement that she will defy the generals and go on a controversial tour of the country.

Earlier in the week, Kikuta visited the capital Naypyidaw, where talks were held with regime leaders, including Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin.

After the military regime took power in 1962 under the rule of strongman Ne Win, Japanese diplomacy with Burma (Myanmar) largely involved working with the country�s notorious generals without giving much thought to the will or interests of the people of Burma. In fact, during the period of Ne Win�s rule, almost 40 percent of all Burma�s imports came from Japan. This foreign policy toward Burma mainly consisted of Japan giving massive amounts of official development assistance as a way to bolster its trade interests there.

From 1976 to 1990, more than 66 percent of the bilateral ODA Burma received came from Japan. Yet it is unclear how much, if any, of this aid actually moved outside regime circles and made it into the impoverished hands of the Burmese people.

Aung San, the architect of modern, independent Burma and the father of Suu Kyi; Ne Win; and many other Burmese military leaders were educated and trained by Japanese army officers in World War II. But after the bloodshed of the 1988 uprisings and ensuing military coup, control of the country shifted from the old-school, socialist, military dictatorship of Ne Win to the new, and arguably even more repressive, State Law and Order Restoration Council. At this point Japan�s relationship with Burma changed markedly.

Alongside major Western donors, Japan suspended foreign aid to Burma in response to the horrific events of �88, and it was only resumed at a significantly reduced level. Annual average aid from Japan to Burma was just under $155 million per year between 1978 and 1988, but during the period from 1996 to 2005 that figure was down to an annual average of just over $36 million. Yet as Japan has gradually pulled back from Burma, China�s influence has deepened and now Beijing is almost single-handedly bankrolling Burma�s military thugs. Last year, Burma-China bilateral trade was worth a whopping $4.44 billion � a 53.2 percent increase on 2009 figures � and 2011 figures are expected to show the same level of growth. Thus, the junta and its cronies are no longer reliant on Japanese aid or trade for their survival. Burma has become a shantytown of China and the generals of Burma routinely pilgrimage to the politburo in Beijing while forgetting the role of Japan in the Asia-Pacific.

So, has Japanese foreign policy toward Burma failed?

The answer is no, but Japan�s foreign policymakers urgently need to formulate a new winning strategy toward Burma that offers real financial gains for taking �real� steps toward democracy. Japan still remains the world�s third largest economic power, with a growing soft power base, especially in Southeast Asia, where its pop culture is widely enjoyed. Millions of Burmese consumers still prefer high-quality Japanese cars and electronics over cheaper Chinese products. In short, Japan still has a significant unilateral and multilateral role to play Burmese and regional politics.

Japanese foreign policy can underpin the democratization and development of Burma by aligning itself with the desires of the Burmese people. History shows that the correlation of human capital and democracy underpins economic growth and development in many modern Asian states. Why not in Burma? Why not invest in the human capital of the Burma�s democratization movement and allocate optimum resources to the vulnerable people of Burma? More than any other nation, Japan has the potential to play a hands-on role in facilitating Burma�s national reconciliation.

As evidenced by Kikuta�s recent visit, Japan seems able to strike a balance that the Western democracies have been so far unable to do: avoid alienating Burma�s military junta, yet still recognize and affirm the people�s desire for democracy. Japan should step up, exercise its growing soft power as an advocate for Asian democracy,and play a unilateral role in the negotiation process. It should appoint a liaison officer who can gear up the dialogue between the military regime and the Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy, and thus work toward ending the suffering of the Burmese people.

Japan has the diplomatic strength to play a leading role in bringing about an end to human rights violations in Burma. It is still a great power player in Asia and can counterbalance China�s dominance in the region�s power structure by becoming a voice and symbol for Asian democracy and thus transcend its lagging economic growth. If Japan is willing to embrace this noble and important role, the first priority would be to endorse the International Commission of Inquiry, which was proposed by the United Nation�s Human Rights rapporteur of Burma in 2010.

Former U.N. human rights special rapporteurs professor Paulo Pinheiro and Dr. Yozo Yokota have also supported the call of an International Commission of Inquiry into Burma. Moreover, Japan has the unilateral diplomatic power to persuade the economies of Asia to promote democracy, human rights and engage with Burma�s democratic civil society. Since the DPJ took power in 2009, the people of Burma have expected Japan�s foreign policy toward their isolated nation to change and align itself with Burma�s grass-roots democratic movement.

Vice Foreign Minister Kikuta�s decision to visit Suu Kyi is a step in the right direction and hopefully signifies Japan growing role as a beacon of Asian democracy.

* Naing Ko Ko is a leader of the NZ Burma campaign, a recipient of the 2010 Amnesty International New Zealand Human Rights Defender Award and a former Burmese political prisoner. Simon Scott is a Tokyo-based journalist who writes on Japan- and Burma-related issues.

Cronyism: A legacy of military rule in Burma � Htet Aung
Irrawaddy: Wed 6 Jul 2011

If Burma�s dictatorial ruler Snr-Gen Than Shwe left a legacy for the country�s economy when he retired in March after handing over power to a civilianized government, it would be the growth of cronyism. The best example of a crony business that flourished during the past 22 years of military rule is the Htoo Group of Companies (HGC), owned by Tay Za, a young tycoon well-known for his close personal ties to Than Shwe and his family since the heyday of the military junta.

Starting out in the timber business with the Htoo Trading Co., Ltd. in the late 1980s, Tay Za has used his good relations with the top general to turn the company into a massive business empire.

Helping Tay Za on his way to tycoon status was his later role as the junta�s arm dealer. By giving the regime access to sophisticated military equipment, including helicopters and jet fighters, he proved his worth to the ruling generals, and was generously repaid with some of the country�s most lucrative business concessions. At the same time, however, he also earned a place on US and EU sanctions blacklists.

But Tay Za hasn�t allowed international censure to hold him back. In a recent article published by The Washington Times (�Burma�s first billionaire no military bagman�), he is quoted by Stanley Weiss, the founding chairman of the influential Washington-based lobby group, Business Executives for National Security, as saying that Western sanctions �have virtually no effect on the rich� in Burma. As proof of this, he pointed to the growing wealth of the HGC.

Living in a palatial residence at the corner of Inya Road and University Avenue, where he parks his fleet of luxury cars, including a Lamborghini, a Bentley, a Ferrari, a Mercedes and a Lexus, Tay Za is now apparently eager to receive the title of Burma�s first billionaire in the post-Than Shwe era. He also seems keen to raise his profile in the eyes of the international business community.

In a rare interview with Italian journalist Raimondo Bultrini, published in the Rome-based La Repubblica, Tay Za said: �The reason I�m talking to you�this is the first time I�ve spoken to a foreign journalist�is that I want it to be known once and for all that I am the wealthiest man in Burma.�

To make his point, Tay Za treats Bultrini to some wine worth about US $10,000 a bottle�an astounding price tag in any country, but all the more shocking in one of the world�s poorest nations, the foreign journalist said, describing his encounter with the Burmese billionaire to the BBC Burmese Service.

Claiming that his business interests earn $500 million a year, Tay Za�s HGC has invested in jade and gold mines, teak and wood products, hotels and resorts, Burma�s first fully privately-owned airline, a logistics and heavy machine rental service, gas stations, construction projects, real estate and agriculture, a football club, and a shortwave radio station, according to a company profile obtained by The Irrawaddy.

In its latest venture, the HGC has established a private bank called Asia Green Development Bank, which expects to provide the first online banking service in Burma.

But the profile did not include all of HGC�s many business interests. The company also has control over the domestic mobile phone market and major investments in communications technology at the Yadanabon Cyber City, near Pyin Oo Lwin in Mandalay Region. And in the energy sector, it is not only a major player in the oil and gas industry, but is also involved in the construction of hydro-power dams.

Despite its expansion into other sectors of the Burmese economy, HGC�s mainstay remains the extractive industries. Its jade mines in Phakant, Kachin State, produced more than 3,000 tons of jade between 2007 and 2010. Given that a jade sale held in Naypyidaw earlier this year earned more than $2 billion, we can assume that HGC�s profits from its operations in this industry have been enormous.

HGC also owns gold mines across the country. The company secured various licenses from the former junta to explore for gold ore in Singgu Township in Mandalay Region, Kalaw Township in southern Shan State, Mabein Township in northern Shan State, Bhamauk Township in Sagaing Region and Thein Zayat Township in Mon State.

Moreover, HGC has also started exploring for gold in the Chindwin and Uru rivers in Kachin State.

Although often referred to as the junta�s arm dealer, Burma�s first private airline owner or, more recently, the country�s newest bank owner, most people seem to overlook the fact that Tay Za is also a landowner of astounding proportions, possessing hundreds of thousands of acres of land across the country.

HGC�s earliest investment in the agricultural sector was in palm oil plantations in southern Tenasserim Region. The company now possesses 330,000 acres of land in Mergui Township, where it grows palm oil trees with seeds imported from Costa Rica, Thailand and Malaysia. It has also invested in a wide variety of other commercial crops, from sesame and mangoes to cotton and jatropha, a plant used in the production of biodiesel. It even grows thanaka, a tree whose bark is used domestically to make a paste applied to the face as a cosmetic.

In the first half of the 2000s, Tay Za expanded his investments in fruit plantations partly to meet the demand of the company�s hotel and resort chains. The company secured 8,000 acres of land in Intaw Sub-township in southern Shan State to cultivate commercial mango and longan plantations. It also owns orange and dragon fruit plantations in Pyin Oo Lwin and Rangoon that use imported seeds from Thailand and central Mexico.

HGC�s ownership of Air Bagan gives the company a unique foothold in the tourism industry. The airline currently operates 12 passenger airplanes flying to 8 major destinations, while HGC�s Aureum Palace Hotels and Myanmar Treasure Resorts chains cater to tourists in Pagan, Ngapali, Ngwe Saung, Pyin Oo Lwin, Naypyidaw, Inle Lake, Putao, Pathein, Mount Popa and Rangoon. Charging between $800 and $1,200 per night, these hotels and resorts represent unimaginable luxury in a country where many live on less than a dollar a day.

One of HGC�s earliest ventures is its logistics and heavy machinery rental service, which has been operating since 1992 with 400 heavy-duty trucks, a fleet of 33 cranes, eight sets of seagoing tugs and barges, and some chartered vessels. This service also profits from business deals with the government, for example with state-owned agro-based factories and steel mills operated under the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC).

In building his business empire, Tay Za didn�t miss the opportunity to invest in real estate. HGC has invested in the Mindama housing project, Palm Court Villa and expensive residences in prime areas of Rangoon. The Mindama project includes three condominiums with a total of 150 rooms and 46 fully furnished villas, while Palm Court Villa includes 14 fully furnished villas.

Tay Za�s vast role in Burma�s economy shows that the country�s ruling generals strategically nurtured crony businesses to help cement their hold on power. By allowing a handful of well-connected businessmen to dominate the economy, the junta leaders were able to resist the impact of Western sanctions and ensure that they would continue to control the levers of economic influence even after the ostensible transition to civilian rule.

However, with the retirement of Than Shwe, there has been some speculation in business circles that Tay Za�s era of preeminence is coming to an end, while other cronies such as Zaw Zaw, owner of the Max Myanmar Group of Companies, Tun Myint Naing (alias Steven Law), owner of Asia World Co., Ltd., and Nay Aung, owner of International Group of Entrepreneurs (IGE), vie for a bigger piece of the pie.

Nevertheless, President Thein Sein and the new civilianized government will have to rely heavily on the crony businessmen to boost the economy. This means that there is little likelihood that it will move to create a level playing field in Burma�s business world anytime soon, and even less chance that it will implement serious economic reforms capable of lifting the country out of poverty.

Intelligent Dialogue Partners or Useful Idiots? � Suzanne Rott
Irrawaddy (Opinion): Tue 5 Jul 2011

Germany�s federal commissioner for human rights policy, Markus Loening, recently visited Burma and published an article in The Financial Times in which he called upon European Union member states to enter into an �intelligent dialogue with all groups in Burmese society.� This sounds reasonable enough, as long as this call is not what we have seen behind closed diplomatic doors in internal EU member states� consultations about right policies toward Burma. Calls for dialogue with �all groups in Burmese society� have unfortunately too often taken the form of an effort to undermine the role of Aung San Suu Kyi as the genuine leader of the Burmese democratic movement and as a legitimate representative of many of the aspirations of the vast majority in Burmese society.That is exactly what the generals in power want to achieve�to marginalize and delegitimize Suu Kyi and her party, the National league for Democracy (NLD). From the generals� side, it is a logical and �intelligent� aspiration. They rightly see Suu Kyi and the NLD, as well as the ethnic parties that have been banned or were discouraged from taking part in last year�s elections, as the real sociopolitical force that can challenge their grip on power. But EU diplomats should under no pretext assist the generals in achieving their goal of sidelining opposition forces.
Dialogue should not lure them into the trap of becoming useful idiots with good intentions who only end up serving the core interests of Burma�s military strategists.

To know what the call for dialogue �with all groups in Burmese society� looks like in practice, one need only consider the fact that the European Heads of Missions in Myanmar meeting on March 14, which brought European ambassadors together to discuss their positions regarding the EU sanctions review, the German participant argued against mentioning Suu Kyi by name in official EU communications.

German Ambassador Julius Georg Luy and other German diplomats are among those who for months have been trying to put Suu Kyi at the same level as representatives of the small democratic parties that were allowed by the military regime to enter Parliament to give legitimacy to the results of the sham elections held last November. When EU ambassadors were planning to have a joint meeting and lunch with Suu Kyi, German diplomats argued that they should not meet the NLD leader separately, but only together with representatives of other opposition parties. The German ambassador, together with his Belgian and Spanish colleagues, argued that other democrats and ethnic forces might be offended if it became public that Suu Kyi was being afforded special treatment. It was the UK ambassador who rightly pushed for a separate meeting with Suu Kyi, because she is still the undisputed leader of the democratic opposition�a fact that EU member states should not deny. But Germany still argued that the goal of such a meeting should be to seek a wide range of views from several interlocutors, without favoring anyone in particular.

By calling for �intelligent dialogue� with all groups in Burma, German diplomats are in reality helping the generals undermine Suu Kyi�s legitimacy as the opposition leader. That is very different from what German Chancellor Angela Merkel did when she singled out Suu Kyi and talked with her by phone.

If Germany wants to be right in its intention to talk with �all groups,� then they should be a bit more cautious in defining who �all� is. With their experiences with the Stasi in East Germany, they should know that representation in authoritarian and totalitarian societies is a tricky issue. Germans and Europeans should not let the Burmese military define with whom they should talk and with whom they are not allowed to talk. The ruling party and the opposition parties in the �legal fold,� and the civil society players, both local and international, that have been allowed to operate in the country, simply do not represent the full spectrum of political views in Burma.

If German diplomats want to enter into an intelligent dialogue with all groups in Burmese society, then they should talk, for example, with the families of Min Ko Naing, Nilar Thein, U Gambira and other political prisoners. Such talks could have taken place at the German Embassy in Rangoon during the visit by the federal commissioner for human rights policy. In addition, German diplomats should talk with Kachin, Karen, Shan and other ethnic representatives�not just those who have been allowed into Parliament, but also those who have been barred from even competing. That would constitute a real �dialogue with all groups.� After meeting with them, Loening would probably have been a bit less hopeful but a bit better prepared to lead an intelligent dialogue with the Burmese government.

Let me conclude that I agree with Loening that sanctions should not be a self-serving instrument, but that they need to be �tuned.� If the Burmese government is serious about the advertised change and really wants sanctions to be lifted so that a flow of investment can begin to reduce poverty, then it has all the tools it needs to achieve this goal. All it needs to do is release political prisoners and take the first steps toward a genuine national dialogue that includes the ethnic and political opposition groups. By doing so, the Burmese government can achieve its goal of lifting sanctions within less than six months.

* Suzanne Rott is a Burma observer based in Thailand.

Myanmar carrying out �ethnic cleansing�: missionary agency
Agence France Presse: Tue 5 Jul 2011

Vatican City � Troops in Myanmar are carrying out �ethnic cleansing� against the mainly Christian Kachin ethnic minority near the border with China, the missionary news agency Fides reported on Friday.Citing a local Catholic priest, Fides said fighting had forced 20,000 people to leave their homes so far and the number was increasing by the day.

Priests and nuns in the area �are doing everything to help the ethnic Kachin refugees, almost all Christians, victims of a brutal repression carried out by the Burmese military�, the priest was quoted as telling the Rome-based agency.

Clashes began when the government struck an agreement with China on the construction of a dam in the northern region, which would force the evacuation and flooding of villages where the Kachin people live, Fides said.

�They are women, children and old people who are at the mercy of the soldiers. These, when they meet the Kachin villages, carry out, for revenge, all sorts of violence, abuse and ransacking,� the priest said.

�They kill old people and children, rape women, burn homes, confiscate properties. They use ruthless methods to ethnic cleansing,� he added.

The priest also said there was a risk of a �humanitarian emergency� in the area for refugees out in the open as the rainy season approaches.

Myanmar has been plagued by decades of civil war with armed ethnic minority militias since independence in 1948.

In recent weeks fighting has broken out with Kachin rebels.

Last week bomb blasts rattled three Myanmar cities in the latest in a series of explosions that authorities have mostly blamed on ethnic minority rebels.

The military junta handed over power to a nominally civilian administration in March after nearly half a century of army rule, following an election marred by complaints of intimidation and fraud.

German weapons firm in Burma capital � Joseph Allchin
Democratic Voice of Burma: Tue 5 Jul 2011

The managing director of German weapons� manufacturer Fritz Werner this week met with senior Burmese government figures, including those on EU sanctions lists, in Naypyidaw for what state media billed as �mutual� cooperation on ports and airports.Joerg Gabelmann reportedly held talks with a range of officials, including Finance Minister Major General Hla Tun and Transport Minister Colonel Nyan Tun Aung, both of whom are blacklisted by the EU. The New Light of Myanmar said that it was during talks with Nyan Tun Aung that the two discussed shipping and flight infrastructure.

When asked about the meetings, Maria Groybermann from Fritz Werner�s office in Essen, Germany, told DVB that �we don�t usually comment on negotiations with our clients�.

The Fritz Werner website bills the company as a �leader in the field of ammunition manufacturing technology�. It was the first foreign company to create a joint venture with the Burmese state in the 1984 formation of Myanma Fritz Werner Co. Ltd. At the time they denied that the company had an arms orientation, while according to AP, the move was �welcomed by local observers and Western diplomats as a good start toward revitalising Burma�s sagging economy.�

Four years later and the powerful HK G3 (Heckler and Koch) assault rifle, purchased by the Burmese army through Fritz Werner, was seen being used by soldiers on thousands of students taking part in the 1988 uprising in Rangoon. A variation of the same gun, developed in a Fritz Werner-run plant, is also thought to have killed Japanese photographer Kenji Nagai in the September 2007 uprising.

In a recent interview with the Thailand-based Irrawaddy magazine, Germany�s ambassador to Burma, Julius Georg Luy, stated: �To my best knowledge, the company Fritz Werner has no arms-related business in Myanmar [Burma]�.

The company�s website however makes no reference to ports or airports, despite the purported focus of Gabelmann�s discussions this week.

The company has a long and ignominious history in Burma and beyond. Its first operations in Burma began in 1957, shortly after it was nationalized; the war years had been good for Fritz Werner, with Hitler creating a massive demand for their services, but post-1945 the company was left with little domestic business.

An April 1992 article in Jane�s Intelligence Review claimed the company had been responsible for helping the now-embattled Libyan leader, Colonel Gaddafi, with his 1,000-kilometre-ranged Al Fatah missile project. Although they quote only �their sources�, the article notes that the German government impounded one of Fritz Werner�s ships.

What may also pertinent to Burma, given recent concerns, is an apparent expertise in the delivery of chemical weapons. The Christian Science Monitor in 1988 suggested the US government was concerned that Fritz Werner was assisting in the sale of ammunition for carrying chemical weapons to Iraq. The 1988 edition of the magazine also said that �intelligence reaching Washington suggests it has played an important role in building Burma�s chemical-weapons capability.�

Analysts note that the US defence attach� has inspected Fritz Werner facilities in Burma and �found nothing� but cautioned that the supply of dual-use machine tools or casing often hid a trail, as plausible deniability may exist for the items� use. This allegedly included the import of �lip stick� casing that never held lipstick.

Fritz Werner developed a strong relationship with former Burmese dictator Ne Win who would regularly visit Germany, with the company footing the bill. So regular were his visits that one analyst even suggested that a small Burmese pagoda had been built beside one of the company�s German facilities.

Aung San Suu Kyi makes first trip since her release
BBC: Mon 4 Jul 2011

Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is travelling outside Rangoon for the first time since her release from house arrest last year.
Aung San Suu Kyi is making the trip to Bagan, an ancient temple city, with one of her sons, Kim Aris, who has described the visit as a holiday.

Released without conditions, Ms Suu Kyi is in theory free to travel.

The government has warned of chaos if she tries to rally public support, and there are fears for her safety.

Aung San Suu Kyi plans to visit the birthplace of her famous father, former general and independence leader Aung San.

Her son said both he and his mother needed a break.

Officials of her party have warned supporters to stay away. They fear a repeat of her last trip outside Rangoon in 2003 when her convoy was ambushed.

She was travelling in the north of the country when thugs linked to the then ruling generals attacked her convoy.

She just escaped, but was imprisoned for seven years until her release from house arrest last November.

�It�s nerve-racking. We are concerned for her safety,� said Soe Aung, with the Bangkok-based Forum for Democracy in Burma.

Only last week, the new military-backed government warned her and her party to cease political activity.

A commentary in a state-run newspaper warned there might be chaos and riots if Aung San Suu Kyi travelled out of town.

It is not possible, her colleagues say, to pretend she is an ordinary woman going on holiday.

Of course people will follow her and want to talk to her, they say.

She has kept her visit to Bagan low-key, and was greeted by journalists and what appeared to be plain clothes security men.

Her organisation, the National League for Democracy, is keeping the government informed of her movements.

Separately, in Washington, the second highest-ranking diplomat in the Burmese embassy, Kyaw Win, has defected.

�Senior military officials are consolidating their grip on power and seeking to stamp out the voices of those seeking democracy,� he told Radio Free Asia.

He added that the threats against Ms Suu Kyi �must be taken seriously�.

Thein Nyunt calls up veteran politicians � Ahunt Phone Myat
Democratic Voice of Burma: Mon 4 Jul 2011

More than 10 politicians who cut their teeth in the National League for Democracy have joined Thein Nyunt, an opposition parliamentarian who defected from the National Democratic Force this year, as he pushes ahead with a bid to set up a new party.Also included in the party, which if approved by the Union Election Commission will operate under the title of New National Democratic Party, are five serving parliamentarians, one of whom is Thein Nyunt.

His decision to form a new party comes after the one-time senior NLD member was expelled from the NDF, which itself split off from the NLD so that it could compete in the November 2010 elections.

Thein Nyunt was accused by fellow NDF leaders, notably party co-founder Khin Maung Swe, of sharing sensitive policy details with the media and accusing the party of using foreign funding, a practice that is illegal under Burmese law. Thein Nyunt responded that the party had failed to carry out a financial audit it had promised to do.

A request to form the New National Democratic Party was made yesterday in Burma�s capital, Naypyidaw, and listed the names of 20 founding members. Thein Nyunt said that �12 of the 20 founders previously worked with the National League for Democracy for over 20 years � they have experiences in the 1990 elections and also participated in the 2010 elections�.

Also included is the popular Burmese hip hop artist, Yatha, who rose to fame in 2006 and since has appeared on an MTV Exit programme on human trafficking in neighbouring Thailand.

Relations between Thein Nyunt and his former colleagues in the NDF have not improved, and bitterness clearly remains.

�I chose the name National Democratic Force for my former party in the 2010 elections; it was formed by me and those from the NLD who � wanted to participate in the elections,� he said.

�But they expelled me 10 days after we won the elections but that�s their decision. Now I�m forming the New National Democratic Party to get back on the election track. We are forming this party with people who have been loyal for 20 years, not those who are cunning and who will stab politics in the back.�

The party is preparing for the interim elections, Thein Nyunt said, rumours of which have circulated since the appointment of more than 40 MPs to cabinet posts and advisory committees following the first session of parliament in February. Under Burmese parliamentary legislation, those seats must be replaced via a second round of votes.

No details about the interim elections have been released, and it is not yet known whether anything has been finalised. The head of the Union Election Commission, Thein Soe, said in a recent parliamentary session however that they may be held October or November this year.

Press scrutiny official �satisfied� with transition to self-censorship � Nyunt Win and Kyaw Hsu Mon
Myanmar Times: Mon 4 Jul 2011

A senior official from the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division said late last month he was �satisfied� with how 178 publications have made the transition to self censorship, despite issuing verbal warnings to six publications that published �inappropriate� pictures and advertisements.From June 10 almost half of all registered publications moved to self-censorship, a change the government has described as the �first step to free press�. Publications have been divided into two groups based on genre and those in the first group, including entertainment, health, children�s, technology and sports publications, no longer have to submit drafts to the PSRD before publication.

The first group contains 82 journals and 96 magazines, while the second group � encompassing news, politics, religion, business, education and crime publications � includes 94 journals and 86 magazines.

�It is still too early to evaluate the system but I can say I�m satisfied with how the self-censorship system is going right now,� U Tint Swe, deputy director general of PSRD told The Myanmar Times on June 23.

He said that when the scrutinisation team, which is comprised of central executive committee members of the Myanmar Writers and Journalists Association, checked self-censoring publications they found some had not abided by the updated rules issued by the Ministry of Information on June 10.

�One week after the new system had become effective we did not find any serious blunders in their published materials,� U Tint Swe said. �But some sports weeklies published pictures [of women dressed indecently]. And a medicine advertisement carried in a health journal contained words inappropriate for the public to read. These are inappropriate for our culture so we issued warnings to them.�

The publications include The Modern Times, Mobile Guide, Soccer Weekly, Health Care and 1st Line Up.

U Tint Swe said the 12 rules and regulations, which are based on the 1962 press laws, were similar to regulations in other ASEAN countries, including Cambodia, Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam.

�I want to stress that the shift to self-censorship in accordance with the 12 rules and regulations is not meant to increase restrictions on the print media but is rather meant to give guidance for them to [operate as a] free press,� U Tint Swe said. �We expect our role in the longer term will be to act as a guide. This new system is not a trap for the publishers, as many people have argued.�

U Tint Swe also reaffirmed an earlier commitment to gradually allow the remaining 180 publications to move to pre-censorship. However, he urged the editors and publishers of news journals and magazines to be prepared for the responsibility that shift will entail.

U Tint Swe said the new system, under which the publishers would have to pay a K5 million deposit once a first formal warning is received, was intended to prevent unnecessary court cases. PSRD will act as a mediator between the parties and encourage them to reach a settlement, he said.

�That�s why we plan to practice this [deposit] system. Otherwise, once a problem occurs they will have to go to court,� he said. �We want big issues to become small, and small issues extinct.�

However, if journals repeatedly breached the rules in a serious manner, PSRD would confiscate an �appropriate� amount.

U Kyaw Min Swe, editor-in-chief of The Voice, said he believed the shift to self-censorship would on the whole be a positive step. However, he expressed concerns over the composition of the scrutinisation team for self-censoring publications, as he believed at least one of the people appointed to the team was not a reputable journalist. He added that both groups of publications should strive to become more professional by taking on more responsibility and accountability, rather than simply criticising the censorship policy.

�It�s our responsibility to prove that we deserve [press] freedom,� he added.

Ko Ye Naing Moe, a 40-year-old freelance journalist, said he �welcomed the change in principle� and envisioned the industry would become similar to that of China. However, he said the procedural change should be implemented in a smooth manner.

�The change should not create more worries for the media,� he said. �The system should provide us with more freedom, rather than simply alter the procedures,� he said. �What�s more important is the areas that we can now report on. Only when more press freedom is guaranteed will the government become more credible.�

Ceasefire Talks Produce Old Rhetoric, No New Agreement � Ba Kaung
Irrawaddy: Fri 1 Jul 2011

Laja Yan, Kachin State � At 9:30 a.m. On Thursday, the deputy military chief of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Brig-Gen Gun Maw, and a group of other high-ranking KIA officials gathered by the roadside in Laja Yan Village, Kachin State. The village is located in an area the ethnic armed group currently controls, but sits only a few kilometers from a deployment of Burmese army troops, with whom the KIA has been engaged in deadly fighting for the last three weeks since a 17-year long ceasefire broke down.

Comrades chatted in the Kachin language, occasionally breaking into laughter. Behind them was a makeshift pavilion, constructed to hold the first direct talks between representatives of the Burmese military and the KIA since clashes broke out between the two sides on June 9. Nearby were plastic bags containing Johnny Walker whiskey� gifts for the Burmese delegation.

At 11:00 a.m., Col Than Aung, the Kachin State minister for border affairs, arrived at the pavilion with his entourage. He indicated from the start of the meeting that he was directly representing the national government in Naypyidaw, not just the Kachin State government, by saying that, �Higher authorities and I talked over this conflict. You understand who I am referring to, don�t you?�

In what seemed to be an overture, he said that the KIA�s liaison offices should be reopened so the KIA and the Burmese government could work together�the KIA set up the offices in Kachin State�s urban areas after the 1994 ceasefire was signed, but the Burmese government forced them to close late last year after the ethnic armed group rejected Naypyidaw�s order to transform itself into a member of the government�s border guard force (BGF) under the command of the Burmese army.

Than Aung also asked Gun Maw for a signed acknowledgement that the KIA would renew the ceasefire, and asked the KIA officials to participate in the country�s political process �in dignity.�

These requests came despite the fact that Than Aung did not himself carry any official document saying that the government would renew the ceasefire, and the fact that the Burmese military regime�which in March was replaced by a nominally civilian government�forbid three Kachin political parties from participating in the parliamentary elections last November on grounds that their leaders were linked to the KIA.

When Gun Maw asked Than Aung for formal evidence that the Burmese army would end hostile attacks against the KIA, Than Aung did not answer directly, saying he will have to report to the �higher authorities.�

�We heard that the Burmese army was reinforcing its troops in Kachin State, some of which have arrived by ship,� Gun Maw said.

�No, that�s not true,� Than Aung replied. �All are at normal levels. This is the media age. We cannot hide anything.�

Although Gun Maw and the other KIA officials at the meeting expressed a desire for a ceasefire, they indicated that any agreement to halt fighting must come with tangible political reforms and compromise from the Naypyidaw government. In particular, he told the Burmese delegation that the government must change the �Nargis Law,� referring to the current Constitution, which was voted on in a referendum held in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in 2008.

�A ceasefire does not necessarily mean peace,� Gun Maw said. �Many describe the previous ceasefire as peace, which it really wasn�t.�

During the previous ceasefire, the KIA and its political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), asked the Burmese regime to engage in regional development and provide a political solution to the decades old conflict which granted autonomy to the Kachin people in Kachin State. At that time, the Burmese military generals said they did not have the mandate to solve the political questions, which could only be addressed after a civilian government came into power.

Between the time the 1994 ceasefire was entered into and 2009, when the KIA first rejected the BGF plan, Chinese companies and Burmese business groups with links to the government invested in a number of large projects in Kachin State, such as hydropower projects, that benefitted the outside investors but not local people and came with significant negative social and environmental impacts.

In addition, during that time the KIA focused its efforts on regional development and stopped actively recruiting and training new forces for its armed militia, which weakened its position in relation to the Burmese government. So when the KIA complained to the Burmese government about the unfairness and negative effects of projects such as the Chinese-built Myitsone Dam, it lacked the negotiating leverage either to halt the project or change the terms.

It is therefore not surprising that in interviews with The Irrawaddy at the KIA headquarters in Laiza and at nearby military outposts, several KIA officers and lower ranking soldiers said they did not want to see their leaders striking another �empty� ceasefire deal with the Burmese government, preferring to fight the Burmese army for the autonomy they desired.

�We want autonomy for Kachin State. Otherwise, I don�t want another ceasefire with the Burmese army,� said 60-year-old Maj. Hkaraw La Ja, the commander of the KIA�s 1,000-strong guerilla force tasked with defending the KIA Headquarters in Laiza, which is located near the Chinese border.

Hkaraw La Ja previously fought the Burmese army from 1967 until 1997, and then went into retirement. Now, he is one of several combat-hardened military officers who re-joined the KIA in late 2009 after tension built up with the Burmese military leaders over the BGF plan.

�I�m ready to fight for my people,� he said, and his foot soldiers appear ready to follow.

�I joined the army to fight for national independence,� said Brang Seng, 21, a KIA soldier guarding a security post at Laja Yan, who noted that the Kachin people have been colonized by the Burmese majority since the British left Burma 63 years ago.

Within the KIA, there is not much optimism that a new ceasefire deal will be reached, and many members expressed a complete distrust of the Burmese government. The headmaster of the KIA�s military academy at Laiza, who does not wish to be named, explained that the Kachin people have faced injustice even with an armed KIA.

�These injustices will become all the more severe when we lay down our arms,� he said. �Instead of another sham ceasefire, we will fight to our death.�

Some officials assume that the current lull in armed clashes with the Burmese troops is either because of an internal clash in the Naypyidaw leadership, or because the Burmese government is just waiting for a proper time to launch a major military offensive against them.

Despite the skepticism, however, Burmese and KIA officials intend to meet again in the near future for another round of ceasefire talks�although when is unclear.

�I don�t know when this will happen again. They said they will inform us,� said Gun Maw after the meeting.

Support of democracies key for Myanmar: Suu Kyi
Agence France Presse: Thu 30 Jun 2011

Vilnius � Myanmar�s iconic opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Thursday thanked democratic nations for their support and said she hopes to see her homeland take its seat alongside them.

�We appreciate all the things that the Community of Democracies has done to promote empowerment, energisation and engagement,� the Nobel Peace Prize laureate said in a pre-recorded video address played at a gathering of the grouping in Lithuania.

�We look forward to the time when our country can be an active, energetic, powerful member of the Community of Democracies,� she said.

Officials in Vilnius said the video had been recorded several days ago.

On Wednesday, Myanmar�s regime told pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi to halt all political activities and warned that her planned first national tour since being freed in November from seven straight years of house arrest could spark riots and chaos.

The Community of Democracies is an informal grouping of more than a hundred countries set up in 2000.

Its stated goal is to strengthen and deepen democratic norms and practices worldwide.

Former Soviet-ruled Lithuania is currently in charge of the Community of Democracies, whose East European members are keen to share know-how built up over two decades since the collapse of their region�s communist regimes.

Lithuania organised the gathering in its capital Vilnius to mark the end of its two-year term at the helm. It hands over to Mongolia on Friday.

�I was released during the period when Lithuania was at the head of the Community of Democracies. This to me, seemed a very good omen,� Suu Kyi said.

�This, to me, indicates that we in Burma will achieve in the not too distant future what we have been working for for so long,� she added.

Daewoo to expand resources business as prices rise, Lee says
Bloomberg: Wed 29 Jun 2011

Daewoo International Corp., the trading company controlled by South Korean steelmaker Posco, plans to double the share of revenue it gets from the resources business as it expands into copper, rice and rare earths.The mineral and energy resources division may account for 30 percent of sales by 2015 from about 15 percent now, Chief Executive Lee Dong Hee, 61, said yesterday in an interview at the company�s headquarters in Seoul.

Rising prices of raw materials are spurring Daewoo and its South Korean peers to boost investments in commodities ranging from oil and gas to copper, competing with rivals in China and India to secure supplies. The benchmark Standard & Poor�s GSCI Index of 24 commodities has jumped 33 percent in the past year.

�We have to invest in natural resources,� said Lee. �Prices of natural resources have gone up and I don�t think they will come down again.�

Daewoo, which mostly buys and sells steel, metals and auto parts, also operates a gas project in Myanmar and owns a stake in a nickel mine in Madagascar.

The gas project in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, is set to begin production in May 2013 and will generate $700 million in sales a year, Lee said. �It will contribute to our profit considerably,� he said.

Daewoo will probably report a profit of $200 million on sales of $18 billion this year, Lee said. Its shares have advanced 19 percent in the past year, compared with a 22 percent advance in the local benchmark Kospi index. The stock rose 0.7 percent to 36,950 won at 11:26 a.m. Seoul time, heading for the highest price since June 7.

Copper, Rice

The company and partner Taejoo Synthesis Steel Co. may sign an initial agreement with Societe de Developpement Industriel et Minier du Congo or SODIMICO, to develop a copper mine in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lee said.

Daewoo International, the biggest rice trader in South Korea, last month set up a venture with a company in Cambodia to produce rice, said Lee, who was earlier the chief financial officer of Posco. It acquired a stake in PT Bio Inti Agrindo to produce palm oil in Indonesia, a company filing showed in April.

The company aims to invest about $800 million annually for the resources division for existing and new projects, he said, without giving comparative figures or a time span.

The Myanmar gas project is expected to cost $1.7 billion, of which $1.2 billion has been secured, Lee said. The company may raise the remaining amount by selling corporate bonds or its 24 percent stake in Kyobo Life Insurance Co., he said. The timing of the sale will depend on market conditions, Lee said.

�With assistance from Shinhye Kang in Seoul. Editors: Indranil Ghosh, Brett Miller

Burma ranked 18th on failed state index � Htet Aung
Irrawaddy: Mon 27 Jun 2011

Burma remains the most unstable member state of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and among the 20 states in the world most likely to fail, according to the �Failed State Index 2011,� a report jointly prepared by Foreign Policy magazine and the Fund for Peace.The report, which was released last week, examined risk indicators in 177 countries around the world and assigned each one a score, with a maximum of 120 points for the most dangerous state in the world. Burma scored the highest among the 10 member states of Asean and 18th worldwide with 98.3 points.

Singapore was the most stable member of Asean, receiving 35.1 points, followed by Brunei and Malaysia with 65.8 and 68.7 points, respectively. The report is one of the first to evaluate current conditions in Burma since a new government led by President Thein Sein succeeded the former military junta on March 30 of this year.

To assess the level of risk among the countries, the report identified twelve factors that could lead to their collapse: demographic pressure, refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), group grievance, human flight, uneven development, economic decline, delegitimization of the state, public services, human rights, security apparatus, factionalized elite and external intervention. The higher the score in each area, the worse conditions were deemed to be.

Burma�s worst scores were in the areas of delegitimization of the state (9.7), human rights violations (9.0) and uneven development (9.0) respectively. In other areas, Burma scored six or above. On the delegitimization scale, Burma ranked behind only three other countries: North Korea, Somalia and Chad.

Despite Burma�s transition to an ostensibly civilian government after more than two decades of direct military rule, armed conflicts in ethnic areas such as Kachin, Shan and Karen states have intensified in recent months, adding to instability in the country.

Regarding the situation of refugees and IDPs in Burma, recent clashes between the Kachin Independent Army and Burmese troops have added to the number of war refugees fleeing conflict zones. At least 10,000 IDPs have been sheltering along the border with China since the fighting began earlier this month, while neighboring Thailand has hosted more than 140,000 refugees from Burma for the past quarter of a century.

In an effort to solve the country�s major problems, the international community, including the UN, the US, the EU and Asean, have repeatedly called on the Burmese government to initiate an all-inclusive political dialogue to bring about national reconciliation in the country, but the former generals who head the new government have ignored the call.

China exploits role as best friend of poor, isolated Myanmar � Mark O�Neill
Hsin Pao/Hong Kong Economic Journal: Mon 27 Jun 2011

China is rushing to exploit the western boycott of Myanmar [Burma], become the principal buyer of its oil, gas and other resources and build a railway and oil pipeline to one of its ports on the Indian Ocean, to reduce its dependence on the Malacca Straits.At the end of May, Thein Sein chose Beijing for his first foreign visit since becoming president last November and received red-carpet treatment from President Hu Jintao. The two men signed nine agreements, including a 540-million-euro line of credit from China�s Development Bank, and described their relations as a �comprehensive strategic cooperation partnership�.

Myanmar is an important part of China�s strategy to become a great power. China is building an oil and gas pipeline to run 1,650 kilometres from Kunming, capital of Yunnan province, to Kyaukryu on Myanmar�s west coast. It will carry 22 million metric tons of African and Middle Eastern oil a year to China, as well as gas from fields in Myanmar.

This pipeline will solve what China calls the �Malacca obstacle� � last year, 80 percent of the country�s 239 million metric tons of imported oil passed through the Straits of Malacca. Beijing feels increasingly vulnerable to a war or local conflict that could block the straits and strangle its buoyant economy.

This link to the Indian Ocean would become the fourth route for the country�s oil and gas supplies � after pipelines through Russia and Central Asia and the route through the Malaccas.

Beijing also wants privileged access to Myanmar�s rich natural resources of oil, gas, timber, jade, gold, silver and other minerals. Myanmar�s international isolation and poverty puts Beijing in an excellent strong position. Before independence in 1948, Burma was the world�s leading rice exporter and produced 75 per cent of the world�s teak.

But its nominal GDP last year was 42.95bn dollars, with an average per capita income of 702 dollars and the lowest rate of growth in the Greater Mekong Region. The EU, Canada and the U.S. have imposed economic sanctions against it because of systematic human rights abuses, including child labor, human trafficking and lack of personal freedoms.

These sanctions have greatly inhibited western and Japanese companies from developing the country�s natural resources and left the way open to investors from Asia, especially China, India, Thailand and Singapore.

Of these, China is the largest, with investments worth 15.5bn dollars at the end of March this year. It is also Myanmar�s second largest trading partner, after Thailand. Bilateral trade in 2010 was 4.4bn dollars, an increase of more than 50 percent over a year earlier.

The government intended the general election last November to draw a line under four decades of military rule since 1962 and usher in a new era of modernization and democracy. But the west dismissed the election as a fraud and a pretext to keep a military-run junta in power.

This isolation from the west suits Beijing perfectly; it enables it to become Myanmar�s most important economic and diplomatic partner and give it a powerful bargaining position in bilateral projects.

In December 2009, Vice President Xi Jinping went there to negotiate the terms of the oil and gas pipeline to Kyaukryu and construction of port and storage facilities there. He won a written guarantee from the government that China�s state-owned Southeast Asia Oil Pipeline Co. would have exclusive ownership and management rights of the pipeline.

China is also the driving force in the construction of a pan-Asian railway network that Myanmar desperately wants to be part of. One line would run from Dali in Yunnan to Ruili on the border with Myanmar, then across the country to Kyaukryu, including two sections from Mandalay that are currently operating.

China also wants to extend the line northward to the Bangladesh port of Chittagong and south to Yangon and then Bangkok. The plan calls for these lines to be completed by 2020.

Beijing has chosen Myanmar and other countries in Sou theast Asia as places to expand the use of the renminbi in trade transactions. The State Council has approved a quota of 10 billion yuan in RMB border trade with Yunnan for 2010 and plans to expand this in future.

This network of railways and pipelines has enormous military and diplomatic as well as economic significance. It would enable Southeast Asia, including Myanmar, to become both an enormous market for Chinese goods and services and a provider of natural resources and at the same time reduce the relative importance of the U.S. and Europe as economic partners.

These ambitious plans depend on the regime in Naypyidaw remaining friendly, if not docile. An opposition government led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi would follow a more balanced foreign policy, giving equal favour to western economic interests and reducing dependence on Beijing.

Another obstacle is the miserable infrastructure. Chinese surveyors and engineers have been at work in Kyaukryu since 2007, preparing construction of a deep water port, piers for oil tankers of up to 300,000 metric tons and large oil and gas storage facilities. They found a sleepy village with no running water, electricity a few hours a day and extremely limited access to the Internet.

They had to bring in their own power generators and satellite phones to access the Web. Railways are old and rudimentary, with few repairs since they were built in the 19th century. Highways are unpaved, except in major cities, and energy shortages are widespread, even in Yangon.

This means that it will be Chinese money, labour and technology that will build these pipelines and railways. It will take decades, if ever, to realize an economic return. But, as it moves to become a superpower, Beijing believes the investment is worth making.

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#876

From: Center For JustPeace Mindanao <centerforjustpeace@...>
Date: Mon Jul 11, 2011 11:10 am
Subject: TIYAKAP KAWAGIB NEWSLETTER 2nd Edition

centerforjus...

Dear Partners:

Forwarding the attached BCJP's publication (pdf file) for wider circulation.

If you wish to have a hard copy, kindly contact BCJP which address and contact number can be found at the newsletter.

Thanks!

Bobby

1 of 1 File(s)

TIYAKAP

#877

From: Goldy George <goldymgeorge10@...>
Date: Wed Jul 20, 2011 10:52 pm
Subject: Fact Finding Report on Social Boycott of Dalit Woman Sarpanch

goldymgeorge10@...

FFT Report of Social Boycott of Dalit Women Sarpanch.pdf

Dear friend/s,�

Jai Bhim and warm greetings!

As announced earlier, we are hereby sending you the full report of the fact finding investigation conducted couple of weeks back. We are sorry for this delay in sending as we had to deal with a few more cases of atrocity. lease

Thanks & Metta

Goldy

�

--
---------------------------------
*Creation of a casteless and peaceful society is indeed the first step�towards just, egalitarian, and harmonious society. A society of equals,
neither unequal nor more-equals, beyond the strings of caste, class, gender, race, ethnicity, etc. Otherwise it leads to social oppression, political
exploitation, economic deprivation, cultural domination, gender�discrimination, class isolation, deliberate exclusion. Lets� believe in a
society beyond this....*
*GOLDY M. GEORGE *
�
Goldy M. George
Dalit Mukti Morcha
Chhattisgarh

1 of 1 File(s)

#878

From: LeeJae Young <kojay99@...>
Date: Sat Jul 23, 2011 6:37 am
Subject: my new email address (Jae Young Lee from Korea)

kojay99

Hi Peacebuilders in Asia

I would like inform you my new email address.

kojay99@... --------> kojay99@...

Thanks.

샬롬 (Shalom)
이재영 (Jae Young Lee)

평화부 담당 간사 (Peace Program Coordinator)
한국 아나뱁티스트 센터 Korea Anabaptist Center (www.kac.or.kr)

센터장 (Director)
동북아 평화교육 기관 Northeast Asia Regional Peacebuilding Institute (www.narpi.net)
________________________________________
"Let's Dream Impossible Dreams!"

To: ait_lmb@...; aliciamtemple@...; mynameisalina@...; anick@...; diamaoden@...; wanta_art@...; freeman_onebag@...; barakath2@...; bhgrm_chaudhary@...; bibek_shahi2000@...; bruce.vanvoorhis@...; nangkinnara@...; chhomren001@...; chochong_sielphaw@...; debika_stha@...; edharshan@...; inoeng_aceh@...; fadefortar@...; w2n_zero@...; jallyma_553@...; morkimhoun@...; catty_girl1108@...; harnkham@...; henny_beujroh@...; ishina_2006@...; horhen_sociology@...; ikidede@...; keen_yeoj@...; john_saikat96@...; johnsaikat@...; Jose@...; kcmartin0303@...; vichith_keo@...; xkhammon@...; mka-ymca@...; thawhpoe@...; kohei@...; thie_36@...; pathak_galkot@...; mythuyenlethi@...; lionibeatrix@...; nee_jue@...; pmatu25@...; ediger.max@...; snmisai@...; snmisai@...; morkkonn@...; anwar_p08@...; nor_4dsam@...; amongjam@...; zun_chem@...; Paddy2Noble@...; peterkathi07@...; pitiphan_a@...; gasalong1124@...; renoshan@...; liveramona@...; psyshai@...; renzymca07@...; no_only@...; rodstepher@...; natadee_229@...; rozat_vt@...; nasi_ongnal@...; samarpan_acharya@...; lsamden@...; sarvjeet.del@...; doplo.soe@...; haryfinsop2007@...; mortdoedoh@...; surdawiah@...; chaudhary_srmail@...; sydoniahayati@...; sengchristina@...; pookub_sp@...; sirjana_shahi2007@...; sonasier007@...; nishim_grg@...; nss_soma@...; somchitd2001@...; sudhansusekhar.nail@...; sukkriyah@...; ayumee-@...; smriti_smile65@...; ningposo@...; charles_brownson@...; thangvannei@...; sophearoun.nomad@...; tirmizyabdullah@...; oemfar@...; khan_m49@...; vintoyymca@...; justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
CC: pangerandren@...; pangernungba@...
From: ediger.max@...
Date: Tue, 16 Nov 2010 15:23:51 +0700
Subject: [justpeaceinasia] Our Stories Our Challenges

Friends:

ICF and CJPA have published a book called "Our Stories Our Challenges" It is available in digital form at http://daga.dhs.org/daga/press/pdf/our_stories_our_challenges.pdf. Please have a look at it as it contains many stories and reflections on building communities of justpeace. We also have hard copies of the book, but as postage is so expensive we will not be sending it to everyone. However, we will try to bring it along with us as we travel and in that way get it distributed around Asia.

Max

--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

"Dialogue demands more courage than waging war. It takes you to that uncomfortable space where you have to question your own assumptions and, rather than speak on other people's behalf, truly listen to what they have to say, take it into consideration, and present your own views in a way that addresses the misunderstandings that have arisen." Haider Al-Mosawi

You Westerners have been coming to the Holy Land for centuries to visit the shrines,
the dead stones. But you do not see the living stones – the human beings who live
and struggle before your eyes. I say ‘Wake up!’ What matters are the living stones!
(Father Elias Chacour, cited in Bush, 1996)

Reply | Messages in this Topic (2)

#879

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Wed Jul 27, 2011 8:49 am
Subject: [Readingroom] News on Burma - 27/7/11

piapi

Burmese Army begin major offensive in Shan State
Burma army targets ethnic women
Burmese government wants to limit cease-fire negotiates to KIO
Govt planning to change exchange rate
UN chief praises Burma talks, urges more
Myanmar must consider release of political prisoners
Myanmar�s Suu Kyi holds rare talks with minister
Activists warn against foreign investors in Myanmar
War trumps investment in Myanmar
Canada opens relations with Burma, sanctions continue
Burma at a crossroads: an analysis of state structures
Myanmar currency crunch cripples exporters, risks crisis
USDP to grant Rangoon residents loans; total 10 billion kyat
Despite gold price rise globally, Burmese traders can not increase price
Myanmarese in India displeased with Delhi supplying arms to Burmese military
War Office sets out ambitious army plan
Burma Army�s War against Shan: Licence to Rape plus Licence to Commit Genocide?
Myanmar, Germany to cooperate in upgrading ports, airports
Myanmar�s Suu Kyi leads memorial march for father
Journalists warned on exile contacts
Critical report on China-backed dam smothered
Gems auction nets $1.5 billion for Myanmar despite US sanctions
India trying to woo Myanmar from China
Myanmar invites partners for 18 onshore oil blocks
At the mercy of Burmese �law�, Suu Kyi must play a wise game

Burmese Army begin major offensive in Shan State � Ko Htwe
Irrawaddy: Tue 26 Jul 2011

Burmese government troops have launched a major offensive against the headquarters of the Shan State Army (SSA) in Wan Hai in a bid to dominate a strategically important junction connecting northern and southern Shan State, according to Shan sources.

�They are attacking us in order to militarily dominate the area. They want to use our camp as a base from which they can launch an offensive against the United Wa State Army (UWSA) in the future,� said Maj Sai Hla, a spokesman for the SSA and its political wing, the Shan State Progressive Party.

Wan Hai, located between Kyethi, Monghsu and Mongnaung townships, is an important transport hub in central Shan State. The SSA�a former ceasefire group known until recently as the SSA-North�controls territory in Kyethi and Monghsu townships in southern Shan State and Mongyai and Tangyan townships in the northern part of the state.

According to local residents, the motive for the recent attacks may be commercial as well as military: there are coal mines in Kyethi and the SSA extracts antimony near Wan Hai�both of which the government would like to control.

However, some observers said it was unlikely that the fighting was directly linked to a struggle for control of natural resources.

�It is possible that the government wants to extract natural resources from the area, but I haven�t heard that they have discovered any precious metal there,� said Khuensai Jaiyen, the editor of the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN).

The situation in Shan State contrasts with that in Kachin State, where the government is seeking to negotiate an end to hostilities with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

�I asked officials why the government has launched continuous attacks on the SSA rather than negotiating, as it is doing with the KIA, and I was told that the government thinks it can easily break the SSA because Wan Hai is not near the border, and because some of the SSA�s brigades have already joined the Border Guard Force (BGF),� said a member of the Shan Nationalities Development Party from Kyethi Township.

Two brigades of the former SSA-North have joined the BGF, which puts troops belonging to former ceasefire militias under Burmese military command, but the strongest, the 3,000-strong Brigade 1, led by Col Pang Fa, refused.

The Burmese regime began pushing 17 different ceasefire groups to join the BGF ahead of last year�s Nov. 7 election, but most refused, including the UWSA, with 30,000 troops, and the 10,000-strong KIA.

The UWSA and the Shan State Army-South, a non-ceasefire armed group, have offered support to the SSA since it resumed hostilities with the Burmese Army.

Htay Aung, a Burmese military researcher, said that the government army would likely concentrate its attacks on the SSA and KIA Brigade 4, which occupy areas between the Burmese Army�s positions and the UWSA, while continuing to negotiate with stronger groups.

�The negotiations will only last for a while, but I don�t think they will bring an end to this civil war. The government cannot attack the UWSA right now because of its strength, so they are going after their weaker allies. But ultimately, these attacks threaten the UWSA, too,� he said.

Burma army targets ethnic women � Nan Paw Gay
Kachin Information Center: Tue 26 Jul 2011

Reports this week from Kachin and Shan States confirm rape is still being used as a tactic by the Burma Army to demoralise and terrorise ethnic communities.

Shirley Seng, a spokeswomen working with the Kachin Women�s Association Thailand, told Karen News that since June 9, Burma army soldiers have raped 32 women.

�No woman is safe from these soldiers. In the last six weeks 32 women and girls in Kachin State have been raped � 13 of those were killed.�

Other ethnic women groups confirm the rapes are not only happening in Kachin but accuse the Burma Army of using sexual violence as a systematic weapon against ethnic people in Mon, Shan, Chin and Karen State.

Charm Tong from the Shan Women�s Action Network says her groups have been documenting the abuse against women for decades and says age is no deterrent�young, old, or pregnant.

Charm Tong describes how earlier this month a Burma army patrol from Light Infantry Battalion 513 robbed a Shan village and raped four women and girls.

�The youngest, Nang Mon, 12, was raped in front of her mother who was beaten when she tried to protect her daughter. Villagers could do nothing. Nang Lord who was due to give birth, was thrown on the ground and raped. Nang Poeng was caught outside the village, beaten, stripped and raped.�

The rape of ethnic women in Burma is well documented by international human rights organizations, regional community groups and the United Nations.

In late May, in a statement to journalists, at the Bangkok based Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand, the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Tomas Quintana, highlighted the Burma army�s involvement.

�Systematic militarization contributes to human rights abuses. These abuses include land confiscation, forced labor, internal displacement, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.�

Charm Tong takes and says foreign investment plays a huge part in the militarization of ethnic regions.

�Northern Shan State is of crucial importance, the [Burma] army is trying to secure the area for major Chinese investments, including hydropower dam sites and transnational gas and oil pipelines. The Burma army now has a quarter of their battalions based there. Where there are pipelines, dams, timber and other natural resources there are well-documented cases of abuse of local people. �

Charm Tong says foreign governments and investors working in Burma need to speak out about the atrocities.

�Business as usual means ongoing rape for women and girls in our communities.�

Naw Blooming Night Zan, joint secretary of the Karen Women�s Organisation, in an interview with Karen News said.

�The Burma army uses rape as a weapon against ethnic women. The Burma army tortures ethnic people as if they have a licence to do so and they are never held responsible for their actions. They have a new government, but it is only a veneer, underneath the surface it is still the same policies of the military.�

In February 2010, the Karen Women Organisation published a report, Sharp Knives, based on the testimonies of 95 women chiefs. The report explains that women are replacing men as village chiefs because men �are more likely to be killed by the Burma army.�
The report points out that the reason women became chiefs was that �men were reluctant to risk their lives as chiefs, women stepped in to assume leadership in the hope of mitigating abuses.�

The 95 testimonies of the women chiefs in the report proved that were not to be the case � they faced constant threats, systematic abuse and sexual violence from the Burma army.
The testimonies are harrowing. A women chief tells how she was punished by the soldiers for running away when her village was attacked � in retaliation the soldiers gang-raped her 15-year-old daughter.

In February 2007 the Karen Women Organisation released another report, State of Terror, based on 4,000 documented cases of human rights abuses by the Burma army. The report stated that, �rape has been, and continues to be used as a method of torture to intimidate and humiliate the civilian populations, particularly those in ethnic states.�

As in reports by other organisations, KWO found that �many of the rapes are perpetrated by senior military officers or done with their complicity.�

The contents of the report cite cases 57 and 58 were two 23-year-old women were repeatedly raped vaginally and orally by a soldier under the command of Major Pone Tint in Dooplaya District. �If we didn�t do it he would shoot us dead.�

Case 43 � �After raping her they killed her by shooting into her vagina, no action was taken [against the rapist].�

The Women�s League of Burma in a 2006 paper titled, War Crimes in Burma, reported that the Burma army was targeting women for rape and various forms of sexual violence.

�Rape is being used by the regime�s army as a strategy of war against different ethnic groups, to attack them, humiliate them and demoralize them, in order to establish control over their land and resources.�

Charm Tong says there is too much evidence for Asean, the UN and the international community to keep ignoring that Burma�s human rights abuses are linked to development projects.

�Asean and the UN Security Council�s inaction are letting the rapes and crimes against the Burmese people go on and on. They need to do something like they have in many other places like Libya, Bosnia and African countries.

Burmese government wants to limit cease-fire negotiates to KIO
Mizzima News: Tue 26 Jul 2011

Chiang Mai� The KIO, a member of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an ethnic group alliance, has offered to stop fighting if the government will start negotiations for a nationwide cease-fire, but Burmese authorities said no deal in a recent e-mail, according to La Nang, a spokesman for the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO).

�They said that they would negotiate cease-fire in Kachin State first. Then in accordance with the example of Kachin State, they would try to achieve a cease-fire in other states,� La Nang said.

The UNFC comprises the Karen National Union, New Mon State Party, Chin National Front, Kachin Independence Organization and Karenni National Progressive Party.

According to sources close to Naypyitaw, there have been no discussions about the recent clashes in Kachin, Karen and Shan states.

Meanwhile, rumours are circulating that MP Hkyet Hting Nan of the Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State (UDPKS) and MP Hka Mai Tang of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party are talking to leaders from the Kachin Culture Group in Kachin State to work as mediators to negotiate a cease-fire with the KIO. However, MP Hkyet Hting Nan denied the rumour.

�It�s not true. But, I met with Hka Mai Tang recently three or four times. But we met just to exchange presents,� Hkyet Hting Nan said. He said he visited war refugees in Waimaw Township on Tuesday and donated food.

He said that the UDPKS party has donated rice, cooking oil, salt, mosquito nets and stationery to refugees with a total value of 2.5 million kyat (about US$ 3,000).

Govt planning to change exchange rate
Irrawaddy: Tue 26 Jul 2011

Rangoon � Burma�s Finance and Revenue Minister Hla Tun has told the country�s business leaders that the new government will change the official exchange rate of the national currency, which is currently set at around six kyat to the dollar.

�In the case of trading and exchanging foreign currencies, we are discussing ways to identify a a stable exchange rate that can positively affect the country,� Hla Tun reportedly said at a ministry meeting in Naypyidaw on Friday.

According to a high-ranking member of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) who spoke on condition of anonymity, the government also sought the views of businessmen on the subject of changing the official exchange rate.

He added that the government routinely calls leading businessmen when it wants advice on economic issues, but doesn�t always follow through with implementing recommended changes.

The exchange rate has been a major source of concern for Burma�s business community in recent months, as the kyat continues to climb against the US dollar in the unofficial exchange market, where the dollar now fetches just 790 kyat, compared with more than 1,000 kyat at the start of the year.

A seafood exporter said that the new exchange rate should be set at around 900-1,000 kyat to the dollar.

�Whenever there is a meeting or workshop, sea and marine products exporters propose an increase in the value of foreign currencies. If the current exchange rate doesn�t change, there won�t be any improvement for our industry,� he said.

Although the official exchange rate looks set to change, the fate of the country�s Foreign Exchange Certificate (FEC) remains unclear, as do regulations governing foreign currency holdings, said a member of the UMFCCI�s Central Executive Committee.

�We don�t know what will happen to the FEC and the holding of foreign currency, but we heard that if the government changes the exchange rate, private banks will be allowed to exchange and trade currencies,� he said.

A local economic analyst said that the country�s economy will improve if the government further reduces taxes after changing the official exchange rate.

In response to the impact of the rising kyat, the government recently moved to cut export taxes from 10 to 7 percent, but with little effect, according to businessmen.

The government should also control the foreign exchange black market and other illegal businesses, said the economic analyst. Action should be taken against officials who take bribes and ignore illegal businesses, he added.

UN chief praises Burma talks, urges more
Agence France Presse: Tue 26 Jul 2011

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on Monday praised Burma�s talks with opposition icon Aung San Suu Kyi and voiced hope that the government would take further steps including freeing prisoners.

Ban �welcomes� the talks between Suu Kyi and Labour Minister Aung Kyi and �encourages such contacts and dialogue,� a UN statement said.

�In line with the international community�s expectations and Myanmar�s [Burma] national interest, the secretary-general hopes such efforts will continue with a view to building mutual understanding through genuine dialogue,� it said.

�He also calls upon the government of Myanmar to consider early action on the release of political prisoners in that country,� it said. Human rights groups say some 2,000 political prisoners remain in jail.

Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, was freed in November after spending most of the previous two decades under house arrest. The talks Monday with Aung Kyi were the first since Burma formed a new government following elections.

Most Western nations and the opposition were sharply critical of the election, viewing the polls as a charade by military leaders to stay in power while officially handing power to civilians.

Plans for the meeting with Suu Kyi emerged on Saturday, the same day that US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton urged Burma�s rulers to have �meaningful and inclusive dialogue� with the opposition.

In Washington, State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland reiterated Clinton�s call for Burma to meet with Suu Kyi in a way �where she can have influence on the future of her country.�

�I can�t speak to this specific meeting, but those are the steps that we want to see. And we want to make sure, also, that the Burmese government is taking great care with her security,� Nuland said.

Suu Kyi�s National League for Democracy won 1990 elections but was never allowed to take power. She avoided making public speeches during a recent four-day tour outside of the commercial capital Rangon during which plain-clothes police trailed her but did not hinder her movements.

Myanmar must consider release of political prisoners
United Nations: Tue 26 Jul 2011

Ban calls on Myanmar to consider �early action� on release of political prisoners

New York- Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today welcomed a meeting between Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and a Myanmar Government minister, and urged the Government to consider release of political prisoners, according to a statement issued by a spokesperson.

�The Secretary-General welcomes the meeting today in Yangon between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Minister for Social Welfare U Aung Kyi,� it said. �He notes that the parties have expressed satisfaction at their positive talks and their intention to cooperate further on matters beneficial to the people of Myanmar.�

�In line with the international community�s expectations and Myanmar�s national interest, the Secretary-General hopes such efforts will continue with a view to building mutual understanding through genuine dialogue. He also calls upon the Government of Myanmar to consider early action on the release of political prisoners in that country,� it said.

Vijay Nambiar, the Secretary-General�s Special Adviser for Myanmar, visited the country earlier in the year, spoke with Government officials, met with Ms. Suu Kyi and reported to the security council that although he welcomed some recent releases of political prisoners, he �reiterated the UN�s call for the urgent release of all political prisoners,� a UN spokesperson said at the time.

While the initial sentence reductions and resulting release of some political prisoners is a small step in the right direction, it has been short of expectation and is insufficient, he said.

Last month Ms. Suu Kyi called on the United Nations International Labour Organization (ILO) to expand its activities in Myanmar and help promote social justice there.

In a video message to the International Labour Conference of the ILO in Geneva she said: �In its attempt to eliminate forced labour and the recruitment of child soldiers, the ILO has inevitably been drawn into work related to rule of law, prisoners of conscience and freedom of association.�

Ms. Suu Kyi, an opposition leader put under house arrest for almost 15 years, was released on 13 November last year.

* For more details go to UN News Centre at http://www.un.org/news

Myanmar�s Suu Kyi holds rare talks with minister � Aung Hla Tun
Reuters: Mon 25 Jul 2011

Yangon � Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi held a rare meeting with a government minister on Monday, raising the prospect of a thaw in relations between the Nobel Peace laureate and the country�s new military-backed leadership.

Suu Kyi, who was only told of the meeting on Sunday, talked for just over an hour with Labour Minister Aung Kyi in what was the first known contact between the 66-year-old and a member of the new, nominally civilian government.

In a joint statement, both parties said they were positive and satisfied with the meeting, in which they had discussed issues that would be of benefit to Myanmar�s people.

Suu Kyi, the figurehead of the fight against military dictatorship in Myanmar, already knew Aung Kyi, having met him on nine occasions since 2007 while she was in detention and he was a minister liaising between her and the junta.

Aung Kyi dismissed suggestions those meetings were a waste of time and said he hoped for further dialogue with Suu Kyi.

�There were some benefits from previous meetings and we expect better results from these talks,� he told reporters.

�You can say this meeting is the first step of a series of things on which we intend to cooperate further.�

�Discussions were focussed on possibilities for cooperating in the interests of the people,� he said. �This included the rule of law and overcoming disunity, and matters that will benefit the public.�

Diplomats welcomed the meeting but said a lot hinged on the two parties ensuring talks did not break down.

�We hope to see some good results out of this,� said an Asian diplomat. �Otherwise, the situation will be back to square one.�

SIGNS OF PROGRESS

A new government took office in April, ending 49 years of direct military rule over the former British colony. Since her release from seven years of house arrest last November, Suu Kyi has made repeated calls for dialogue with the new rulers.

Nyan Win, a spokesman for the National League for Democracy (NLD), Suu Kyi�s active but officially disbanded party, said the political climate had changed and the government�s invitation to Suu Kyi indicated some progress.

Suu Kyi has been careful not to antagonise the government since her release and did not criticise a November 7 election regarded at home and abroad as a sham that ensured the same regime stayed in power behind a veneer of democracy.

The government and military appear to have backed off from their tough stance towards Suu Kyi, occasionally criticising her in state-run media but allowing her freedom to travel and meet with diplomats, journalists and supporters.

Analysts say the government knows any move against Suu Kyi would upset the international community and rule out the possibility of sanctions being lifted in the near future.

Dialogue with Suu Kyi could be an attempt by Myanmar�s reclusive leaders, many of them former military officers, to show foreign governments they are ready to engage.

But as is normal in Myanmar, no one quite seems sure.

�The timing of is very interesting,� said one European diplomat. �Why did they decide to meet her at this time?�

Christopher Roberts, a Southeast Asia specialist at Australian National University, said the meeting was probably more than a publicity stunt.

�It comes as part of a collective pattern of behaviour by the government that has potential for incremental improvements,� he said.

�Myanmar is trying to build a system and image of a real government and I think it wants to normalise things. Not only have its leaders met U.S., Australian and U.N. representatives, they�ve allowed them to meet Suu Kyi, too.

�It will do these things, as long as they don�t undermine security or stability,� Roberts added.

(Writing and additional reporting by Martin Petty; Editing by Sugita Katyal)

Activists warn against foreign investors in Myanmar
Agence France Presse: Mon 25 Jul 2011

Environmental groups called on Monday for an end to foreign investment in projects exploiting Myanmar�s natural resources, accusing such activities of sparking conflict in ethnic minority areas.

While foreign direct investment has �skyrocketed�, for example through large dams financed by neighbouring China, India and Thailand, there are no decent frameworks to protect Myanmar�s environment and communities, they said.

This investment is �concentrated in energy and extractive sectors and often results in militarization and displacement,� said a new report from the Burma Environmental Working Group (BEWG), a network of activist organisations.

�Control over natural resources is a major cause of conflict in ethnic areas, where the majority of Burma�s resources remain,� the report said, using the former name of Myanmar.

Heavy fighting between the rebel ethnic Kachin and Myanmar�s state army took place last month in the far north of the country around a dam financed by China, with authorities saying they acted to defend the plant from attacks.

�The renewed war in Kachin state is an example of what Burma can continue to expect as foreign direct investment increases,� said Paul Sein Twa of the BEWG.

The group�s report said an estimated 48 hydropower projects were currently being planned, constructed or already existed on Myanmar�s rivers.

But up to 90 percent of the power they generate is destined for other countries, �instead of supplying local populations who face serious ongoing energy shortages�.

The activists called for new and existing investment in sectors that exploit the environment to cease, until the new measures are brought in to ensure sustainable development and multi-ethnic participation.

The new government under President Thein Sein �is failing to make progress on that front,� said Paul Sein Twa.

Myanmar�s military junta handed power to a nominally-civilian administration earlier this year after elections in November, which the army�s political proxies won by a landslide amid allegations of cheating.

The country has been plagued by decades of civil war with armed ethnic minority militias since independence in 1948.

War trumps investment in Myanmar � Simon Roughneen
Asia Times: Mon 25 Jul 2011

Bangkok � Myanmar�s longest-standing ethnic minority militia, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), has forced a halt to the construction of a key roadway link to the US$8 billion Dawei port and industrial estate mega-project. The blockage comes amid recently intensified fighting between government forces and insurgent groups in areas scheduled for massive foreign investment initiatives.

The Thai-financed Dawei project, which is scheduled to begin groundbreaking in 2012 and take four years to complete, aims to jump-start Myanmar�s moribund industrial sector through better integration with Thailand�s more developed economy and infrastructure. It also aims to leverage into fast growing trade and investment enabled by the recently enacted China-Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) free trade agreement and to which Thailand has major regional hub ambitions.

According to Karen News, an ethnic media group which first broke the story last week, an unnamed KNLA commander said that Karen villagers have been adversely affected by the 160-kilometer road which will run from Tavoy on Myanmar�s west coast to the Thai border through Kanchanaburi province where it will link to Thailand�s existing road network. Myanmar has some of the region�s poorest road infrastructure.

Asked by Asia Times Online about the stand-off between the KNLA and Italian-Thai Development Company, the Thailand-based conglomerate that won the right to develop the 250-square-kilometer Tavoy project, Karen National Union (KNU) secretary-general Naw Zipporah Sein would only confirm that negotiations have been taking place since July 16 but would not elaborate on details. The KNU is the political party linked to the KNLA.

Saw Ehan, a journalist with Karen News (www.karennews.org), told Asia Times Online that at least 2,000 households comprised of ethnic Burman and Karen families have been told that they will have to leave their homes to make way for the now-contentious roadway. �Villagers are awaiting compensation for this and have been told they have to move. But they do not when they have to go or where they will go,� he said. �Some people are excited by the roadway but these are not the people being forced to move out.�

A Bangkok-based spokesperson for Ital-Thai Development told Asia Times Online on Monday that the company is currently �doing a survey of the area around the project, to determine who the affected people are� and said that compensation arrangements would be implemented once the survey is complete. The spokesperson also played down the apparent stand-off between the company and KNLA, saying that ITD believes that �everything will go head as planned�.

Land around the highway has apparently been sold by the Myanmar government to private investors close to the country�s military-dominated political elite. As the newly elected government moves to reform the economy, including through privatization of state-held assets, land rights are a legally nebulous area.

The news of the KNLA�s blockage of road works marks the latest controversy surrounding major foreign investment projects in Myanmar, which formally ended decades of military rule in March by inaugurating a nominally civilian government. Prime Minister Thein Sein�s �civilian� administration is dominated by former military officials.

Prior to that transition, on January 20, 2011, the Myanmar government enacted a China-style �Dawei Special Economic Zone� law. The law promises tax breaks for investing companies, fast-tracking of work and trade permits, and a pledge from the Myanmar authorities not to nationalize any industry or project established in the Dawei SEZ. Consulting firm Baker & McKenzie wrote that the law �seeks to encourage increased foreign investment to the country by offering a series of incentives and promises of stability�.

Political stability in Myanmar�s ethnic regions is far from assured, with fighting between the Tatmadaw, the name for the country�s armed forces, and various ethnic militias intensifying since the country�s parliamentary election on November 7, 2010. Many Karen-populated areas close to the Thailand-Myanmar border are also heavily mined, and the Myanmar army and KNLA clash regularly in the area close to the new highway, according to Karen researchers. It is a situation complicated by intra-Karen rivalries, with some Karen fighters working and fighting alongside the Tatmadaw.

Foreign investment-linked fighting is not confined to Karen regions, however. In Myanmar�s northern Kachin state, the Tatmadaw has been battling the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) since June 9, breaking the terms of a 1994 ceasefire. Casualty numbers are unknown but Kachin diaspora groups in Thailand say that 16,000 people have recently been displaced by the fighting in Kachin and in northern Shan state.

Myanmar�s government has repeatedly demanded that the country�s armed ethnic militias merge with the Tatmadaw under a so-called Border Guard Force. However, almost all of the country�s more powerful non-state armed groups have rejected the proposal. The Myanmar government has argued in support of the program that ethnic groups� political aspirations can be addressed via new mechanisms created as part of the country�s transition from military rule, including the establishment of regional parliaments.

The fighting in Kachin territory has been complicated by China-backed investment projects, including the proposed dam and hydropower plant near Myitsone as well as eight other Chinese-funded dams in the region. All told there are 25 �mega-dam� projects in place or being planned for Myanmar�s ethnic minority borderlands, according to the Burma Environmental Working Group. The watchdog group claims that 90% of the electricity generated will be sold abroad, earning the Myanmar government an estimated US$4 billion per annum.

A 2,800 kilometer-long oil and gas pipeline corridor is being built from Myanmar�s western coast to China�s southern Yunnan province that is designed to cut through Kachin State territory. The pipelines will enable China to pipe gas from Myanmar�s offshore Shwe Gas Field while a Chinese-built port on Myanmar�s west coast will serve as a drop-off point for some of China�s oil and gas shipments coming from Africa and the Middle East.

Some analysts doubt whether the recent upsurge in fighting inside Myanmar is being driven solely by the border guard issue. Some of the heaviest fighting in Karen State in recent years took place near the border town of Myawaddy on the day of last year�s parliamentary elections. The upsurge in fighting came just five days after Italian-Thai Development and Myanmar�s central government signed the multi-billion dollar Dawei deal. Over 30,000 refugees fled into Thailand as a consequence, though most of these were swiftly repatriated by Thai authorities.

Naw La, a researcher with the Kachin Development Networking Group, an advocacy group, says some of his family members have been driven from their homes during the recent Tatmadaw-KIA fighting. Speaking at a press conference in Bangkok on Monday, he said that �the KIO sent letters to China and to the Naypyidaw government, objecting to [the] Myitsone [dam] and saying that if the dam is not stopped then civil war will ensue�. He said that the KIO is opposed to the dam as �most of the electricity will be sold to China with no benefit for local people, and local people were not consulted at all during the planning of this project�.

The government�s heavy-handed approach to establishing security in commercially-important ethnic minority regions could yet undermine several big ticket foreign investments. Italian-Thai Development and Naypyidaw are hopeful that investors from Thailand and elsewhere will establish facilities at Dawei, although recent signals from some of Thailand�s corporate heavy-hitters, including energy giant PTT, have been cautious due to security concerns.

PTT company advisor Chainoi Puankosoom was quoted in the Bangkok Post on June 26 saying that �investment risks are normal but I think the private sector needs some kind of guarantee that their investments in Dawei are secure.�

* Simon Roughneen is a foreign correspondent. His website is www.simonroughneen.com.

Canada opens relations with Burma, sanctions continue
The Canadian Press: Mon 25 Jul 2011

Toronto � Canada has begun a strategic engagement with Myanmar that includes an exchange of ambassadors, but Ottawa has no plans to lift the economic sanctions imposed against the country anytime soon, Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird said Saturday.

Baird, speaking from Bali, Indonesia, where he attended a regional security forum this week, said the �limited engagement� was focused exclusively on human rights.

He said he raised the issue during a meeting with Myanmar�s foreign minister in Bali and that he had urged the government to release thousands of political prisoners from jail.

Canada imposed economic sanctions against Myanmar, also known as Burma, in 2007 because of its complete disregard for human rights.

Myanmar held elections late last year, officially handing power to a civilian administration after a half-century of military rule.

Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest. But many see the changes as cosmetic and believe the army will continue to hold sway.

�I underlined the significance concern that the government of Canada and Canadians have with Aung San Suu Kyi�s ability to be mobile in the country and highlighted the ongoing concerns about her safety and her security,� Baird said.

The minister also held talks with his Australian and New Zealand counterparts.

The three foreign ministers reaffirmed the long-standing relations between their countries and committed to enhanced co-operation across the full range of international challenges.

�I raised the human rights situations in Burma and North Korea with my counterparts,� Baird said.

�We also looked at human smuggling and illegal migration and reaffirmed that we remain committed to combatting these and other abuses of our respective immigration systems.�

Burma at a crossroads: an analysis of state structures � Min Zin
Irrawaddy: Mon 25 Jul 2011

It has been more than 100 days since President Thein Sein�s new government took office in Burma after a widely criticized �sham� election in November 2010. Many Burma analysts and opposition activists alike have examined the work of a new government by questioning whether the recent changes in Burma demonstrate the beginnings of a process of genuine democratic transition, or whether this is merely �old wine in a new bottle.�

Unfortunately, the question in itself is wrong and misleading. The changes that are likely to take place under the Thein Sein government represent neither democratic transition nor recorked wine.

I have consistently argued since 2008 on the pages of The Irrawaddy that the new constitution and the 2010 elections will not change incompatible goals and relations between military and civilian forces, broadly speaking state-society relations.

As result, the post-2010 regime will not change any salience of the issues including political prisoners, ethnic conflicts, and other rights violations that the country has been facing and which have earned it pariah status. However, I argued that November�s election will contribute to changes in the format of governance�the transformation of the one-dimensional military junta into a hybrid form of government that includes both political and military elements. Regardless of who pulls the strings, this could lead to either a serious internal split or the utter inefficiency of the ruling body.

In brief, my argument noted that even after the elections, the state-society relations would remain more or less the same, but the intra-state relations or state structure could be changed. Now we can engage more in nuanced analysis of the part that I presume changing since the real situation on ground has begun unfolding.

First of all, it is remarkable that Snr-Gen Than Shwe managed to establish a pre-mortem succession arrangement by installing potential rivals as his heirs apparent in different institutional settings. Than Shwe put Thein Sein in the presidential seat but checked the move by installing Tin Aung Myint Oo as a vice president. In parliament, he positioned Shwe Mann, who had widely been speculated to become the first president of a hybrid government, as the chair of the Lower House.

Those who were second-tier in the lineup but reputed as hardliners, such as Htay Oo, Aung Thaung and Maung Oo, have been assigned to lead the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the ruling party.

Than Shwe left his commander-in-chief position to Min Aung Hlaing, who is very junior compared with the current leaders of the USDP-led government, but is known as disrespectful of his seniors whenever he has a chance of holding an ascendant position.

In brief, Than Shwe put them in stalemate against one another, and at the same time weakened the overall governance capacity so that these heirs apparent could not unite on the same ground and unsettle his days in retirement. This careful arrangement of inter-institutions and personality rivalries effectively undermines the possible consolidation of a new government�s power.

The generals-turned-civilian leaders, who used to live under the vertical command structure, appear to be clueless that who is now in the driver seat. It is still unclear where the real locus of power in this new arrangement lies. No one so far dares to cross the boundary of others, despite the increasing attempts at jostling and even trespassing.

Second, if governance could be defined in its minimalistic understanding as the tools, strategies and relationships used by governments to help govern, the pivotal focus for analysis would be the state institutions. Therefore, it is necessary to examine the formal as well as the informal strategies and relationships that the new government in Naypyidaw is likely to employ.

In institutional terms, we await to see what office (or who in an initial period) evolves into the dominant mechanism (or figure) to address the challenges of governance�whether it be the administrative body led by Thein Sein who apparently tends to rely on technocrats, or the legislative body led by Shwe Mann, or the USDP led by Htay Oo et al, or even the emergence of a new autocrat, for instance Tin Aung Myint Oo.

As the country is undergoing a political transition, we can�t of course expect democratic check and balance in its state structure formations. One institution, either formal or informal, will turn out to be the dominant instrument in governing the country. Meanwhile, unless there is uncontrollable popular uprising or serious split within the ruling body, the military may remain in the background.

If the generals-turned-civilian leaders in the new government manage to appoint a new military chief every two or four years, it will further preempt another potential military dictator to take root in a military power base. Meanwhile, the most pressing challenge for the current ruling elites is to settle institutional (in some incidents personality) rivalries between different state structures. The observers must carefully detect which institution will come to dominate or all will end up in inefficient impasse�or even fall apart.

Although the inner workings of these institutional and personality rivalries remain a matter of black box, some educated guesses could be made to construct a possible scenario.

Careful analysis of biographical records shows that Thein Sein has always been an administrative person, not a decision-maker. He served as Colonel General Staff (now called Brigadier General of the General Staff at the Ministry of Defense) in 1992, a very powerful position in the army because the Brig-Gen�s general staff oversees and coordinates the whole operation of the military establishment.

As an administrative officer, Thein Sein is known as a good listener and reportedly good at facilitating and coordinating policy. But he has never been an effective decision-maker. In his career, Thein Sein only took commander positions when he didn�t have to engage any hard-fought battles. For instance, he was the commanding officer of Infantry Battalion 89 in Chin State in the late 1980s; of Military Operation Command MOC 4 near Rangoon in mid-1990s; and of the newly formed Triangle Regional Military Command in 1996.

This professional record is clearly in contrast with the experience of his closest threat, Tin Aung Myint Oo, who checkmates him in administration. Tin Aung Myint Oo is known as a �fighter� in the army. Tin Aung Myint Oo served a deputy commander of Battalion 11 Infantry of LID 88 headed by Than Shwe in 1981-83, and later on won the Thiha Thura medal in combat against Communist rebels in the 1988.

Tin Aung Myint Oo became commanding officer of No 111 Light Infantry Battalion under LID 33, and of the Tactical Operations Command under the Northern Military Command in 1992. In 1995, he was a brigadier general with the Military Operation Command-1 based in Northern Shan State. Battle-hardened Tin Aung Myint Oo became commander of the Northeast Military Region in Lashio in 1997 before being promoted to Quartermaster General in 2001.

Military insiders observe that Tin Aung Myint Oo is decisive, micro-managing, rude and corrupt. He is a �jungle man, not a gentleman,� says defector ex-Maj Aung Lynn Htut.

Reports coming out of Naypyidaw confirm that the rivalries and tensions within administrative apparatus are worsening over time.

As mentioned above, Than Shwe appeared to design such an administrative set-up in order to preempt unified successors, and consequently it weakens the governance. It is not likely that we will see any political breakthrough�either with the opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi or with ethnic resistance groups�under such governance constraints. It seems that a breakthrough will take place only if Suu Kyi and the ethnic ceasefire groups agree to make game-changing concessions such as the former accepting the 2008 constitution, and the latter accepting the junta�s Border Guard Force arrangement. However, this scenario is currently unthinkable.

It doesn�t mean that the observers should ignore the intentions of some leading members of the current leadership. President Thein Sein gave a noteworthy inaugural speech, in which he emphasized �good governance,� the fight against corruption, promotion of �democratic practices, not only among parliamentary representatives, but also among the people,� and the rule of law.

Likewise, Thura Shwe Mann, the speaker of the house at the Pyithu Hluttaw, the Lower House of Burma�s Parliament, gave a jaw-dropping speech to lawmakers, business people and even the media. He repeatedly noted the phrase, �No one is above the law,� and that �people�s power reigns in the parliament as it is formed with the people�s representatives,� invoking clause 228 of the constitution to elevate the role of parliament above the government.

Was it all too good to be true? In fact, the rhetoric of these speeches, which might reflect their genuine intents, are so far nothing more than a process of scoring points to promote their own institutions.

For instance, Maung Oo of the USDP emphasized in his speeches that power has been transferred from the State Peace and Development Council to the USDP, not to parliament, and the USDP will rule the country for at least 50 more years.

The rhetoric, therefore, mainly demonstrates the attempts of each group to consolidate their power bases and institutions.

So long as the struggle over the location of power is unresolved, the policy outcomes remain unstable and reversible (such as the recent decentralization experiment being revoked). Enthusiastic observers should step back and check the facts, instead of taking speeches at face value.

If the new regime�s institutional rivalry and power struggles turn out to be prolonged and result in inefficient governance or a split, the military�s renewed intervention or even a popular revolt should not be ruled out.

However, if the regime manages to entrust an institution (such as the technocrats or parliament or the USDP) to run the show, we will see a consolidation of power. It means that the regime will be able start the real process of much-needed institution-building in Burma.

This institution-building, however, must be understood in the context of state-building rather than democratization. As a result, one visible progress may be seen in more dynamic economic rationality because the rule of law�at least as far as business transactions are concerned�will be introduced.

It may help diversify the sources of the country�s revenue by promoting manufacturing industries, instead of almost total concentration on the natural resource extraction sector.

If stability and confidence in governance grow, an incremental progress in the direction of media and political liberalization may ensue, but the resolution of several critical issues, including the release of leading political prisoners (such as Khun Htun Oo, Min Ko Naing, Zarganar and U Gambira), and the peaceful settlement of ceasefire challenges, will not necessarily be guaranteed.

In summary, the recent changes in Burma do not support the argument that there is �no change at all� nor the optimism that �the beginning of a process of democratization� is dawning.

Recent events demonstrate that the structure of state has changed, and serious institutional rivalry is taking place within the new regime to compete for and seize the locus of power.

If this power struggle is settled successfully, an institution-building process will begin in Burma, and economic rationality will likely reign. If not, we will see one of the following: splits or purges, inefficient government, the emergence of another autocrat, military intervention or a popular uprising. Worse still, these scenarios are not mutually exclusive to one another.

* Min Zin is a Burmese journalist living in exile.

Myanmar currency crunch cripples exporters, risks crisis
CNBC: Fri 22 Jul 2011

Promises of economic development and pro-business reforms from Myanmar�s new civilian government ring hollow for entrepreneur Tin Maung, a fisheries exporter whose once-thriving firm is now on the brink of bankruptcy.

Myanmar�s kyat currency has appreciated 20 percent in the past year, more than any other Asian currency that Reuters monitors daily, squeezing traders and exporters like Tin Muang, who are struggling to break even as inflation pushes up costs and the new government does nothing to tame the currency�s rise.

The strong kyat and high food and fuel prices are a major test for the four-month-old government, not just economically, but politically, and analysts warn its failure to tackle bread and-butter issues may anger the public and lead to its downfall.

The biggest and bloodiest uprisings against military rule, in 1988 and 2007 were sparked by discontent over soaring inflation and fuel prices respectively, and former government officials say more of the same could be on the way.

�It�s a political time bomb for the government,� said a retired senior government official. �It was livelihood issues, not a thirst for democracy that pushed people onto the street before and things couldn�t be worse now.�

Dollars are pouring into Myanmar�s fragile and largely opaque economy, with foreign investors keen to tap its vast resources and visiting traders buying up gemstones. But most of that money ends up lining the pockets of cronies of the military dictators who controlled the country for decades.

The government�s inaction over the kyat�s strength and rising food costs is alarming exporters, farmers and employees earning dollar-pegged salaries. Businesses are closing, salaries are cut and jobs are being lost as production costs rise.

Exporters who hoped for better times are hurting badly, with the kyat currently trading at around 785 to the dollar on the black market � which covers nearly all transactions � compared with more than 1,000 a year ago.

�We�re in a real dilemma. We�re fighting a losing battle because of the soaring costs,� said Tin Muang, 42, who reckons more than 20 farms and processing plants in the fisheries sector alone have closed in recent months.

�We�ve had to sell all we were breeding in the local market at low prices. It will have a very negative impact on our traditional export market.�

The government has made no public acknowledgement of its currency crisis and its cut in export tax from 10 to 7 percent, effective this month, is a measure seen as too little, too late.

�I don�t think the government is much interested in the worsening situation with the kyat,� said a retired commerce ministry official, who requested anonymity.

�They seem complacent and focused on the huge proceeds from gems emporiums and foreign investment.�

Private economists point to the dollar�s weakness as the main driver of the kyat�s appreciation but say many other factors have come into play, including increased inflows from timber and energy exports, mainly to China and Thailand, which is boosting demand for kyat.

Gems such as jade, rubies and sapphires worth $5.7 billion were sold at three emporiums in the past eight months alone.

Dollar inflows also increased with the repatriation of funds held offshore by wealthy Burmese to buy up state assets and property in a mass pre-election sell-off last year.

Sean Turnell, an expert on Myanmar�s economy at Australia�s Macquarie University, said another major contributor to the kyat�s strength was sales of illicit opium and methamphetamine, of which Myanmar is one of the world�s biggest producers.

Intervention Unlikely

Drug money was converted into kyat to pay opium growers and workers in illegal drug factories, he said. The rest was laundered through banks and businesses or put into Myanmar�s booming real estate market, with transactions paid in kyat.

The lack of reliable data or transparency in Myanmar�s economy and banking system allows Burmese tycoons � many of whom are targeted by Western sanctions due to their alliances with former junta leaders � to continue to boost their wealth.

Economists see no signs that policy makers with a history of fiscal mismanagement will take any action to intervene in the currency.

�In other countries, the central banks normally intervene, but we can�t expect this sort of thing to happen here,� said Maw Than, a retired rector of Yangon�s Institute of Economics.

�Unless effective measures are taken immediately, it will have widespread negative impacts on the economy.�

Myanmar�s government wants to boost exports but that is being inhibited by the kyat�s appreciation.

Rice shipments, for example, dropped by almost two-thirds in 2010 despite increased production of the grain, mostly because the strength of the currency made it uncompetitive.
One exporter said 25 percent broken rice fetched $390 per tonne, but after tax and transaction fees his income was just $2 dollars per tonne higher than the local price, so exporters in various sectors were selling off stocks on local wholesale markets to try to keep their businesses afloat.

�It�s already had a grave impact on us, from the primary producers and exporters to consumers,� said Hla Maung Shwe, a prominent businessmen and vice-chairman of the Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce.

�The more we sell, the more we lose.�

Foreign direct investment in Indonesia surged 21 percent in the second quarter of 2011 from a year earlier, as strong commodity prices attracted investors into the mining sector in the world�s top exporter of thermal coal and tin.

Direct and portfolio investment has quickened into Southeast Asia�s largest economy in recent months, though analysts warn the country needs to overhaul and expand its infrastructure in coming years to keep attracting firms and to overcome the sprawling archipelago�s Achilles� heel � inflation.

For now things look rosy: FDI totals $9.6 billion so far this year, on track for its highest ever in 2011, while foreign investment in government bonds and the stock market are both at records.

�I�m very bullish,� said Gita Wirjawan, the country�s investment chief and a former investment banker. �Traditionally, investment quickens in the third quarter.�

Worries over eurozone and U.S. debt and slower growth in China mean Indonesia is now seen as a relative safe haven, though that could change once the West recovers or if runaway inflation returns to erode a rupiah at seven-year highs .

FDI from April to June was 43.1 trillion rupiah ($5 billion), spread across the country. In a quarter when gold [XAU= 1602.59 14.69 (+0.93%) ] and tin prices hit records , mining led the way with $1.5 billion, followed by chemicals, machinery, electronics and transport.

�FDI will continue coming because of strong economic fundamentals and the appreciating rupiah�the main concern with long-term investment is poor infrastructure conditions and inflation,� said Eric Sugandi, economist at Standard Chartered in Jakarta.

While inflation is within the central bank�s 4-6 percent target now, economists say inflationary pressures will pick up again and lead to interest rate rises by mid-2012 that could slow growth.

Poor infrastructure, from roads to ports, means higher distribution costs that create both a structural inflation problem and cut into companies� profit margins. Previous bouts of high inflation have led to investor outflows.

The government is relying on private investors for two-thirds of its $15 billion infrastructure needs, though Japan, China and India have all made big commitments this year.

Yet progress on the ground in its traffic-logged cities and overwhelmed ports remains to be seen, while corruption is rife.

�This is still Indonesia. Everyone wants something for nothing,� said the Australian manager of a road building firm.

Roads Not Supplied
Infrastructure is seen as an investment opportunity if the government can speed up land acquisition in the next year, with many investors forced to build their own roads, rail and ports.

Wirjawan did not mention specific firms, though in recent months officials and executives have said Coal India, Procter & Gamble [PG 64.32 -0.17 (-0.26%) ] and Hyundai Motor are planning investments, while dozens of others from Google [GOOG 609.73 2.74 (+0.45%) ] to Peabody Energy [BTU 61.21 -0.01 (-0.02%) ] are eyeing the country.

Neighbouring Singapore, a home for many Indonesian tycoons, was the top foreign investor in Q2, followed by former colonial ruler the Netherlands and then the United States, underlining growing interest from Western investors who in recent years lagged Asian firms because of worries over corruption.

South Korea and India are expected to be leading investors in the future, the investment agency said, with LG Electronics eyeing expansion to tap consumer demand from an emerging middle class in the world�s fourth largest population.

India�s state-run National Aluminium Co Ltd (NALCO) is in talks to invest in an aluminium smelter, the investment agency said on Thursday, joining other Indian firms looking to buy coal mines and develop power or cement plants.

The investment board is targeting 156 trillion rupiah of FDI this year. Last year foreign investment into Indonesia reached a record 148 trillion rupiah.

External Risks
Analysts say the country ticks along at 6 percent annual economic growth despite the government and shabby bureaucracy .

Fitch Ratings said in March it could lift Indonesia�s sovereign rating to investment grade within 12 months, though weak infrastructure was the key risk to any upgrade.

�A lack of infrastructure remains one of the biggest constraints to boosting Indonesia�s growth potential. Significant improvements to the regulatory framework are needed to support infrastructure spending and public-private projects,� said Milan Zavadjil, the IMF�s representative in Indonesia, adding it had to overcome inflation from cutting fuel subsidies.

Still, compared to much of the world, Indonesia�s financial situation looks strong, with a budget deficit seen at 2.1 percent of GDP this year, and record foreign currency reserves of about $120 billion to stabilise the rupiah currency in the event of any sudden fund outflows.

Economists say this could happen once a global economic recovery leads Western countries to start normalising rates.

�We see fears from investors from the end of the low interest rate era in countries such as the United States, Europe, and Japan. Once the Fed increases its benchmark� a large sudden reversal might occur in the Asia region,� said Juniman, an economist at Bank International Indonesia in Jakarta.

�Another risk is the threat from a sovereign debt default in Europe and that it could spread to the U.S. That will cause global economic instability and the world will fall into recession, eventually. FDI would stop, to wait and see.�

USDP to grant Rangoon residents loans; total 10 billion kyat
Mizzima News: Fri 22 Jul 2011

Rangoon� A Rangoon Region Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) official said that the USDP would grant loans, totaling 10 billion kyat, to people in Rangoon Region. To qualify for a loan, a person must be a USDP member.

The party will grant a total of 7 billion kyat as small loans and a total of 3 billion kyat as agricultural loans to farmers at a 2 per cent interest rate. Profits would be used in health care services for the public, said Aung Thein Lin, a Lower House MP from South Okkalapa Township and a former Rangoon Mayor.

A canvasser from the Shwepyitha Township USDP said, �He [Aung Thein Lin] said that the party granted money to the township, and people need to be grateful to the party.�

A resident in North Okkalapa Township said, �We got a 30,000 kyat loan. To get a loan, we didn�t need to sign over our possessions. But we had to join the party.�

Aung Thein Lin also said the USDP would open charity clinics and a charity maternity clinic in Rangoon. The USDP is the government-supported party which holds a majority of seats in Parliament.

Despite gold price rise globally, Burmese traders can not increase price � Te Te
Mizzima News: Fri 22 Jul 2011

New Delhi� An order by the Burmese government is preventing gold traders from speculating despite record high prices on the global market, gold merchants in Rangoon said.

Previously, the gold price in Burma depended on the price fluctuations in the global market.

However, in early July the gold price on the global market was US$1,480 per ounce (1 ounce= 1.76 ticals); on July 19, the price reached a record high of US$1,602. Since then, the Burmese government has forbidden gold merchants from speculating on gold prices.

The current gold price in Burma, 662,500 kyat (about US$ 828) per tical (about 16 grams), is 10,000 kyat lower than the price on the global market. If the Burmese government had not forbidden gold merchants from speculating, the gold price could reach 680,000 kyat per tical, according to estimates by gold merchants in Rangoon. Now, despite the stable price, gold trading is sluggish, according to sources.

�Earlier when the price in the global market was increased, the price in the local market was increased too. Now the merchants can not increase,� said a gold shop owner from Shwebontha Road in Pabedon Township. �To control the price, the authorities do not allow �laypakkar� [�Laypakkar� is a method for speculation in which gold brokers and merchants estimate the possible fluctuation of local gold prices based on the possible fluctuations in the gold price in the global market and then buy gold by making a promise that they will make payment later]. Because Myanmar [Burma] currency is strengthening, people do not want to buy gold.�

On July 21, 7 Day News reported that Rangoon Region gold businessmen�s association secretary Win Myint said that the authorities told gold merchants not to make �laypakkar� and speculate in the local gold market. Mizzima tried to contact the association, but could get no response.

A member of the gold businessmen�s association said on the condition of anonymity:
�If there is �lakpakkar,� there will be considerable fluctuations. If the price in the global market is likely to be increased, the price is usually increased in our trading, too. The speculators often trade about several viss (1 viss = nearly 1.6 kg) of gold and they often pay the following morning,� the member said.

He continued, �The price increase is not just because of �lakpakkar� (speculation); it is also because of fluctuations in the dollar price and gold price in the global market. If the gold price on the global market is increased, nothing can control the local price not to be increased. Otherwise, people will sell gold (to other countries) via border areas.�

The gold price on the global market was US$1,588 on Friday. In Burma, the high quality gold price is 664,500 kyat per tical; the lower quality gold price is 663,000 kyat per tical.

Now, the exchange rate for one US dollar has fallen to below 800 kyat per dollar, which is another reason that the gold price in the Burmese market did not increase. Because of the relatively low gold price in Burma, it is likely that some people sell gold to neighbouring countries, especially China, through border areas, traders said.

On Friday, the currency exchange rate was 785 kyat per 1 US dollar.

Myanmarese in India displeased with Delhi supplying arms to Burmese military
Asian News International: Fri 22 Jul 2011

New Delhi, Myanmarese residing in New Delhi staged a demonstration on Friday to express their displeasure over India�s decision to supply arms to defence forces of Myanmar.

The protestors complained that the government has recently supplied trucks loaded with various arms and ammunition to Burmese military, which they said would be used against the ethnic minority communities.

�We came to know that the Indian government supplied more than 50 trucks of low mode arms and ammunitions through Moray border to Burma. So, I think this that is not right for the Indian government to supply arms to the notorious region in the Moray. The military government is right now is not true civilian and democratic government, except of the same military General who took off the military uniform and he put on civilian clothes to show the world that they (sic) are truly constitutional civilian government,� said Thingthinaung, Board Member of Women�s League of Burma.

Some of the protestors apprehended that arming the Myanmar regime could lead to grave consequences in their homeland.

�The situation in Burma is not very good. It is already 100 days now, after Thein Sein has taken over, like a military civilian type of government and then they said that they have installed. But so far we have not heard any good news from Burma and especially in the eastern border. Now many thousands and thousands of people start (have started) fleeing the country. They are now fleeing to their neighbouring countries and then nothing is working out. We are now expecting even a civil war between the military and ethnic groups there,� said Alana Golmei, coordinator in Burma Centre, Delhi.

India has received nearly 7,000 Myanmarese after they fled from their homes, alleging that the military junta had tormented them.

India used to support Myanmar�s pro-democracy movement before it initiated its �Look East Policy� in the 1990s in an attempt to solve its insurgency problem in the states of Manipur and Nagaland that border Myanmar.

Recently, the policy has also been seen as an attempt to stem China�s growing influence in Myanmar and secure more energy supplies.

War Office sets out ambitious army plan � Min Lwin
Democratic Voice of Burma: Thu 21 Jul 2011

Burmese army commanders have been ordered to embark on a seemingly rapacious recruitment drive that will see more than 25,000 troops added to its already formidable manpower each year.

A directive sent out by the War Office in Naypyidaw said that those among the 530-plus battalions who achieve the quota of a minimum four new soldiers per month will be rewarded with a one million kyat ($US1,300) bonus at the end of each calendar year. Those who fail are to be punished under military law.

Current estimates put the size of Burma�s army at around 400,000, a sizeable figure when considering the fact that Burma has no external enemy and has not fought a war against a foreign force since the 19th century.

But military expansion remains a priority of the central government, which announced earlier this year that a revised budget will allocate nearly a quarter of total annual spending to the army. In contrast, less than three percent will go to healthcare and education combined.

Forced recruitment has been a hallmark of military policy that sees Burma hosting one of the world�s highest numbers of child soldiers, despite use of minors made officially illegal by the government.

�There are soldiers waiting at bus terminals, train stations and ports and the youths are scared to travel alone without their family members [for fear of being forcibly recruited],� said Aye Myint, who runs the Guiding Star legal advocacy group that monitors child soldier recruitment.

Late last year the government mooted the idea of introducing a military draft that would see men and women over the age of 18 required to serve up to three years in the army or face a lengthy jail term.

Benjamin Zawacki, Burma researcher at Amnesty International, said that while no decision has yet been passed on the draft, parliament is believed to be reviewing it.

The prospect of a forced conscription raises the possibility of legalising the coercive and highly controversial measures known to be used by the Burmese army to boost troop numbers.

�Prior to the idea of a military draft, I�ve not been aware of any sort of regulation surrounding how troops are recruited,� Zawacki told DVB. �The government is ostensibly opposed to child soldiers but we know that happens on a wide scale, so while there is regulation, it�s not abided by.�

A report by Human Rights Watch in 2002 found that around 70,000 children below 18 were active in the military, making Burma one of the world�s leading recruiters of child soldiers. Another report last week by the New York-based group said that hundreds of prison inmates had been sent to the frontline in the Burmese army�s ongoing battles against ethnic armies, where they are forced to carry equipment and act as human minesweepers.

But many individuals do join at their own behest, Zawacki says. �One of the reasons for the 400,000-strong force is the economic opportunities that being in the army offers. While pay is incredibly low, the military offers relative certainty and security.�

He added however that if the ambitious quota set down by the War Office is to be realised, then �it stands to reason they�ll have to assert some pressure on people [to join]�.

* Additional reporting by Francis Wade

Burma Army�s War against Shan: Licence to Rape plus Licence to Commit Genocide? � Sai Wansai
Shan Herald Agency for News: Thu 21 Jul 2011

According to Voice of America, on 19th July, Maj Gen Aung Than Tut, Director of Bureau of Special Operations #2 which oversees all Burma Army units in Shan State, was said to have given inhumane instruction to his troops in Murng Nawng, Shan State, to kill all males and rape all females during their operation against the Shan State Army (SSA).

On 20th July, in relation to the upcoming final assault on the Shan State Army (SSA) North�s Wan Hai base in Kehsi township, Shan Herald Agency for News reported that orders have been issued to the Burmese troops that, �If they are E-ja-kway (Chinese Youzhagui, deep-fried twisted dough sticks), get rid of them,� one source quoted an officer as saying. �If they are Samoosa (Indian-samosa, fried stuffed pastry), eat them.�

E-ja-kway means male, and Samoosa means female, according to the source.

Tai Freedom website reported yesterday that on 15 July, Maj. Gen Aung Than Htut, Chief of Bureau of Special Operation 2 which oversees all regional commands in Shan State and Karenni State summoned his all commanders concerned to meet him in Murng Nawng Sub-township. In the meeting, the commanders were told �to kill all men, rape all women and burn down every village�.

Almost identically, according to Kachin Women�s Association Thailand�s statement, on 19th July, Burma Army�s human rights abuses so far have been documented as rape of 32 women and girls in eight townships during the offensive, thirteen of whom were killed. One young girl was raped and killed in front of her parents. Refugees describe soldiers declaring they have �orders to rape women�.

In March, when it became clear that main stream non-Burman ceasefire armies like, the KIA, UWSA and bulk of the SSA North would not toe the line of Naypyidaw�s Border Guard Force plan, the War Office ordered its forces based in ethnic areas to relaunch their infamous Four Cuts strategy against them.
The 4 cut campaign, according to SHAN report, on 22nd April of this year, includes:

Cutting and blockading of communications between rebel armed groups
Embargo of people and consumer goods entering rebel territories
Search and destruction of core members responsible for supply, information, funds and recruits
Embargo on trade to reduce rebel revenue

Implementation on the ground would mean �sweeping� the operational areas, where male villagers are killed, women raped and the villages burned. Apart from that, creation of �no man�s land� and �free fire zone� are ordered during the Burmese military offensive in ethnic areas.
The 4 cuts campaign launched 1996-98 had laid waste 11 townships in Shan State, displacing more than 300,000 people in 1,500 villages.

�Licence to rape�, researched and compiled by The Shan Human Rights Foundation and Shan Women Action Networks in 2002, is irrefutable evidence to date that the Burma Army has always use �Rape as a weapon of war� against the Shan and other ethnic groups.

According to the report, it has detailed 173 incidents of rape and other forms of sexual violence, involving 625 girls and women, committed by Burmese army troops in Shan State, mostly between 1996 and 2001. The report reveals that the Burmese military regime is allowing its troops systematically and on a widespread scale to commit rape with impunity in order to terrorize and subjugate the ethnic peoples of Shan State.

The incidents detailed were committed by soldiers from 52 different battalions. 83% of the rapes were committed by officers, usually in front of their own troops. The rapes involved extreme brutality and often torture such as beating, mutilation and suffocation. 25% of the rapes resulted in death, in some incidences with bodies being deliberately displayed to local communities. 61% were gang-rapes; women were raped within military bases, and in some cases women were detained and raped repeatedly for periods of up to 4 months

It is now becoming more evident than ever that these acts of crime against humanity have been deliberately and intentionally endorsed by the Burma Army to implement its �total elimination� policy against all non-Burman ethnic population, within its military operation zones.

No doubt, the Burma Army is going ahead with it devastation plan against the people of Shan State, by hook or by crook. The hard question now is: What could the Shan do to protect themselves?. Humanitarian intervention, if the past experiences should be taken as indication, won�t be forthcoming, at least for now. What is left is to fend for itself, together with all oppressed peoples alike, to the best of their abilities.

Hopefully, the Shan resistance armies would rush to fulfil their historical duty and strive in unison for the sole purpose of defending their homeland and its people. For anything less would endanger the very existence of the Shan people as a nation.

* The author is General Secretary of the exiled Shan Democratic Union

Myanmar, Germany to cooperate in upgrading ports, airports
Xinhua: Wed 20 Jul 2011

Myanmar and Germany will cooperate in upgrading ports and airports of Myanmar aimed at raising freight handling capacity of the country, the local Pyi Myanmar News reported Tuesday.
Fritz Werner Industries Ausrustungen Co., Ltd of Germany, in cooperation with Myanmar, will upgrade the airports in Yangon, Mandalay, Nay Pyi Taw and Bagan-Nyaung U as well as Yagon port and Thilawa Port.

Myanmar private companies were granted to operate ports in Yangon early last year.

Yangon port, which is among the nine sea ports in the country, handles most of Myanmar�s import and export goods with its foreign trade and the port extension project is set to be completed within three years.

On completion of extension project of Yangon Port, a total of 41 jetties can accommodate 43 vessels simultaneously and the ports would handle 80 million tons of cargo per year.

There are some five major port terminals at the Yangon Port, namely Bo Aung Kyaw, Botataung, Pansodan, Nanthida and Sule.

Of them, the international cargo ships berth at the Yangon port, Sule, Bo Aung Kyaw, Asia World and Myanmar Industrial.

There were 1,200 international cargo ships berthing at the Yangon port for loading and unloading.

Meanwhile, Myanmar is implementing a plan to extend and upgrade Yangon International Airport to an international level one capable of handling 3.8 million passengers a year and giving full service that an international-level airport does.

There are six domestic airlines in Myanmar including one state- owned, which is the Myanmar Airways, and five private-run � Air Mandalay, Yangon Airways, Air Bagan, Asian Wings and Kanbawza.

There is also another Myanmar international airline, the Myanmar Airways International (MAI), flying solely some foreign destinations.

There are also 13 foreign airlines flying Yangon which comprise Air China, China Southern Airline, Thai Airways International, Indian Airlines, Qatar Airways, Silk Air, Malaysian Airlines, Bangkok Airways, Mandarin, Jetstar Asia, Phuket Airline, Thai Air Asia and Vietnam Airlines.

Myanmar�s Suu Kyi leads memorial march for father
Associated Press: Tue 19 Jul 2011

Yangon, Myanmar � More than 3,000 democracy supporters led by Aung San Suu Kyi marched Tuesday in Myanmar�s biggest city in honor of her father, the nation�s independence hero.The short march from the headquarters of Suu Kyi�s National League for Democracy to the Martyrs� Mausoleum was the biggest public demonstration since 2007, when the military junta launched a bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protesters.

Suu Kyi earlier attended the government�s ceremony at the mausoleum for Martyrs� Day, which marks the anniversary of the 1947 assassination of Gen. Aung San and colleagues during a Cabinet meeting shortly after Britain agreed to grant independence to what was then known as Burma.

It was the first time in nine years that 66-year-old Suu Kyi attended the ceremony. She had been under her most recent stint of house arrest from May 2003 until last November.

Suu Kyi�s prestige as Aung San�s daughter has long vexed the country�s military rulers, who ceded power only early this year to an elected but army-backed government.

The state-controlled press, which used to carry lengthy tributes to the nation�s founding father, stopped such coverage years ago. The Martyrs� Day ceremony used to be attended by the prime minister, then later by the home minister, but now Yangon�s mayor is the highest-ranking official to take part.

It also used to be a tradition for factories to blow their sirens and public activity to stop for a minute in memory of the martyrs. On Tuesday, in the vicinity of the march, the tradition was revived, and traffic nearby stopped at 10:37 a.m. � the time of the 1947 attack � for a minute of silence.

Tuesday�s official ceremony was held under tight security. At least nine truckloads of riot police carrying batons and shields were deployed near the mausoleum and roadblocks were set up along the route to the monument. Reporters entering the mausoleum were not allowed to carry phones and bags.

After the official ceremony, a private Martyrs� Day event was held at Suu Kyi�s party headquarters. Veteran politicians, student activists, party members, supporters and diplomats from U.S., British, Australian, German and France were among those attending.

Following that event, Suu Kyi and other party leaders drove back to the mausoleum, followed by more than 3,000 supporters. Police did not interfere with them, though they were forced to leave their bags at the checkpoints.

The group issued a statement calling on the government to �hold meaningful political dialogue towards national reconciliation and to unconditionally release all the political prisoners.�

Myanmar�s first civilian government since 1962 took control at the end of March, after an election last November, but critics charge the change is simply cosmetic and the army will continue to hold supreme political power.

Suu Kyi�s National League for Democracy � which won elections in 1988 but was blocked from taking power by the military � boycotted the poll, claiming it was held under unfair conditions.

Journalists warned on exile contacts � Ahunt Phone Myat
Democratic Voice of Burma: Tue 19 Jul 2011

Burmese journalists have been told by a senior government minister not to pass information to exiled media outlets whom he claims are tarnishing perceptions among the public of the Thein Sein administration.The warning came on 16 July during a meeting between Myint Swe, Rangoon division cabinet minister, and local reporters. The meetings had originally been slated as monthly events, but Myint Swe said that the problems caused by details being sent to non-state media groups may scupper this.

As part of the new government�s attempts to shed its maligned reputation surrounding the treatment of media workers in Burma, and to project an image of transparency, it announced earlier this year that regular press conferences would be held in the former capital.

These however have met with little success � a number of senior Rangoon editors are believed to have boycotted the meetings, claiming that they were being used by the government to circulate propagandist reports. Moreover, domestic journalists appear to have quietly rejected official demands not to pass the contents of the meetings to exile groups, like DVB.

�The outside media is being provided with information by someone attending the meetings � it could be no one else but someone in here,� said Myint Swe. A soundbite of his speech was passed to DVB by a source at the 16 July meeting.

�[The exile media] is not allowed to attend these meetings and those of you being allowed to attend should contemplate this. If we hold these meetings more often, then there will be more reports by [the exile media]. That is why we are now not holding them often.�

He said that �erroneous� accounts of the meetings broadcast by non-state groups were �made with either deliberate intentions or pure misunderstanding�, adding that it could �cause misunderstanding by the public regarding us [the government]�, as well as wrong perceptions in Naypyidaw of regional officials.

The Rangoon cabinet has so far held three such meetings: around 60 media publications attended the first meeting on 10 May, around 40 on 17 May, and only 28 on 16 July.

A number of exile Burmese media groups exist, including The Irrawaddy Magazine, Mizzima and Shan Herald Agency for News, mainly operating out of Thailand but feeding information back into Burma. The BBC, Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA) also broadcast daily news into Burma via satellite television and shortwave radio.

A space is reserved on the back page of the New Light of Myanmar daily newspaper accusing the BBC and VOA of �sowing hatred among the people�, and RFA and DVB of �generating public outrage�.

Critical report on China-backed dam smothered � Francis Wade
Democratic Voice of Burma: Mon 18 Jul 2011

An internal report in 2009 by the China Power Investment Corporation, the company behind the hugely controversial Myitsone dam in northern Burma, that called for the lucrative venture to be scrapped appears to have been ignored, with work speeding ahead on a project set to displace thousands of people and cause far-reaching environmental problems.

The lengthy report detailed the environmental consequences of what will become Burma�s largest hydropower development, located on the Irrawaddy river in Kachin state, and which is now at risk from heavy fighting between government forces and insurgent groups.

Effectively compiled as an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), a mandatory practice for Chinese companies before they push ahead with infrastructural projects both at home and abroad, the report says that �there is no need for such a big dam to be constructed at the confluence of the Ayeyawady [Irrawaddy] River�.

A synopsis of the report was carried last week on the website of Burma Rivers Network, which closely monitors the social and environmental impacts of the various energy initiatives that pockmark Burma�s waterways.

Upon its slated completion date in 2017, the Myitsone dam will become the world�s fifteenth biggest hydropower structure. Development of the dam is expected to cost close to $US4 billion.

Burma Rivers Network estimates that around 15,000 people will be displaced around the dam site, while the sizeable changes in the Irrawaddy river�s flow will �impact millions of people downstream who depend on the Irrawaddy for agriculture, fishing, and transportation�.

Those concerns appear to have been echoed by the authors of the report, 80 of whom were scientists from Burma and the rest from the Changjiang Institute of Surveying, Planning, Design, and Research (CISPDR) in China. Funding for the report was provided entirely by the China Power Investment (CPI) Corporation.

�If Myanmar [Burmese] and Chinese sides were really concerned about environmental issues and aimed at sustainable development of the country, there is no need for such a big dam to be constructed at the confluence of the Ayeyawady [Irrawaddy] River,� it said, urging instead for two smaller, but equally efficient, dams to be built above Myitsone.

�The construction of the dam on the Irrawaddy should be avoided due to the changes in downriver hydrology which may affect navigation, riverine ecosystem and delta ecosystem and will lead to negative impacts on the economy.�

It continued that the Myitsone venture risks the �disappearance and forever loss [sic] of the cultural heartland of Kachin people��

Despite EIA�s being obligatory for Chinese companies, Burma has no environmental regulatory mechanisms, and the smothering of CPI�s report will do little to allay concerns that the EIAs demanded by Beijing are for little more than cosmetic purposes. This is the first time that this report has been made public.

�Chinese companies are increasing their investments in Burma yet they are not following their own standards� said Sai Sai, coordinator of the Burma Rivers Network. �While CPI Corporation is hiding its assessment from the people of Burma, construction of the dams is speeding ahead.�

China is closely watching the security of its energy ventures in northern and eastern Burma following months of heavy fighting in the border regions. Speculation has mounted that the Burmese government is looking to rout insurgent groups from areas close to such projects is hungrily tapping.

Gems auction nets $1.5 billion for Myanmar despite US sanctions
Associated Press: Mon 18 Jul 2011

Yangon, Myanmar � Myanmar�s state-sponsored gems auction has reaped another $1.5 billion in foreign exchange despite U.S. sanctions against the industry.

The weekly �Voice� news magazine reported Saturday that 22,317 lots of jade, 284 lots of gems and 355 lots of pearls were sold July 1-13 at the mid-year Gems Emporium .

Some $2.8 billion was earned at the main auction in March and more than $1.44 billion at last year�s mid-year auction. Myanmar is one of the world�s biggest producers of jade and rubies.

The sales are a major foreign exchange earner for the military-dominated government, which faces sanctions from the West because of its poor human rights record. In 2008, the United States enacted legislation banning the import of gems from Myanmar.

India trying to woo Myanmar from China � Harsh V. Pant
The Japan Times: Mon 18 Jul 2011

London � Even as a senior Burmese diplomat in Washington has defected, Burmese prodemocracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has suggested that some people, both at home and abroad, have deceived themselves into thinking a new government has brought change to her country.

Political dynamic is undergoing a slow transformation in Burma (aka Myanmar) and the neighboring states are being forced to respond accordingly.

Indian External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna was in Yangon last month to engage the new civilian government which came to office in March. His visit came a year after the visit of Myanmar�s reclusive military leader, Gen. Than Shwe, who heads the State Peace and Development Council, to India, which rolled out a red carpet for him and signed a raft of pacts including treaties on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters, counter terrorism, development projects, science and technology and information cooperation.

This time, too, even as Indian Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao reached out to Suu Kyi, two issues were front and central � energy cooperation and insurgents operating in India�s northeast who manage to use the 1,650-km-long India-Myanmar border for their hiding purposes.

India plans to invest more than $1 billion in Myanmar�s energy sector over the next few years.

Among the infrastructure and development projects that were discussed include an India-Myanmar-Thailand highway project, a hydro-electric project to be built by the NHPC, a truck assembly plant by Tata Motors and a border trade point on the Mizoram-Myanmar border.

In an attempt to restructure the India-Myanmar border areas, Myanmar has agreed to give citizenship cards to people of Indian origin even if they lack relevant documents.

After being a strong critic of the Myanmar junta, India muted its criticism and dropped its vocal support for Suu Kyi since mid-1990s to help pursue its �Look East� policy aimed at strengthening India�s economic links with the rapidly growing economies in East and Southeast Asia.

More important has been the realization that China�s profile in Myanmar has grown at an alarming pace.

India�s ideological obsession with democracy made sure that Myanmar drifted toward China.

India has been forced to take a more realistic appraisal of the developments in Myanmar and shape its foreign policy accordingly. India had few options other than to substantively engage the junta as Beijing�s trade, energy and defense ties with Myanmar surged.

As India realized that one of its closest neighbors and a major source of natural gas, Myanmar, is coming under China�s orbit, it reversed its decades-old policy of isolating the Burmese junta and has now begun to deal with it directly.

India therefore cannot afford to toe the Western line on Myanmar. India�s strategic interests demand that India gently nudge the Myanmar junta on the issue of democracy.

India�s relief efforts after tropical cyclone Nargis hit Myanmar in 2008 earned it a great deal of appreciation. India has gained a sense of trust at the highest echelons of the Myanmar�s ruling elite and it would be loath to lose it.

Not surprisingly, therefore, India remains opposed to Western sanctions on the country.

After six years of discussions, India agreed to the building of Sittwe port in 2008 at a cost of $120 million. This will provide an alternative route to connect with Southeast Asia without transiting Bangladesh.

India has also extended a $20 million credit for renovation of the Thanlyin refinery, and it supported Myanmar against the U.S. censure motion in an attempt to lure the junta to grant preferential treatment to India in the supply of natural gas.

Bilateral trade between India and Myanmar today stands at almost $1 billion.

The junta has cooperated with India in eliminating Naga insurgents who find sanctuaries in Myanmar�s border areas. India�s long border with Myanmar is an open one where the tribal population is free to move up to 20 km on either side.

Apart from India�s existing infrastructure projects in Myanmar, which include the 160-km India-Myanmar friendship road built by India�s Border Roads Organization in 2001, India is looking into the possibility of embarking on a second road project and investing in a deep-sea project (Sagar Samridhi) to explore oil and gas in the Bay of Bengal as well as the Shwe gas pipeline project in western Myanmar.

Even as the Burmese military junta was readying for a violent crackdown on monks and democracy activists, the Indian petroleum minister was in Yangon signing a production deal for three deep-water exploration blocks off the Rakhine coast.

While India did support the United Nations Human Rights Council resolution against Myanmar, it tried to tone it down to little effect as it tried to balance its democratic credentials with its desire to retain its influence with the Burmese military government.

India has found it difficult to counter Chinese influence in Myanmar, with China selling everything from weapons to food grains to Myanmar.

There is no escaping the clout that China wields in Myanmar. Chinese firms get preferential treatment in the award of exploration blocks and gas supplies, apparently in recognition of China�s steady opposition to the U.S. moves against Myanmar�s junta in the United Nations.

India will find it difficult to project power in the Indian Ocean if the Chinese naval presence increases in Myanmar. China�s growing naval presence in and around the Indian Ocean region is troubling for India as it restricts India�s freedom to maneuver in the region.

Of particular note is what has been termed as China�s �string of pearls� strategy, which has significantly expanded China�s strategic depth in India�s back yard. Chinese naval bases in Myanmar have been cited as part of this strategy.

Some of these claims are exaggerated as has been the case with the Chinese naval presence in Myanmar.

The Indian government, for example, had to concede in 2005 that reports of China turning the Coco Islands in Myanmar into a naval base were incorrect and that there were indeed no naval bases in Myanmar. Yet the Chinese thrust into the Indian Ocean is gradually becoming more pronounced than before.

The Chinese may not have a naval base in Myanmar, but they are involved in the upgrade of infrastructure in the Coco Islands and may be providing some limited technical assistance to Myanmar.

The United States is anxious that the junta in Myanmar will use it s growing engagements with India to gain greater global legitimacy.

U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell has suggested that India�s growing role in global politics should be used to penetrate the tight military clique that runs Myanmar and that New Delhi should �encourage interlocutors inside [Myanmar] to embrace reforms.�

Although India is under tremendous pressure to demonstrate its credentials as a responsible global stakeholder, it is unlikely that India will take a strong anti-military posture vis-�-vis Myanmar. Indian strategic interests demand a robust partnership with Myanmar.

For New Delhi, the promotion of democracy is a luxury it cannot afford at the moment.

* Harsh V. Pant teaches at King�s College in London.

The Edge � Myanmar invites partners for 18 onshore oil blocks
Reuters: Fri 15 Jul 2011

Yangon: Myanmar has invited bids for companies to operate 18 onshore oil blocks scattered in about half a dozen provinces on a production-sharing contract basis, the biggest number made in a single offer in recent years.

Bidders are allowed to submit up to three proposals for three onshore blocks, the Ministry of Energy said in an announcement in the official English daily, New Light of Myanmar on Friday, July 15.

Proposals should be submitted by Aug. 3, 2011.

Myanmar has been exploring oil and gas in 49 onshore sites and 26 offshore blocks in Rakhine, Tanintharyi and Mon states after entering joint ventures with foreign companies since 1988.

The country�s proven gas reserves tripled in the past decade to around 800 billion cubic metres, equivalent to more than a quarter of Australia�s, according to the BP Statistical Review. Proven oil reserves data are not immediately available.

Neighbouring Thailand and China are the biggest investors in Myanmar�s energy sector.

Companies from Australia, Britain, Canada, Indonesia, India, Malaysia, Russia, South Korea and Vietnam have also reached energy deals with the government.

Total foreign direct investment in the oil and gas sector has amounted to $13.5 billion since 1988, official data show.

At the mercy of Burmese �law�, Suu Kyi must play a wise game � Clive Parker
Democratic Voice of Burma: Fri 15 Jul 2011

When Burma�s opposition figurehead Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest on 13 November last year, one of the first things she called for at her National League for Democracy party (NLD) headquarters was the �rule of law�.

For once, the government in Burma and main rival the NLD appear to be in agreement � at least on the surface � given the government and its mouthpiece the New Light of Myanmar has been full of allusions to �the law� in recent weeks. What remains however is the wildly different interpretation of what constitutes the rule of law in Burma these days. Having initiated a series of new laws under the sham 2008 constitution and its subsequent election last year, the Burmese government is suddenly all about playing by the book � which of course it wrote � in trying to contain the actions of Suu Kyi and her party. Meanwhile, the NLD continues to dismiss recently passed laws in relation to the new constitution, the election law and political party registration law, deeming them illegitimate and undemocratic.

However, as we are starting to see now, these new laws will almost certainly determine the parameters within which Suu Kyi is able to operate in Burma, whether just or not. The problem for the NLD is that by trying to tackle the issue of its very own legality through legal argument, it is fighting a battle the government has itself created and which it has bolstered through the very laws it has passed to attempt to draw a line under the NLD�s 1990 election win.

The NLD�s recent challenge over its legality at the Naypyidaw Supreme Court is a case in point: in making an appeal based on the Specific Relief Act, as it did at the end of last year and has repeatedly done for years, NLD lawyers effectively called on the court to abide by the 1990 election result and to stop the authorities from preventing the NLD from fulfilling its mandate as the winners of that election. �The objective is that if the Supreme Court asserted the right of NLD under the Specific Relief Act, it may proceed [with the] convening of parliament and it may also prevent the regime to not declare the NLD as illegal,� said Aung Htoo, director general of the Sweden-based Burma Lawyer�s Council.

The problem is that the authorities need only refer to the more recent March 2010 election law in dismissing the case, which retroactively annulled the 1990 election landslide by the NLD. So although Suu Kyi�s release in November came with no explicit limits on what �The Lady� can or cannot do � despite reported discussions just beforehand in which a government representative is understood to have tried to impose restrictions on movement outside of Rangoon and political activity � in practice Burma�s new laws are hugely restrictive. And whether just or not, the NLD is entangled in a legal mess right now that only plays further into the hands of the government.

To become a legal party, the NLD would have to apply with the Union Election Commission in line with the Political Parties Registration Law under which it must agree to safeguard the new constitution, which in turn bars the spouse of a foreigner from becoming president or vice president. In addition, the party would have to follow the letter of the 2010 Election Law during future elections which retroactively annuls 1990 election results. In other words, the NLD would have to let go of its 1990 election win, accept a constitution which says the military automatically gets 25 percent of seats in parliament, among other undemocratic requirements, and party leader Suu Kyi would not be permitted as a national ruler in the unlikely event the NLD won a future ballot.

Given these unacceptable requirements, the NLD has therefore chosen the difficult path of illegality under current laws, which puts it at the mercy of the government�s supposed �rule of law�; or, in the words of Mark Farmaner, director of Burma Campaign UK: �The dictatorship is trying to hide behind an illegitimate constitution to curtail the actions of the NLD, but they make up and interpret laws how they like.�

In recent weeks, the government has increasingly referenced these new laws to remind the NLD of what it can or cannot do, which unsurprisingly has coincided with Suu Kyi�s first trip outside of Rangoon since her release � this month�s four-day trip to Bagan and Mount Popa. Clearly Suu Kyi is treading carefully, given that she did not make a speech but referred to the trip as personal, and did not talk to journalists on the last day before heading back to Rangoon. Indeed, it has taken Suu Kyi nearly eight months since her release to leave Rangoon at all. In terms of �political� activities, the NLD is therefore being careful.

With respect to social and cultural activities, however, Suu Kyi and her party have been more aggressive in testing the parameters of what the authorities will allow in light of a recent government warning that the NLD would have to register as a social organisation to carry out social activities. Having carried out a number of social programs in Rangoon, including on HIV/AIDS, Suu Kyi took the provocative step of announcing the creation of a group called the �Friends of Bagan� following her trip there this month, which would attempt to establish ties with UNESCO to help preserve the temples.

Aside from the government�s obvious dislike for UNESCO (it previously withdrew the possibility of support in the case of Bagan due to the junta�s gaudy plans for the temples), if there is one thing dictatorships despise it is political opponents seeking legitimacy through the UN � just ask China. Having been shunned by the UN for years after the Communist Party took power in 1949, China has actively stopped the UN from affording any recognition to Taiwan, realising that to do so increases the legitimacy of the island within the international community.

Similarly in Burma the government will likely despise the prospect of Suu Kyi liaising with UNESCO over the future of the country�s prized tourism asset. Expect a predictable government response. It will surely reference a law related to social or cultural registration and dictate that the NLD is not legally empowered to carry out such activities � if it feels sufficiently threatened.

And that�s the point. Given the Burmese government�s new fondness for the �rule of law� is anything but, in reality its use of new tailor-made legislation won�t be determined by the extent to which Suu Kyi violates these laws, but by the level of perceived political threat she poses in her actions.

As ever, the government will gauge Suu Kyi in terms of her perceived level of popularity and engagement with the general public, the international community, opponents of the regime and indeed anyone else the government considers a threat. So although the military may have altered the rules to its own advantage during Suu Kyi�s recent seven and a half years of unjust detention, ultimately the game is still the same in terms of �The Lady� versus the dictatorship. The key issue, therefore, is how well Suu Kyi can play this increasingly difficult and one-sided game.

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#880

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Date: Thu Jul 28, 2011 12:40 pm
Subject: Ramadan

maxediger

Friends: Ramadan is approaching. This is a very special time for our Muslim brothers and sisters. During this month they will be fasting, praying, reading from their sacred texts and doing good deeds for others. The following website has some interesting explanations of how Ramadan must be celebrated. Please read it as this will help you understand better why Ramadan is so important to the Muslim people. http://www.iqrasense.com/ramadan/ramadan-2011-message-maximize-your-rewards.html

Let us celebrate this special month with our Muslim friends in spirit.

Max
--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

‎"Washing one's hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless means to side with the powerful, not to be neutral. "
— Paulo Freire

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh

#881

From: shreeram chaudhary <chaudhary_srmail@...>
Date: Fri Jul 29, 2011 4:19 am
Subject: Re: Ramadan

chaudhary_srmail@...

Dear Max Namaste,
Thank you for your sharing. I was being late all the net massage but I am glad to read all thanks for your all the mail. Bhairam Ji is getting being well. now he can walk with stick and he is able to talk in mobile. He has shared all the regards to the all the friend. Hopefully he will fine next couple of weeks.
Sincerely
Shreeram
Nepal

--- On Thu, 28/7/11, Max Ediger <ediger.max@...> wrote:

From: Max Ediger <ediger.max@...>
Subject: [justpeaceinasia] Ramadan
To: "Ait Limbu" <ait_lmb@...>, "Alicia SALT" <aliciamtemple@...>, "Alina Rai" <mynameisalina@...>, "anick" <anick@...>, "Ansary A. Diamaoden" <diamaoden@...>, "Anthika Wanta" <wanta_art@...>, "Aparna" <biswas_aparna@...>, "Ar Man" <freeman_onebag@...>, "Areesh" <areeshshaffaq@...>, "Bappu" <bappu.mree@...>, "Barakathulla Abdul Cader" <barakath2@...>, "Bhagiram Chaudhry" <bhgrm_chaudhary@...>, "Bibek Kumar" <bibek_shahi2000@...>, "Billal Shikder" <shanti.mymensingh@...>, "Bipul Gonsalves" <bangladeshymca@...>, "Bruce Van Voorhis" <bruce.vanvoorhis@...>, "Cham Wann" <soisenggu@...>, "Chamu" <chamubi@...>, "Chhom Ren" <chhomren001@...>, "Devika Shrestha" <debika_stha@...>, "Dharshan" <edharshan@...>, "Elizami" <inoeng_aceh@...>, "Gunawan" <w2n_zero@...>, "Halima" <jallyma_553@...>, "Ham Kimhoun" <morkimhoun@...>, "Haryanti Rica Sulistyorini" <catty_girl1108@...>, "Hein Kham" <harnkham@...>, "Henny Ulva" <henny_beujroh@...>, "Hina" <ishina_2006@...>, "Hor Hen" <horhen_sociology@...>, "Immanuel" <ymcascr@...>, "Isabella" <ikidede@...>, "Jahan Ara" <jahanara_peace@...>, "Joey Domingo" <keen_yeoj@...>, "John Saikat Mondol" <john_saikat96@...>, "John Saikat Mondol" <johnsaikat@...>, "Jose@..." <Jose@...>, "Kathleen Cecille Martin" <kcmartin0303@...>, "Keo Vichith" <vichith_keo@...>, "Keran" <keran.takhar@...>, "Khammon" <xkhammon@...>, "khon mai" <mka-ymca@...>, "Kipho Doo Plaw Soe" <doplo.soe@...>, "ko thaw rae" <thawhpoe@...>, "Kohei Yamada" <kohei@...>, "kristi" <thie_36@...>, "Laura Kemp" <Laura.kemp@...>, "Laxmi Pathak" <pathak_galkot@...>, "Le Thi My Thuyen" <mythuyenlethi@...>, "Lioni Beatrix" <lionibeatrix@...>, "Luu Dinh Toan" <vnymca@...>, "Mark Elliott" <Mark.Elliott@...>, "Mattnee Juenara" <nee_jue@...>, "matu kung" <pmatu25@...>, "max" <ediger.max@...>, "Miguel" <maserrano@...>, "Misai" <snmisai@...>, "Misai" <snmisai@...>, "mork konn" <morkkonn@...>, "Muhamadanwan Hayith" <anwar_p08@...>, "Noel" <noelmasih@...>, "Norodin Samad" <nor_4dsam@...>, "nungsangmongb a Jamir" <amongjam@...>, "Nurizan Doloh" <zun_chem@...>, "paddy" <Paddy2Noble@...>, "peter kathi" <peterkathi07@...>, "Pitiphan Areeyat" <pitiphan_a@...>, "Poli" <drongps13@...>, "Pornphimon Phonphrmon" <gasalong1124@...>, "Rachel" <rdyne@...>, "Rajasooriyar Renoshan" <renoshan@...>, "Ramona Fernando" <liveramona@...>, "raymond Areng" <psyshai@...>, "Rene Moreno" <renzymca07@...>, "Retno Sri Wardhani Ngapon" <no_only@...>, "Rodylin" <rodstepher@...>, "Roger Peiris" <rogerpeiris@...>, "Romulah Saeyeh" <natadee_229@...>, "rozat ly" <rozat_vt@...>, "Saharee Chelong" <nasi_ongnal@...>, "samarpan" <samarpan_acharya@...>, "Samden Ghale" <lsamden@...>, "Sarvjeet Singh" <sarvjeet.del@...>, "Saw Haryfin" <haryfinsop2007@...>, "Saw Mort" <mortdoedoh@...>, "Shabeb" <shabeb.khan@...>, "Shasha" <shasha.w@...>, "Shatha" <surdawiah@...>, "Shree Ram" <chaudhary_srmail@...>, "Sidonia" <sydoniahayati@...>, "Sing Tang" <sengchristina@...>, "Siriporn Pengjan" <pookub_sp@...>, "sirjana shahi" <sirjana_shahi2007@...>, "So Nasier" <sonasier007@...>, "Sokthea" <soktheaphay.cambodiaymca@...>, "Somaya Gurung" <nishim_grg@...>, "Somaya Gurung" <nss_soma@...>, "Somchit Duangpanya" <somchitd2001@...>, "Sudhansu Naik" <sudhansusekhar.naik@...>, "sukkriyah baheh" <sukkriyah@...>, "sukkriyah bahek" <ayumee-@...>, "Sunita" <smriti_smile65@...>, "Suwarti Ningsih" <ningposo@...>, "T.C. Brownson" <charles_brownson@...>, "thang van" <thangvannei@...>, "Thorn Sophearoun" <sophearoun.nomad@...>, "Tirmizy Abdullah" <tirmizyabdullah@...>, "Umi Farida" <oemfar@...>, "Usman Masong" <khan_m49@...>, "Vintoy" <vintoyymca@...>, "cjpa" <justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Thursday, 28 July, 2011, 1:40 PM

Friends: Ramadan is approaching. This is a very special time for our Muslim brothers and sisters. During this month they will be fasting, praying, reading from their sacred texts and doing good deeds for others. The following website has some interesting explanations of how Ramadan must be celebrated. Please read it as this will help you understand better why Ramadan is so important to the Muslim people. http://www.iqrasense.com/ramadan/ramadan-2011-message-maximize-your-rewards.html

Let us celebrate this special month with our Muslim friends in spirit.

Max
--

Visit my blog at http://calebandshalev.wordpress.com/

‎"Washing one's hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless means to side with the powerful, not to be neutral. "
— Paulo Freire

"For the sake of 10 year's benefit, we must plant trees; for the sake of 100 years' benefit, we must cultivate people." Ho Chi Minh