Messages In This Digest (19 Messages)

Greetings,

We've been working on the development of the Justpeace Education
Resource Kit. Although we don't have many resources we have decided to
make those that we do have available. The Justpeace Education
Resource Kit is divided into 16 categories. Some of the categories
have yet to receive any submissions. The Resource Kit is still very
much in the development stage. We hope that by making it available
it will create more interest and that more people will contribute
resources. The Resource Kit can be accessed online at
http://www.daga. dhs.org/justpeac e/childrennyouth education/ index.htm
We are still working on issues of design as well as content. It is
crucial that we receive more contributions. Please send us anything
that you view as appropriate (even if it does not fall into any of the
designated categories). If you have any feedback or criticism, please
share it with us by using the following email address
justpeaceasia@ gmail.com.

Thank you,
Tricia

--
Visit the following websites:
daga.n3.net/justpeace
daga.n3.net/icp
daga.n3.net/max

"Nothing that we despise in the other man is entirely absent from ourselves. We must learn to regard people less in the light of what they do or omit to do, and more in the light of what they suffer." - Dietrich Bonhoeffer

#280

From: "Max Ediger" <ediger.max@...>
Date: Fri Dec 8, 2006 11:53 pm
Subject: Children's Education

maxediger

Friends: I'm sorry that the address for the Juostpeace Education was not correct. The correct one is

http://www.daga.dhs.org/justpeace/childrennyoutheducation/index.htm

--
Visit the following websites:
daga.n3.net/justpeace
daga.n3.net/icp
daga.n3.net/max

"Nothing that we despise in the other man is entirely absent from ourselves. We must learn to regard people less in the light of what they do or omit to do, and more in the light of what they suffer." - Dietrich Bonhoeffer

#281

From: Yam Bahadur Kisan <ybkisan@...>
Date: Mon Dec 11, 2006 8:28 am
Subject: Dalit Children died from Starvation in Nepal

ybkisan@...

Kids die of starvation

Kantipur Report

ARGHAKHANCHI, Dec 8 - The seven parties performed the final rites of two children who died from starvation in Arghakhanchi' s Dhakabang VDC, Darimpata.

In what comes as a shocking tale of neglect, brother and sister Ram, 4 and Rama, 6, cried to death after their father Cham Bahadur Pariyar abandoned the family some four years ago and their mother was out of the home in search of food.

The two children who had been crying for the last four days longing for food finally died of starvation.

Pariyar, the father of two, disappeared some four years ago and the mother had gone been out in search of food when the two children died suffering from extreme hunger.

Yam Kisan

Nepal

_____________________

Mr. Yam Bahadur Kisan

M.A., B.L. (Tribhuwan University, Nepal)

Advocate, Supreme Court of Nepal

Author / Researcher / Human Rights Activist and Christian Leader

P.O.Box No : 21066

Kathmandu, Nepal

Phone : 0097712021175

009779841320726

Email : ybkisan@...

Send instant messages to your online friends http://uk.messenger.yahoo.com

#282

From: JahanAra <jahanara_peace@...>
Date: Mon Dec 11, 2006 9:45 am
Subject: Re: Dalit Children died from Starvation in Nepal

jahanara_peace

It really disturbs my thoughts and how the institution of family system works.Poverty really kills people.

Peace

jahan ara

Yam Bahadur Kisan <ybkisan@...> wrote:

Kids die of starvation

Kantipur Report

ARGHAKHANCHI, Dec 8 - The seven parties performed the final rites of two children who died from starvation in Arghakhanchi' s Dhakabang VDC, Darimpata.

In what comes as a shocking tale of neglect, brother and sister Ram, 4 and Rama, 6, cried to death after their father Cham Bahadur Pariyar abandoned the family some four years ago and their mother was out of the home in search of food.

The two children who had been crying for the last four days longing for food finally died of starvation.

Pariyar, the father of two, disappeared some four years ago and the mother had gone been out in search of food when the two children died suffering from extreme hunger.

Yam Kisan

Nepal

_____________________

Mr. Yam Bahadur Kisan

M.A., B.L. (Tribhuwan University, Nepal)

Advocate, Supreme Court of Nepal

Author / Researcher / Human Rights Activist and Christian Leader

P.O.Box No : 21066

Kathmandu, Nepal

Phone : 0097712021175

009779841320726

Email : ybkisan@yahoo.com

Send instant messages to your online friends http://uk.messenger.yahoo.com

Find out what India is talking about on - Yahoo! Answers India
Send FREE SMS to your friend's mobile from Yahoo! Messenger Version 8. Get it NOW

#283

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Tue Dec 12, 2006 4:00 am
Subject: THE FORGOTTEN VICTIMS

piapi

THE FORGOTTEN VICTIMS

Villagers displaced by the decade-long conflict in Nepal say that all they've been getting from their government and relief organisations is indifference, writes SUPARA JANCHITFAH

Children in the IDP camps look for clean drinking water, which is rare in the camps. � SUPARA JANCHITFAH

Driven by fear of arbitrary killings and abductions, many Nepalese in remote areas have fled their homes and become Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in their own country.

"We had to leave our village. The Maoists came and threatened us, saying that if we didn't attend their 'meetings' they would kill us. But if we joined the Maoists meetings, we faced other consequences from the government," said Bhupendra Bahadura Shahi, an IDP leader in Banke district.

The meetings that Bhupendra mentioned were arranged by notices (posters) from the Maoist groups, normally sent to each house in the remote villages, for a "one house, one person" recruitment into the Maoist militias. Sometimes it was a demand for a "donation" - some amount of money or items, normally beyond the villagers' capacity to provide. Many IDPs allege that the Maoists killed some people for not attending the 'meetings' or for refusing to pay.

The estimates of IDPs in Nepal vary tremendously, depending on who you ask. One governmental agency reports that the number of people registered as IDPs is around 8,000, but some non-governmental organisations say there are about 350,000 to 400,000 people who have left their homes behind because of the conflict, staying in IDP camps or squatting on public land.

Many IDPs walked from their villages to nearby villages to be safe, and then kept moving as there was no place for them to settle permanently. Finally they arrived at an IDP camp or a big town. It would take some of the IDPs a month to walk home.

I visited an IDP camp in Banke, 531 kilometres from Kathmandu, where most IDPs are living in distress. They have not had any assistance from any organisation for more than a year, except from the Himalayan Foundation for Medical Assistance.

Upon learning that I was a journalist, one of them demanded that I "write it down that nobody is concerned for us." Another added: "Don't disappoint us. We are tired of giving information, and then seeing that nobody really cares for us. Even a close aide to Kofi Annan came to see us and promised to help us, but no action was taken."

"Tell the UN that we are waiting for them," demanded Bhupendra.

They have many more demands. They were obviously very disappointed with both local and international NGOs, or INGOs, who they say have mostly abandoned them.

"Now we want to go home, it is better for us to die at home than in this camp. It's no fun to leave our homes without proper jobs or food," another IDP added.

They said they are not lazy. They want to work, to earn their own living. "But where can we get employment? Even people in towns and in cities like Kathmandu have no jobs," said Bhupendra.

"We aren't asking for more than we need to survive, but how can we continue living when there are no jobs, no place to go, no food and no drinking water?" he asked.

Most IDPs complained about the indifference shown not only by relief organisations, but also by their own government. Since November 2005, the Seven Party Alliance and the Communist Party of Nepal have expressed their willingness to unconditionally allow the safe return of all IDPs, no matter what their reasons for leaving their homes. However, as of the date I visited the camp, November 3, 2006, many were still waiting for the concerned agencies to send them home and guarantee their safety when they arrived.

When I asked if they were not too demanding, they said anyone who understood how they had been forced to live their lives caught in the crossfire between Maoists and security forces would not blame them. They explained that they were made to search for safety and their means of subsistence, and their children had been denied an education. Many have had no real home for five years or more.

The IDP issue is among the most important of the unresolved issues and challenges for the Nepalese government, foreign donors, INGOs and NGOs. In this vulnerable situation, the IDPs are very much at risk of engaging in prostitution and child and bonded labour. Their destitute circumstances have been aggravated by the fact that many have started to borrow from money lenders outside the camp and they have no means to repay them except their labour.

#284

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Tue Dec 12, 2006 4:00 am
Subject: Sustaining the paths of peace

piapi

Sustaining the paths of peace

Different countries have tried different ways to deal with a violent past. Forgiveness is necessary, but for most people truth and justice must come first, writes SUPARA JANCHITFAH


Ramkoli Raskoti, like many other women in Nepal, has been left destitute since her husband was killed. She and her children need long-term healing and social assistance. � Photos by SUPARA JANCHITFAH	Two thirds of the Nepalese population live in poverty and marginalisation, left to fend for themselves while the communists and the upper echelon fight for power.

In the book Nineteen Eighty-Four, George Orwell asserted that "whoever controls the past controls the future." This is well worth considering, as the ability to interpret and manipulate the past allows for the justification of political and social agendas in the present.

Many thought that the apology from interim Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont to those who have been most affected by the deep-rooted troubles in the South would have a greater effect on stemming the violence. The apology from the PM was a brave action, and it was significant that the head of the government was showing accountability for actions taken under previous governmnents. It was a good beginning, but apparently a more thorough examination is needed to set the record of the past straight and begin a resolution of the unabated conflict.

One of the root causes of the violence in the deep South is the bitter past experiences of many Malay-Muslims in the southernmost provinces, such as the forced assimilation which began more than 100 years ago, in 1902, when Pattani was incorporated into Thailand. This history has been used by many different groups. For example, the trouble-makers who stir up the bitterness to justify their cause or to mobilise people to their side. Peace advocates also point to this history to explain why there is resistance in the deep South today.

There are also a number of more recent incidents that are being used by some groups in particular to stir up violent resistance to the Thai authorities. The forced disappearances, extra-judicial killings and other measures outside the law which are widely believed to be used by state officials with impunity - as well as the larger-scale Krue Se Mosque and Tak Bai incidents - are being used to instigate violence against the powers-that-be. The violence may be an ongoing phenomenon, unless these injustices are addressed and no longer ignored.

The example of the post-apartheid government of South Africa to lead the transitional justice process has been a model and an inspiration to many other countries which have also seen the exercise of abusive and unjust power. South Africa's Truth Commission probed the fresh wounds left by the brutal apartheid system so that the healing could begin. Amnesty was granted to those who fully disclosed their crimes if they were politically motivated.

In his book, No Future Without Forgiveness, Nobel laureate Desmond Tutu pointed out that even perpetrators, "despite the awfulness of their deeds, remain children of God with the capacity to repent, to be able to change."

For Tutu, the future is a theological reality that manifests as communities narrate and fully confess the past. This is because "the act of telling one's story has a cathartic, healing effect."

The idea has its strengths and also its weaknesses. There are many who argue that a Truth Commission may have worked well in South Africa, but wouldn't somewhere else, and that often it is best to "let sleeping dogs lie" - i.e., some episodes of the past should not be investigated or revealed to the public as they will only stir up fresh sorrow and violence.

Others argue that ignoring the past ultimately causes more psychological pain, which some day may be manifested as violence, than leaving it undisturbed.

Thailand has thus far not elected to follow the example of South Africa's Truth Commission to address the situation in the South. The closest thing has been the National Reconciliation Commission, appointed by former prime minister Thaksin Shinnawatra to study the problems and give advice and recommendations on how to solve them.

Among its recommendations, released in June 2006, are the introduction of Islamic law, making ethnic Pattani-Malay (Yawi) an additional working language in the region (a working language is different from an official language; English could be considered a working language in Thailand), establishment of an unarmed peacekeeping force and a Peaceful Strategic Administrative Centre for the Southern Border Provinces. The present government is reviewing the recommendations and has set up the Administrative Centre for Southern Border Provinces.

PEACE BUILDING IN MALUKU

What can we learn from the measures implemented in other countries to come to a reconciliation with our painful past? Their experiences might be useful for understanding, adoption and prevention, perhaps allowing Thailand to avoid a web of even deeper tragedy. Several such measures may be useful here.

A regional conference on "Sustaining Peace in Nepal," organised by Fredskorpset (FK), Norway and a Nepalese human rights group, Informal Sector Service Centre, was held recently in Kathmandu.

Ichsan Malik, from the Peace Building Institute, Indonesia, pointed out that those who want to use a Truth and Reconciliation Commission such as the one initiated in South Africa must have "strong political will and strong leadership, such as that provided by Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu." He believes that such a commission would be too difficult to implement in Maluku, Indonesia, because there is no comparably strong leader.

As well, in his opinion, truth and justice imposed by the Western world cannot be implemented in Maluku because the justice system has collapsed.

"People involved in the justice system have fled Maluku, and even police forces are torn between the Muslim and Christian viewpoints."

In spite of the enormous obstacles, the Peace Building Institute has persevered in its search for answers to the troubles in Maluku, which started on January 19, 1999, a day remembered as the bloody Idul Fitri. The conflict began between a local driver and an immigrant from Bugis in the Batu Merah area, and quickly spread throughout the province of Ambon, resulting in a large-scale exodus of Muslims to areas outside of Ambon.

Every aspect of life in Maluku became clouded with religious issues. "The whole of Maluku collapsed, everything was divided into Christian and Muslim, each group willing to fight to defend their own faith," said Malik.

He noted that everyone is involved in the conflict, and that its source was exploitation by the elite and the politicisation of religion.

Now, whole communities are conditioned to experience prolonged trauma, and people proceed with their lives in an environment of discrimination and resentment.

Malik observed that when a conflict is triggered by religious sentiments, energy lying dormant will spill over to cause a great disaster. He doubts that a permanent solution can be achieved by interfaith values in Maluku. Yet he is determined to find a way to stop the violence.

Malik started his work by actively researching who the actors in the conflicts in different places were, analysing the situation and mapping out a plan of action. He then started to implement the plan.

A crucial step in his peace-building effort was to establish Community-Based Groups, so that people could take part in finding their own solutions. He said his peace-building institute understands the necessity of having strong networks in society to promote actions which support peace.

Thus, along with South Africa's Truth Commission, the approach taken by the the Peace Building Institute - to investigate causes and work with the people of a society coming out of violence - is one which may be of interest for Thailand.

TRANSITION IN NEPAL

In June, Nepal's government agreed to dissolve parliament and form a temporary coalition with the Maoist (Communist Party of Nepal) rebels who had been waging an insurgency in the Himalayan kingdom for the past decade. The Maoists pledged to also dissolve a rival "people's government" operating in the areas they control.

Nepalese Deputy Prime Minister K.P Sharma Oli said at the regional conference that Nepal is undergoing a transition to the peaceful resolution of the conflict, following the restoration of democracy through the People's Movement in April of this year, after widespread street protests. Nepal's new government is comprised of the Seven Party Alliance.

The decade-long armed conflict forced the Nepalese people to face a reality of day-to-day violence and human rights violations (see related story), and also brought about complex challenges for their traditionally sustainable lifestyle.

More than 14,000 people were killed, and many people became internally displaced. The deputy PM said the key challenges in building peace in Nepal are arms management and related issues, as well as drafting a new constitution.

"The government is committed to establishing a permanent peace in the country by bringing the Maoists into the competitive political process," he added, but he admitted that challenges still abound.

Sharma said the building of a sustained peace cannot be done without providing adequate justice to the people affected by the violence.

"Any peace accord which does not redress the sufferings of victims and provide for truth and reconciliation initiatives is liable to unravel," he said. Therefore, sustainable peace calls for "reconciliation initiatives that sufficiently address the concerns of the victims of the conflict," he added. He also stated that the plight of the internally displaced persons should receive priority attention. (see related story)

Sushil Pyakurel, former commissioner of the Nepal Human Rights Commission (NHRC), also addressed the conference. He said there is a need to seek justice for the disappearances, extra-judicial and other merciless killings and rapes, and uphold the rights of victims. In order for this to happen the rule of law and the independence of national institutions such as the NHRC must be established. As well, the "arbitrary actions of the non-state actors and the absolute muteness of the state" must be addressed.

He stressed that many victims are not easily able to forgive those who violated their rights unless they face the consequences of their actions through a transparent and fair legal process.

He believes that to achieve sustainable peace and end the cycle of violence is impossible without guaranteeing the rights of all in the process.

"Besides those killed, tens of thousands of Nepalese were forced to flee their homes during the 10 years of fighting, after attacks or threats from the Maoists or state security forces," he said. Some internally displaced persons want to return to their villages, but hundreds remain missing and their fate is a point of argument, he added.

Locals in the remote village of Nepalganj believe discussions of a sustainable peace should address the problems and the grief of the locals before any schemes for sharing power.

Norita Chand, 43, whose husband was allegedly killed by Maoists four years ago, said, "I can forgive those who killed my husband when they reveal why they killed my husband."

She said that he had never done anything wrong, and was never associated with any vices. "Why did they kill him?" she asked.

Her sentiments are shared by Angkhana Neelapaijit, the wife of a missing Thai human rights lawyer.

Forgiveness is something she wants to do when the truth about her husband's case, as well as other similar cases, has been revealed and the perpetrators are taken to task.

"Sustainable peace won't last long without justice," she said.

#285

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Tue Dec 12, 2006 4:00 am
Subject: Lives in the Crossfire

piapi

Lives in the Crossfire

The conflict between the government and Maoists rebels has victimised innocent villagers in remote areas of Nepal who care little about the ideological struggle, writes SUPARA JANCHITFAH

Kori Beekai was deep in thought when asked if she could forgive those who took away her son. � PREEDA TONGCHUMNUM

Kori Beekai's plastic-rimmed eyeglasses are inches-thick, evidently well worn from years of use. But it is the only pair this old lady has, and the pair she will keep wearing in hopes of seeing her son return one day to her embrace. Six years ago, Kori's son, Prem Bahadur B.K., was snatched away right from his dinner plate, allegedly by Nepalese army officers.

"I am still waiting for him, I don't know why they took him away," said Kori, a resident of Masurikhet village of Banke district, a remote outpost almost 600 kilometres from Nepal's capital city of Kathmandu.

And Kori is not alone. Many other mothers in the village of Masurikhet share a similar tale, having lost their sons to abductions, allegedly by the Nepalese army. According to the Informal Sector Service Center (INSEC), a human rights agency, 89 people went missing in Banke district of Nepalganj alone, and 441 persons went missing in the mid-western region of Nepal from 1996 to December 2005.

Six mothers in the village, whose seven sons went missing almost at the same time, all said that the army might have suspected their sons were Maoist sympathisers. Most of them were taken in broad daylight, with many in the village witnessing the incidents.

After six years of waiting for her son, early this year Kori made her first visit to Kathmandu. Plucking up their courage, she and the other mothers made the 13-hour bus journey from Nepalganj to the capital city of Nepal.

"It was my first time in Kathmandu, and I was full of hope that state agencies and the United Nations would look into our troubles," said Kori. But to her dismay, the gate before the National Human Rights Commission office was locked and they were not allowed to enter.

These desperate mothers want the new Seven Party Alliance government to look into their predicament and help to find their missing loved ones, but so far all their attempts seem to be in vain.

"What can I do, I can only wait for my son to come home. I still have hope," she said, with the other mothers making the Nepalese gesture of agreement.

Ordinary Nepalese have been living in the crossfire between the two hostile parties. While many were taken by state agencies, many also were killed by Maoists.

Ramkoli Raskoti is only 23 years old, a mother of three. She continues to try breast-feeding her youngest daughter even though she is already two years old. There is not enough food for Ramkoli and her children.

Two years ago her husband went to the district office to get the birth certificate for her daughter, but he was killed by the Maoists, apparently by accident.

Upon learning their mistake, the Maoists compensated Ramkoli by building a small new house for her.

"That was all they gave me, no other money or anything else," she said calmly and without complaint. The house has two small rooms, and it is made of brick instead of small logs and straw like most houses in the area, but it has no door and no toilet.

Ramkoli tries to grow some vegetables and rice, and she collects firewood, which can be sold for 40 rupees for a big bunch, less than half a US dollar.

Losing her husband and the breadwinner of the family is painful for a young woman with three small children. She cannot provide them with adequate meals, let alone an education. The eldest son is six years old and he has never held a pencil in his hand.

Apart from working the hot and barren fields, she faces a new problem trying to make a living from the land - elephants come to eat her vegetables and other crops. She admits that the land that she is cultivating might have been part of the forest not long ago. Other farmers encounter the same problem.

Ramkoli wants national and international agencies to help her out of her destitute situation. "I don't know anyone, I don't know if anyone can help me," she lamented. She and others who have lost loved ones in violence live in grief. Norita Chad cannot hold back her feelings of anguish even four years after her husband was killed by Maoists.

"They came to our house and asked for my husband, then they shot him dead. I couldn't count how many of them, but you could not see the road," she said while pointing out the road some eight to ten metres away from the door of her house. She estimated that there must have been around a thousand of the well-armed Maoists. After they killed her husband they moved on to other houses, and killed two more people in the village on the same day.

Even though there is now a ceasefire in effect, she is very concerned for her son, a teenager who hangs around with Maoists in India (Nepalganj is only about six kilometres from the border). She is caught in a dilemma. If she tells her son not to associate with the Maoists he might be killed. At the same time, however, if he does associate with them the authorities may take him away from her.

"He does not know that the Maoists killed his father," said Norita. "I want a foreign agency to take my son and give him an education, otherwise he will end up in difficulty."

People who have lost family members, either killed or abducted, strongly yearn for justice. Until their cases are resolved, forgiveness may be impossible. Norita believes in her husband's innocence.

For the families of the missing, the unanswered questions often prevent the healing process from beginning. Mothers whose sons went missing all want to know why, and they all cling to the hope that their sons will come back one day.

Every so often Kori looks at the empty field and the uneven road that leads to her home, and sees no shadow of her son. Asked if she could forgive the person who took him away, Kori turned thoughtfully silent, unable to give any answer.

#286

From: Yam Bahadur Kisan <ybkisan@...>
Date: Tue Dec 12, 2006 7:00 am
Subject: Re: Sustaining the paths of peace

ybkisan@...

Dear Chan

Thank very much to dessimination the peace situation of Nepal and status of Nepalsese women.

Yam Kisan

Kathmandu

Nepal

CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...> wrote:

Sustaining the paths of peace
Different countries have tried different ways to deal with a violent past. Forgiveness is necessary, but for most people truth and justice must come first, writes SUPARA JANCHITFAH

Ramkoli Raskoti, like many other women in Nepal, has been left destitute since her husband was killed. She and her children need long-term healing and social assistance. � Photos by SUPARA JANCHITFAH Two thirds of the Nepalese population live in poverty and marginalisation, left to fend for themselves while the communists and the upper echelon fight for power.

In the book Nineteen Eighty-Four, George Orwell asserted that "whoever controls the past controls the future." This is well worth considering, as the ability to interpret and manipulate the past allows for the justification of political and social agendas in the present.
Many thought that the apology from interim Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont to those who have been most affected by the deep-rooted troubles in the South would have a greater effect on stemming the violence. The apology from the PM was a brave action, and it was significant that the head of the government was showing accountability for actions taken under previous governmnents. It was a good beginning, but apparently a more thorough examination is needed to set the record of the past straight and begin a resolution of the unabated conflict.
One of the root causes of the violence in the deep South is the bitter past experiences of many Malay-Muslims in the southernmost provinces, such as the forced assimilation which began more than 100 years ago, in 1902, when Pattani was incorporated into Thailand. This history has been used by many different groups. For example, the trouble-makers who stir up the bitterness to justify their cause or to mobilise people to their side. Peace advocates also point to this history to explain why there is resistance in the deep South today.
There are also a number of more recent incidents that are being used by some groups in particular to stir up violent resistance to the Thai authorities. The forced disappearances, extra-judicial killings and other measures outside the law which are widely believed to be used by state officials with impunity - as well as the larger-scale Krue Se Mosque and Tak Bai incidents - are being used to instigate violence against the powers-that-be. The violence may be an ongoing phenomenon, unless these injustices are addressed and no longer ignored.
The example of the post-apartheid government of South Africa to lead the transitional justice process has been a model and an inspiration to many other countries which have also seen the exercise of abusive and unjust power. South Africa's Truth Commission probed the fresh wounds left by the brutal apartheid system so that the healing could begin. Amnesty was granted to those who fully disclosed their crimes if they were politically motivated.
In his book, No Future Without Forgiveness, Nobel laureate Desmond Tutu pointed out that even perpetrators, "despite the awfulness of their deeds, remain children of God with the capacity to repent, to be able to change."
For Tutu, the future is a theological reality that manifests as communities narrate and fully confess the past. This is because "the act of telling one's story has a cathartic, healing effect."
The idea has its strengths and also its weaknesses. There are many who argue that a Truth Commission may have worked well in South Africa, but wouldn't somewhere else, and that often it is best to "let sleeping dogs lie" - i.e., some episodes of the past should not be investigated or revealed to the public as they will only stir up fresh sorrow and violence.
Others argue that ignoring the past ultimately causes more psychological pain, which some day may be manifested as violence, than leaving it undisturbed.
Thailand has thus far not elected to follow the example of South Africa's Truth Commission to address the situation in the South. The closest thing has been the National Reconciliation Commission, appointed by former prime minister Thaksin Shinnawatra to study the problems and give advice and recommendations on how to solve them.
Among its recommendations, released in June 2006, are the introduction of Islamic law, making ethnic Pattani-Malay (Yawi) an additional working language in the region (a working language is different from an official language; English could be considered a working language in Thailand), establishment of an unarmed peacekeeping force and a Peaceful Strategic Administrative Centre for the Southern Border Provinces. The present government is reviewing the recommendations and has set up the Administrative Centre for Southern Border Provinces.

PEACE BUILDING IN MALUKU
What can we learn from the measures implemented in other countries to come to a reconciliation with our painful past? Their experiences might be useful for understanding, adoption and prevention, perhaps allowing Thailand to avoid a web of even deeper tragedy. Several such measures may be useful here.
A regional conference on "Sustaining Peace in Nepal," organised by Fredskorpset (FK), Norway and a Nepalese human rights group, Informal Sector Service Centre, was held recently in Kathmandu.
Ichsan Malik, from the Peace Building Institute, Indonesia, pointed out that those who want to use a Truth and Reconciliation Commission such as the one initiated in South Africa must have "strong political will and strong leadership, such as that provided by Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu." He believes that such a commission would be too difficult to implement in Maluku, Indonesia, because there is no comparably strong leader.
As well, in his opinion, truth and justice imposed by the Western world cannot be implemented in Maluku because the justice system has collapsed.
"People involved in the justice system have fled Maluku, and even police forces are torn between the Muslim and Christian viewpoints."
In spite of the enormous obstacles, the Peace Building Institute has persevered in its search for answers to the troubles in Maluku, which started on January 19, 1999, a day remembered as the bloody Idul Fitri. The conflict began between a local driver and an immigrant from Bugis in the Batu Merah area, and quickly spread throughout the province of Ambon, resulting in a large-scale exodus of Muslims to areas outside of Ambon.
Every aspect of life in Maluku became clouded with religious issues. "The whole of Maluku collapsed, everything was divided into Christian and Muslim, each group willing to fight to defend their own faith," said Malik.
He noted that everyone is involved in the conflict, and that its source was exploitation by the elite and the politicisation of religion.
Now, whole communities are conditioned to experience prolonged trauma, and people proceed with their lives in an environment of discrimination and resentment.
Malik observed that when a conflict is triggered by religious sentiments, energy lying dormant will spill over to cause a great disaster. He doubts that a permanent solution can be achieved by interfaith values in Maluku. Yet he is determined to find a way to stop the violence.
Malik started his work by actively researching who the actors in the conflicts in different places were, analysing the situation and mapping out a plan of action. He then started to implement the plan.
A crucial step in his peace-building effort was to establish Community-Based Groups, so that people could take part in finding their own solutions. He said his peace-building institute understands the necessity of having strong networks in society to promote actions which support peace.
Thus, along with South Africa's Truth Commission, the approach taken by the the Peace Building Institute - to investigate causes and work with the people of a society coming out of violence - is one which may be of interest for Thailand.

TRANSITION IN NEPAL
In June, Nepal's government agreed to dissolve parliament and form a temporary coalition with the Maoist (Communist Party of Nepal) rebels who had been waging an insurgency in the Himalayan kingdom for the past decade. The Maoists pledged to also dissolve a rival "people's government" operating in the areas they control.
Nepalese Deputy Prime Minister K.P Sharma Oli said at the regional conference that Nepal is undergoing a transition to the peaceful resolution of the conflict, following the restoration of democracy through the People's Movement in April of this year, after widespread street protests. Nepal's new government is comprised of the Seven Party Alliance.
The decade-long armed conflict forced the Nepalese people to face a reality of day-to-day violence and human rights violations (see related story), and also brought about complex challenges for their traditionally sustainable lifestyle.
More than 14,000 people were killed, and many people became internally displaced. The deputy PM said the key challenges in building peace in Nepal are arms management and related issues, as well as drafting a new constitution.
"The government is committed to establishing a permanent peace in the country by bringing the Maoists into the competitive political process," he added, but he admitted that challenges still abound.
Sharma said the building of a sustained peace cannot be done without providing adequate justice to the people affected by the violence.
"Any peace accord which does not redress the sufferings of victims and provide for truth and reconciliation initiatives is liable to unravel," he said. Therefore, sustainable peace calls for "reconciliation initiatives that sufficiently address the concerns of the victims of the conflict," he added. He also stated that the plight of the internally displaced persons should receive priority attention. (see related story)
Sushil Pyakurel, former commissioner of the Nepal Human Rights Commission (NHRC), also addressed the conference. He said there is a need to seek justice for the disappearances, extra-judicial and other merciless killings and rapes, and uphold the rights of victims. In order for this to happen the rule of law and the independence of national institutions such as the NHRC must be established. As well, the "arbitrary actions of the non-state actors and the absolute muteness of the state" must be addressed.
He stressed that many victims are not easily able to forgive those who violated their rights unless they face the consequences of their actions through a transparent and fair legal process.
He believes that to achieve sustainable peace and end the cycle of violence is impossible without guaranteeing the rights of all in the process.
"Besides those killed, tens of thousands of Nepalese were forced to flee their homes during the 10 years of fighting, after attacks or threats from the Maoists or state security forces," he said. Some internally displaced persons want to return to their villages, but hundreds remain missing and their fate is a point of argument, he added.
Locals in the remote village of Nepalganj believe discussions of a sustainable peace should address the problems and the grief of the locals before any schemes for sharing power.
Norita Chand, 43, whose husband was allegedly killed by Maoists four years ago, said, "I can forgive those who killed my husband when they reveal why they killed my husband."
She said that he had never done anything wrong, and was never associated with any vices. "Why did they kill him?" she asked.
Her sentiments are shared by Angkhana Neelapaijit, the wife of a missing Thai human rights lawyer.
Forgiveness is something she wants to do when the truth about her husband's case, as well as other similar cases, has been revealed and the perpetrators are taken to task.
"Sustainable peace won't last long without justice," she said.

_____________________

Mr. Yam Bahadur Kisan

M.A., B.L. (Tribhuwan University, Nepal)

Advocate, Supreme Court of Nepal

Author / Researcher / Human Rights Activist and Christian Leader

P.O.Box No : 21066

Kathmandu, Nepal

Phone : 0097712021175

009779841320726

Email : ybkisan@...

Send instant messages to your online friends http://uk.messenger.yahoo.com

#287

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Wed Dec 13, 2006 3:58 am
Subject: Students seize the day, launch a cultural revolution

piapi

Students seize the day, launch a cultural revolution

By HARRY NICOLAIDES

Riyadh _ On the night of Nov 27, 2006, while millions of Saudis were sleeping, a handful of students in the capital unknowingly started a cultural revolution. Life imitated art when a stage play, Wasati Bila Wasatiya (''A Moderate without Moderation'') at Al Yamamah, an international college in Riyadh, triggered a violent confrontation between the Mutawa or Islamic religious police, and hundreds of students, expatriate teachers, actors and members of the audience. As cinemas and theatres in Saudi Arabia are outlawed, this was the first time a theatrical production exploring contemporary social issues was ever shown. The onstage struggle resulted in props being destroyed, lights smashed and actors battered. A firearm was discharged. The play was about social change in the kingdom.

Heavily armed government special forces carrying Kalashnikovs stormed the college auditorium and apprehended dozens of ultra-conservative Islamic protesters who disrupted the event and seized their cache of weapons.

The play subsequently received royal support, with the Governor of Riyadh HRH Prince Salman Ibn Abdul Aziz Al-Saud, requesting to attend a special presentation of the college production. Hundreds of students also signed letters of support for their beleaguered college president, Ahmed M Al-Eisa, who resisted petitions and calls to resign. The parents of students also mobilised support for the college through social networks, business relationships and public advocacy.

Within days, Arab newspapers, Reuters and The New York Times reported on the incident.

I felt so proud that I was member of the play. In fact, I had the feeling for two reasons. First, because I was working with responsible students who believed in the message they were trying to convey. The second reason was because we were trying to send this critical message for the first time in Saudi Arabia.

While the government shut down the college intranet, preventing students from discussing the incident, throughout the region Arab news websites and internet discussion forums were inundated with emails. Many of the Mutawa-backed websites posted photographs of the college president, identifying him as an enemy of Islam.

Other websites reportedly made threats of reprisal against the faculty and staff of the college. Western expatriate teachers, while expressing concern for their security, demonstrated their support for the students by attending the show when it resumed a few days later. Many mosques across the city condemned the college and the activities of its cultural week.

''We are afraid of nobody,'' said the president of Al-Yamamah College in an interview with Al-Hayat, and stated that the college would continue to develop and promote its cultural programmes. A week after the original incident, the play was shown again in the same auditorium. Two bullet holes from a firearm discharged during the opening night a week earlier were still clearly visible in the ceiling.

Following a long, rousing musical score in the darkened college auditorium, the first scene of a young man entwined in a rope and being pulled left and right was greeted with triumphant, rapturous applause from hundreds of Arab students and guests.

The two worlds the provincial student inhabits _ the traditional Islamic culture of his family and village, and the modern graffiti-splayed Western-metro scene of his new friends _ formed the stage backdrop. It was against this milieu that the young student fought to find his place, as his village friends armed themselves with semi-automatic rifles and suicide bombs for a looming jihad, while his city friends found freedom of expression in English, tolerance of homosexuality and revelled in Western clothing and music. Tragically, the student collapses in the no-man's-land between the two worlds under the strain of this cultural tug-of-war.

Saudi Arabia is a country in transition. Under the sands of its vast deserts, Islam and secularism are grinding together like two monumental tectonic plates. Outwardly, almost every aspect of life in Saudi Arabia is governed by Islamic law and customs. There are strict rules preventing men and women from being together in public places. Before dawn the first calls to prayer are made from powerful loudspeakers on mosques and continue intermittently throughout the day while businesses cease to operate, shops close and streets are emptied of people and vehicles.

But, inwardly, a new voice is being heard.

While the Saudi government has been preoccupied with the implementation of its Saudisation programme, effectively reducing the number of foreign workers in the kingdom, Saudi college students have been listening to podcasts on the BBC, defying strict national Saudi censorship restrictions and downloading the latest international films and communicating with each other using the Bluetooth network on their mobile phones. They eschew the 10 hours of compulsory Islamic studies and instead share the latest music files, place orders with Amazon.com, watch satellite television and seek to form relationships with foreign nationals and expatriates. They spend the summer in New York, Paris and London where they improve their English and see a world beyond the old fortress walls of Riyadh.

The Arab world for Saudis is polarised between the excesses of Dubai and the rigorous asceticism of Riyadh. The theme of the play _ the conflict between Islam and secularism _ revealed how fractured and shifting Saudi culture really is. Ideally, many Saudis would like to find something in between. This cultural dissonance has survived because the Saudis have two lives: a public life and a private life, and all the heavy, carved wooden doors of Riyadh ensure the two never meet. However, this may soon change as there are rumours that the stage play Wasati Bila Wasatiya may be adapted to Saudi television and broadcast nationally.

Act One has ended. Act Two is about to begin.

Harry Nicolaides is an Australian writer teaching English at Al Yamamah College in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.

#288

From: CHAN Beng Seng <bengseng@...>
Date: Thu Dec 14, 2006 3:18 am
Subject: Who is perpetrating the violence?

piapi

Who is perpetrating the violence?

There is no other conflict in Southeast Asia with such an ambiguous understanding of who is causing the violence and for what reasons _ and that fact is a major detriment to resolving the crisis

By MATTHEW B ARNOLD

Insurgents, militants, Malay separatists, Islamic terrorists, bandits, drug addicts, rogue politicians and criminals are all names that, amongst still others, have been given at various times to the perpetrators of violence in Thailand's southernmost provinces. The violence in the South has most often been generically described as being committed by ''insurgent groups'', with a general sentiment that they are ethno-nationalist, separatist ones and that there is a dash of Islamic fundamentalism involved.

Even though there are some proclaimed insurgent groups _ such as the Pattani United Liberation Organisation (Pulo), Barisan Revolusi Nasional Coordinate and the Gerakan Mujiheddin Islami Pattani _ none of them have claimed responsibility for any post-2004 violence, and it is largely unknown how involved they actually are in the violence.

Much of the present discourse on the violence in the South has focused on the government's policy responses to it, with no consistent, deep understanding of who is actually perpetrating it. Without really knowing the identities and motivations of the perpetrators, it is hard to prescribe appropriate responses.

Whatever his other faults, ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's biggest mistake in the South was his inconsistency in responding to the violence. This was provoked by his thoroughly inconsistent framing of the situation.

Mr Thaksin initially branded the violence as being undertaken by criminals and corrupt government officials, and hence defined it as a ''crime problem'', something he could understand as a former policeman.

However, his understanding later morphed into seeing the violence as being committed by ''professional'' separatist insurgents using a Cold War-era lens. This provoked his emphasis on ''red zones'' and on an entrenched militarised response centred on controlling territory.

Mr Thaksin's opponents have conversely commonly argued that the escalation of violence directly correlated with his militarised approach, the government's systematic abuses of human rights in the South, and an overarching lack of justice there.

With Mr Thaksin's political exile, there is an attempt to return to the policies of the 1980s and 1990s, which were based much more on dialogue and compromise, than force.

Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont has sought to achieve reconciliation and increase dialogue. This effort has entailed, for instance, public apologies, dropping charges against Tak Bai arrestees, the re-constitution of the Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre (SBPAC), and a very explicit public campaign to reach out to the Malay-Muslim community.

Underlying General Surayud's policies is an assumption that there is a connection between the repression and alienation of the southern Malay-Muslim community, notably under the Thaksin government, and the increase in violence since 2004. Given this, Gen Surayud's policies presuppose that if the government reaches out to the broader Malay-Muslim community, the violence will subside.

However, given that the identities and motivations of the present perpetrators of violence are largely unknown, it is somewhat unconvincing to claim that mitigating the wider Malay-Muslim community's sense of frustration with the government will easily translate into a decrease in violence.

It is not really known if the perpetrators are building a general resentment of the Thai state, and specifically of the Thaksin government, or are more autonomous, dedicated militants who aren't actually reliant on, or perpetuated by, public anger against the government.

Furthermore, it is difficult to assume that a return to a dialogue and reconciliation-based approach used in earlier decades will end the violence, since it is not known if the perpetrators are actually the same groups, or whether they at least share the same motivations other than a loose inclination towards separatism.

Gen Surayud's present response is worthy in itself. Even if there were no southern violence, it would be necessary to ensure that no community in Thailand feels like it doesn't belong there and suffers from marginalisation.

Such progressive policies should be justified not as ''counter-insurgency'' strategies, but rather as essential for basic governance in an equitable, fair-minded state, which Thailand intends to be.

The Malay-Muslim community undoubtedly disliked the heavy-handedness of the Thaksin government; who wouldn't? It didn't necessarily mean that the community was broadly willing to support violence because of it.

Overall, it should not be so quickly assumed that reaching out to the southern Malay-Muslim community will in itself end the violence _until the perpetrators of the southern violence, and their motivations, are better known.

In fact, there are several reasons to believe that there actually isn't much broad support for militant violence within the Malay-Muslim community and hence for doubting that a dialogue and reconciliation-based approach will work to end the violence.

Firstly is that, indeed, despite the dialogue and reconciliation approach of the Surayud government, the violence isn't decreasing and may, in fact, actually be increasing.

Secondly, most of the violence in the South is in reality against Muslims.

According to research done by Prince of Songkhla University, starting in the first half of 2005 more Muslims began to be killed by the political violence of southern militants than were Buddhists.

This gives reason to believe that much of the violence is being undertaken by what are most likely small, disparate cells of autonomous militants, using tactics of small-scale bombings and motorcycle shootings.

Furthermore, it is notable that their anger, as shown through ''Muslim-on-Muslim'' violence, is as much directed against what the militants perceive as a wayward, uncooperative Malay-Muslim community as it is against the ''Siamist'' Thai government. This could mean that the original separatist motivations that defined the conflict for so long have been supplemented, or even supplanted, by other desires, such as to inculcate and entrench a stricter interpretation of Islam on the southern Malay-Muslim community.

In any case, that, as with much of the present discourse on the southern violence, is largely just conjecture. Ultimately, too much of the debate on the South has attempted to analyse the policy responses to the violence there _ mostly the alleged failures of Mr Thaksin _ without really identifying who is actually perpetrating the violence.

This has left the discussion hindered because it has had no logical starting point for proceeding to worthwhile policy conclusions. How can one know if the government is responding appropriately or not, if nobody really knows who they are responding to?

Undoubtedly, it is hard to know who exactly is behind the violence since nobody ever claims responsibility. Yet, it is impossible to really design or debate policy response if nobody has a coherent, consistent understanding of who is actually perpetrating the violence. Coming to such awareness is imperative to resolving the violence in the South.

The writer is a visiting Fellow at Chulalongkorn University.
Bangkok Post 14 Dec.2006

#289

From: Goldy George <dalitstudycircle@...>
Date: Sun Dec 17, 2006 5:15 am
Subject: Fwd: [ZESTCaste] Digest Number 729

Dear friends:

Kindly go through this and you will find very interesting aspects going on in the Dalit world of India. At the same time Tressa or Max can add some of these into the special feature on the webpage of justpeace...

Warm regards

Goldy

ZESTCaste@yahoogroups.com wrote:

Date: 16 Dec 2006 13:48:51 -0000
From: ZESTCaste@yahoogroups.com
To: ZESTCaste@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [ZESTCaste] Digest Number 729

India's journey to a casteless society

Messages In This Digest (19 Messages)

1.

Puja stopped in Orissa temple after Dalits' entry (News) From: Tarun Udwala

2.

Two statues of Ambedkar found damaged in Kanpur (News) From: Tarun Udwala

3.

Dalit fury, farmers' suicides dominate Maharashtra political landsca From: Tarun Udwala

4.

Keradagarh temple entry impasse continues (News) From: Tarun Udwala

5.

Reservation bill passed in Lok Sabha (News) From: Tarun Udwala

6.

Protest after 'low-caste' priest denied temple entry (News) From: Tarun Udwala

7.

Priests to purify Orissa temple after Dalit entry (News) From: Tarun Udwala

8.

Trouble-free entry for Dalits to Orissa temple (News) From: Tarun Udwala

9.

AIIMS doctors on hunger strike against quotas (News) From: Tarun Udwala

10.

Forest People Take War on Evictions to the Cities (fwd) From: Shiva Shankar

11.

Dead-end Khairlanji From: Tarun Udwala

12.

Politics woos it, but marriage can kill caste (News) From: Tarun Udwala

13.

Police prosecutor suspended in Khairlangi case (News) From: Tarun Udwala

14.

HC quashes SC, ST panel order on Jogi (News) From: Tarun Udwala

15.

Nepal: TAM members talk peace process with women, Dalit and indigeno From: Tarun Udwala

16.

LS okays OBC quota Bill (News) From: Tarun Udwala

17.

No fight for a new world (Opinion) From: Tarun Udwala

18.

Dalits break 300-year-old taboo, enter temple (News) From: Tarun Udwala

19.

Dalits In News 15.12.06 From: Arun Khote

View All Topics | Create New Topic

Messages

1.

Puja stopped in Orissa temple after Dalits' entry (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:06 am (PST)

http://www.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=78265

Friday, December 15, 2006

Puja stopped in Orissa temple after Dalits' entry

Press Trust of India

Keredagada, Orissa, December 15: Puja was stopped and an uneasy calm
prevailed on Friday in Keredagada village in coastal Kendrapara
district a day after groups of Dalits entered the 300-year-old
Jagannath temple, breaking an age-old social barrier.
Four Dalits quietly entered the shrine on Thursday and offered
prayers, after which about 100 people belonging to the backward caste,
mostly women and children, visited the shrine in groups.

Septuagenarian Baidyanath Jena made the first quiet entry into the
shrine--which had remained an exclusive preserve of the upper
castes--ending days of suspense on whether Dalits would be allowed
into the temple.

In a fresh twist to the drama, priests closed the sanctum sanctorum
soon after the four Dalits entered it. Others who followed just made a
round of the 'bedha' or circumfereance before leaving.

Since then the sanctum sanctorum has remained closed and no rituals
are being conducted in the temple, locals said.

"No one has entered the temple since yesterday as rituals have stopped
and the two priests are not there," an upper caste villager, standing
at a distance, said.

Though the upper castes have opposed the long-standing demand of
Dalits to be allowed to enter the shrine and resented the agitation
launched by them, they had remained quiet after the December 5 ruling
of the Orissa High Court, which said every Hindu, irrespective of
caste, has a right to enter any Hindu temple open to other Hindus.

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2.

Two statues of Ambedkar found damaged in Kanpur (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:06 am (PST)

http://www.zeenews.com/znnew/articles.asp?aid=342262&sid=REG

Two statues of Ambedkar found damaged in Kanpur

Kanpur, Dec 15: Two statues of Bhim Rao Ambedkar were found damaged in
separate areas here today triggering tension in the localities,
authorities said.

Chief Development Officer of Kanpur Dehat Nand Kishore Yadav told
reporters that this morning the statues of Ambedkar were found damaged
in Ahmedpur Sauda and Sherpur Karaunda areas of Gajner Police circle
here.

He said as soon as the news spread people assembled near the damaged
statues and staged demonstrations. They demanded immediate arrest of
the culprits and replacement of the statues.

Yadav said an FIR in this connection has been lodged and orders given
for their replacement.

He said the situation was slowly becoming normal and people started
returning to their homes.

This is the second such incident of damaging of Ambedakar's statue in
the city in a fortnight. On November 29, a statue of the Dalit leader
was found damaged in Kakadeo area of Kanpur city. The district
administration replaced the damaged statue but no arrest has been made
so far in this connection.

Bureau Report

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3.

Dalit fury, farmers' suicides dominate Maharashtra political landsca

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:06 am (PST)

http://www.newkerala.com/news4.php?action=fullnews&id=66639

Maharashtra News

Dalit fury, farmers' suicides dominate Maharashtra political landscape

Vilas Tokale, Mumbai, Dec 15: Dalit fury in the wake of Khairlanji
killings, rising incidents of farmers' suicides, assassination of BJP
leader Pramod Mahajan and the July 11 serial train blasts kept
Maharashtra in the news headlines for much of 2006.

The July 11 blasts as also September 8 Malegaon explosions highlighted
the threat continued threat of terrorism in the state.

The year also saw scions of prominent politicial families joining
active politics. They include NCP President Sharad Pawar's daughter
Supriya and Pramod Mahajan's daughter Poonam.

Violence across the state following desecration of Babasaheb
Ambedkar's statue in distant Kanpur in November resulted in
large-scale damage to properties, with over 300 government vehicles
being targetted and two trains set afire.

Three people were killed in the violence, two of them in police
firing. What led to the explosion of the pent-up Dalit anger was the
killing of four members of a family at Khairlanji village of Bhandara
district in Vidarbha on September 29.

The state government, after vociferous demand by opposition parties
and Dalit organizations, handed over the Khairlanji probe to CBI. The
issue also revived hopes of unity of the various factions of
Republican Party of India which profess the cause of Dalits in the
state.

--- PTI

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4.

Keradagarh temple entry impasse continues (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:06 am (PST)

http://www.ndtv.com/template/template.asp?template=dalitatrocities&slug=Keradagarh+temple+entry+impasse+continues&id=98001&callid=1&category=National

Keradagarh temple entry impasse continues

Sampad Mahapatra , PS Thakur

Friday, December 15, 2006 (Keradagarh):

The sanctum sanctorum of the Jagannath temple in Keradagarh has been
closed after three groups of Dalits, armed with a High Court order
entered its premises recently.

Their entry put an end to the 250-year-old ban on their entry into the
temple. But upper caste Hindus decided not to perform any puja
thereafter.

"The temple has been desecrated and is closed. We will wait till our
Raja arrives and a general body meeting of 22 villages is held," said
a priest.

Upper caste Hindus have decided to conduct darshans of the shrine
through nine peep holes meant for Dalits.

"We will not visit the temple any more. We will have darshan through
the nine holes," said an old man.

The villagers were also on a protest fast on Friday, but the Dalits
who entered the temple are unperturbed despite the temple being
closed.

"We are very happy to have a clear darshan of the Lord. No one can
stop us from going there. And if the temple is closed, it's closed for
both them and us. If it's open, it's open for both," said an old lady.

Bone of contention

But in the midst of all this positioning, the Ambedkar-Lohia Vichar
Manch spearheading the Dalit movement in Keradagarh, is keen to avoid
a direct confrontation.

"We don't want to give a feeling that we are challenging them. We
would like to establish brotherhood in true sense. We are not
superseding them, we are only trying to be equals," said Sangram
Mallick, Chairman Ambedkar Lohia Manch.

The administration, which ensured safe passage to the Dalits, says its
role is limited to maintaining law and order.

"That is not a matter where force can be applied. Do you think that
the government will impose something, arrest them and further the law
and order situation in the area," said BB Harichandan, Minister, Law
and Rural Development, Orissa.

As the stalemate continues over this feudal discrimination, it will
require a lot more than persuasion to convince the upper castes to
share the temple with the Dalits.

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5.

Reservation bill passed in Lok Sabha (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:06 am (PST)

http://www.rediff.com/news/2006/dec/14quota1.htm

Reservation bill passed in Lok Sabha

December 14, 2006 | 19:00 IST

The reservation bill, which will enable 27 percentage of seats in
central educational institutions to be kept aside for students of the
Other Backward Classes, was on Thursday passed in the Lok Sabha.

The Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Bill,
2006, which provides for 27 per cent reservation to OBCs, was passed
by a voice vote after amendments moved by the Bharatiya Janata Party
for including minority institutions in its purview was rejected.

The government promised to come up very soon with a bill providing for
reservation in unaided educational institutions.

Replying to a daylong debate on the bill, Human Resources Minister
Arjun Singh dismissed the opposition's fears that excluding the
minority institutions will affect the admission of Scheduled Classes,
Scheduled Tribes and the OBC students in such institutions that have
been enrolling them for several years.

The minister said the government was preparing a new bill for unaided
institutions and very soon, it will come to the House.

The debate saw the members generally hailing the measure with some
describing it as revolutionary.

There were also demands for reservation in private sector and the judiciary.

The bill has not excluded the creamy layer despite the parliamentary
standing committee for HRD concluding that this segment should be
covered only after giving priority to non-creamy among the backwards.

There had been division within the UPA with several Dravidian parties
opposing the exclusion of creamy layer, a demand made by the Left
parties.

The government has already announced that the quota regime would be
made operational from the academic year 2007.

Arjun Singh introduced the bill in Lok Sabha on August 25.

The bill provides for a mandatory increase of seats in Central
educational institutions that would be attained over a maximum period
of three years beginning with 2007 academic session.

The bill, applicable to central universities, IITs and IIMs and
certain other institutions established, maintained or aided by the
central government, defines OBCs as the class or classes of citizens
who are socially and educationally backward and are so determined by
the central government.

Singh said the measure will be implemented in a staggering manner as
there were "practical difficulties" due to faculty and other factors
like infrastructure.

At the same time, he said, if any institution can implement it in one
go, they can do so. The minister assured all assistance to these
institutions to make the quota regime a reality. The Bill envisages 27
per cent seat reservation for OBCs in admission in central educational
institutions besides 15 per cent for SCs and 7.5 per cent for STs.

As many as eight institutions of excellence including Homi Bhabha
National Institute and its constituent units like Bhabha Atomic
Research Centre as also Tata Institute of Fundamental Research and
Jawaharlal Nehru Centre for Advanced Scientific Research, Bangalore,
are excluded from the quota regime.

The other institutions that are excluded from the quota purview are
North-Eastern Indira Gandhi Regional Institute of Health and Medical
Science, Shillong, National Brain Research Centre, Manesar, Gurgaon,
Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad, Space Physics Laboratory,
Thiruvananthapuram and Indian Institute of Remote Sensing, Dehradun.

The provisions of the bill will not apply to minority educational institutions.

In a move to ensure that the general category of seats are not
reduced, the bill has made it clear that the increase of seats in any
branch of study or faculty was not less than the number of such seats
available for the preceding academic session.

Singh said all institutions in the Northeast have been excluded from
the measure as the region was predominantly tribal.

The minister did not see any merit in the argument of BJP members that
the exclusion of minority institutions would hamper the entry of
minority Dalits or OBCs in these institutions.

Earlier, BJP MP M A Kharabela Swain alleged that the measure was
intended to ensure that institutions run by Hindus should ensure
reservation to OBCS while it was not so for the minority institutions.

He contended that the minorities too should share the responsibility
of bringing up deprived segments in these classes.

Telugu Desam Party MP K Yerrannaidu suggested setting up of a
parliamentary committee of OBC members to ensure that the quota regime
was properly implemented.

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6.

Protest after 'low-caste' priest denied temple entry (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:07 am (PST)

http://www.gulf-daily-news.com/Story.asp?Article=164510&Sn=WORL&IssueID=29269

Vol XXIX NO. 269 Thursday 14 December 2006

Protest after 'low-caste' priest denied temple entry

NEW DELHI: Hundreds of 'low-caste' Indians, known as dalits or
untouchables, entered a temple in the western Indian state of
Rajasthan to protest a dalit priest being denied entry, a news report
said yesterday.

The angry dalit villagers gathered in Sulia village, 265km south of
the state capital Jaipur and entered the temple holding placards and
singing hymns.

The village had been split along caste lines since October this year
when 'upper caste' villagers stopped a dalit priest from worshipping
at a local temple. The dalits said the priest was beaten up and when
they complained to the local police no action was taken.

"We feel discriminated against and insulted when (upper) caste Hindus
deny a dalit priest the right of worship," Bhanwar Meghvanshi, a dalit
activist said.

The local administration had stationed police officers near the temple
to prevent possible clashes between the villagers but no violence
occurred.

Caste divisions exist in traditional Hinduism, setting limits on
economic and educational advancement.

An overwhelming majority of low-caste Indians remain economically
deprived and continue to battle prejudice.

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7.

Priests to purify Orissa temple after Dalit entry (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:07 am (PST)

http://www.newkerala.com/news4.php?action=fullnews&id=66634

Priests to purify Orissa temple after Dalit entry

Kendrapada (Orissa), Dec 15: A day after 200 Dalits entered an Orissa
temple in the wake of a court ruling in their favour, the temple's
priests Friday said they would perform purification rituals.

The Dalits Thursday entered the Jagannath temple at Keradagarh
village, 45 km from here, defying an age-old ban on their entry by
upper castes. They also performed rituals under police protection
following last week's high court ruling that allowed them to do so.

However, the temple's chief priest Madan Mohan Panda said: "We stopped
all the rituals that have been regularly performed since decades after
they (Dalits) entered the temple Thursday."

"The Dalits have besmirched the religious traditions and made impure
the temple. Now as per practice, we need to perform Maha Snana, a bath
ritual of the deity," Panda told IANS.

"We have already contacted the local royal family members as the
temple was built in the 18th century by their predecessors to seek
their permission to perform the purification rituals.

"Until the purification rituals are performed, the main gate of the
temple would not be opened by us," he said.

Upper caste campaigner Suren Swain said: "We will organise a meeting
of a large number of upper caste people Saturday to chalk out plans to
prevent any further entry of Dalits into the temple."

Dalits have, however, demanded action against the priests and upper
caste leaders who were violating court orders by opposing their entry.

"The district administration should arrest people who illegally closed
the main door and stopped the routine rituals," said Rabindra Sethi,
the president of the district's Ambedkar and Lohia Vichar Manch.

Dalits comprise 400 of the village's 1,400 population. In November
2004, villagers had beaten up four Dalit women for entering the
temple. Though Dalits tried to enter the temple many times, they were
barred by the upper castes.

The Dalits then moved the Orissa High Court, seeking police protection
when they entered the temple. A division bench of the high court last
week ruled that all Hindus had the right to enter any temple,
irrespective of caste.

Though Dalits had entered the temple with police protection Thursday,
it would be difficult for them to reenter as most of the villagers are
from the upper castes, Sethi said.

Anticipating untoward incidents, the local administration has deployed
police forces in the village, a district police official said.

Police have also issued arrest warrants against three upper caste
leaders - Managobinda Jena, Suren Swain, and Seshadev Nanda - for
allegedly instigating people to oppose the entry of Dalits into the
temple.

--- IANS

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8.

Trouble-free entry for Dalits to Orissa temple (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:08 am (PST)

http://www.hindu.com/2006/12/15/stories/2006121504371600.htm

Front Page

Trouble-free entry for Dalits to Orissa temple

Prafulla Das

Any Hindu can enter any temple: court

Police pickets have been posted near the temple
Priests leave the shrine

BHUBANESWAR: The Dalits of Keredagada village in Orissa's Kendrapara
district entered the Lord Jagannath temple of their village on
Thursday despite stiff opposition from the caste Hindus of the area.

The entry of the Dalits into the 300-year-old temple was smooth and
trouble-free. One platoon of policemen was on duty near the temple
when five Dalits entered the temple and had darshan of the deities
around at 12.25 p.m. Senior officials of the administration were also
present.

However, tension started building up when more and more Dalits from
Keredagada and nearby hamlets started visiting the temple and the
priests left the shrine, resulting in non-performance of the rituals.

Official sources said the priests and servitors left the temple
following instructions from the upper caste people, who have since
decided to hold a meeting on Friday to decide their stand.

The Dalits were able to muster the courage to enter the temple
following a recent order of the High Court, which said that any Hindu,
irrespective of his caste, could enter any Hindu temple.

The High Court passed the order while disposing of a public interest
litigation petition filed by a lawyer seeking protection for the
Dalits seeking entry into the Keredagada temple.

Dalit movement

The Dalit movement for gaining entry into the temple had begun when
four Dalit girls were humiliated for entering the temple on November
5, 2005.

The leaders of Ambedkar-Lohia Vichar Manch, which was spearheading the
movement, were not present when the Dalit men went inside the temple.

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9.

AIIMS doctors on hunger strike against quotas (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:08 am (PST)

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Quota_row_AIIMS_docs_on_hunger_strike/articleshow/818315.cms

AIIMS doctors on hunger strike against quotas
[ 15 Dec, 2006 1433hrs ISTIANS ]

NEW DELHI: A section of doctors in a leading hospital here are on
hunger strike on Friday to protest against reservation of seats in
educational institutions but pledged not to make life difficult for
patients.

Worried over the clearance of the quota Bill by the Lok Sabha on
Thursday, 15 resident doctors of the All India Institute of Medical
Sciences (AIIMS) started the hunger strike in the campus.

"Our protest against injustice will continue. Currently, only 15
doctors are on hunger strike. The situation will be reviewed later,"
said Anil Sharma, the representative of resident doctors at AIIMS.

He promised not to let patients suffer.

Sharma said they were in touch with resident doctors of other medical
colleges in Delhi and added that 1,200 doctors would meet on Friday
evening to decide their future course of action.

However, some patients said they were ready for the worst and would
leave AIIMS if services got paralysed.

"We know about the problems patients faced in May. We are ready to
move out in an emergency," said Rajesh Kalra from Ghaziabad.

Kalra, whose mother is suffering from kidney problems, said it was
better to leave the hospital rather than stay unattended.

Health services in the capital's state-run hospitals were crippled in
May when hundreds of doctors took a two-week leave to protest the
central government's proposal to reserve 27 percent seats in higher
educational institutions across India for other backward classes
(OBCs).

Nearly 8,000 people avail of medical care at AIIMS every day. Of them,
6,000 are treated through outpatient departments.

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10.

Forest People Take War on Evictions to the Cities (fwd)

Posted by: "Shiva Shankar" sshankar@...

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:08 am (PST)

"... Man Singh, a tribal leader and activist in Dungarpur, said: "It is
difficult and costly for us to go to distant places like Delhi to protest.
But if we do not fight for our rights who will?" ..."

http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=35768

ENVIRONMENT-INDIA: Forest People Take War on Evictions to the Cities
Bharat Dogra*

DUNGARPUR, Rajasthan, Dec 8 (IPS/IFEJ) - The dusty road leads to a pond
with pleasant greenery surrounding it. Even the nearby village has a
remarkably large number of trees that contrast with stark, arid
surroundings.

This is Naya Talaab - a tribal village in the remote Dungarpur district of
India's desert state of Rajasthan. Sharda, a Bhil tribal woman, proudly
says that the villagers under the government's rural employment guarantee
scheme created the pond and that it now admirably serves to conserve
precious water and moisture.

But, the mood turns grim as the topic turns to the subject of land
ownership.

In July, the village was invaded by a group of well-armed forest
department officials who destroyed the crops that the villagers had
planted with much care. Vasanti, a leader of the village women, said: "We
beat our dhols (drums) to get the people to gather and persuade the
officials not to destroy our crops. It was with great difficulty that I
could save my field."

That was not the end of their woes. Durgashankar Nanoma, a socially alert
villager who has been involved in mobilising people on land related
issues, said: "The next day the police came with a list of villagers to be
arrested, including several women. They were taken to the police station
and then to jail. To get them out on bail was a real struggle."

Social activist Shantilal said, "The only fault of these villagers was
that they tried to save their crops from destruction. Now they are
implicated in long, drawn-out court proceedings and are forced to take
loans at high interest rates for legal expenses.''

The official version is that the tribals were cultivating land which
belongs to the forest department and therefore they had to be evicted.

Bhanvar Singh, an activist with �Aasthaa', an organisation fighting for
the land rights of tribal peasants in Rajasthan, differs. "The forest
department has ignored the rights of many small tribal peasants
cultivating this land. For these people this is the main or the only
source of livelihood."

For many years the issue of tribal rights over forests remained low-key as
petty officials collected bribes and chickens from tribals and in return
allowed them to cultivate the fields. Now the same officials are busy
carrying out evictions across a rapidly industrialising India.

According to R.D. Vyas, an Aasthaa activist, with international funding
available for forest management and plantations, the forest department is
more interested in evicting the tribals to get hold of vacant land. "But
equally, a strong struggle by tribals and forest-dwellers has emerged to
demand regularisation of their land," he told IPS.

India's tribals are increasingly taking their demands to the national
capital and other cities. On Nov. 29, thousands of tribals marched through
the wide boulevards of New Delhi to press for the quick passage of the
Scheduled Tribes (Recognition of Forest Rights) Bill, pending in
parliament since 2005.

An estimated four million people live in India's national parks and
sanctuaries alone. Many more, some say up to 50 million people, inhabit
the reserved and protected forests and have been there for generations,
eking out livelihoods from forest produce such as honey, herbs and fruit
and basic farming. But no forest management plan recognises this and
present law deems the tribals to be encroachers and poachers.

The result is that forest guards extort bribes from tribals and
forest-dwellers with impunity, and when they cannot pay, collaborate with
the owners of commercial plantations and land grabbers to take over large
chunks of land.

Activists see the pending bill as the last hope for both the tribals and
the environment since its stated aim is to give tribals the legal right to
the land and the resources that they have been using and protecting for
generations.

"This is a very important bill dealing with the livelihoods of over 2
million households, or over 10 million people that live in forest areas,"
said Bhanwar Singh, an activist with the Campaign for Survival and Dignity
(CSD), a national platform for tribals and forest dwellers, which
organised the November rally in New Delhi.

But there are several catches, Singh pointed out. The bill, as drafted,
gives local officials total power over people's rights and insists that
any land claimed should have been continuously occupied since 1980. Over
the last 26 years, millions of forest-dwellers have been forced to move to
new areas through displacement or eviction, precisely because they had no
recorded rights.

Controversy over this forced the government to send the bill to a joint
parliamentary committee, which came to the unanimous conclusion that the
best way to ensure justice for tribals and conservation was to bring in
transparency, accountability and democracy.

The parliamentary committee also recommended that communities should have
the legal right to protect forests. In other words, the committee
recognised that forest-dwellers are partners in conservation and not
poachers or encroachers.

According to Shankar Gopalakrishnan, secretary to the CSD, the bill has
already been whittled down considerably and is under threat from logging
and mining companies. "More protests and rallies are being planned in
December and January to ensure passage of the bill in a manner that
benefits tribals and forest-dwellers," he said.

Man Singh, a tribal leader and activist in Dungarpur, said: "It is
difficult and costly for us to go to distant places like Delhi to protest.
But if we do not fight for our rights who will?"

*This story is part of a series of features on sustainable development by
IPS (Inter Press Service) and IFEJ (International Federation of
Environmental Journalists). (END/2006)

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11.

Dead-end Khairlanji

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:09 am (PST)

http://in.news.yahoo.com/061213/48/6a9lp.html

Thu, Dec 14
Dead-end Khairlanji

By IE
Thursday December 14, 03:16 AM
At the inter-state council meeting on December 9, the prime minister
gave out some prescriptions to chief ministers to address the problem
of continuing atrocities on Scheduled Castes. He urged them to
register cases under the "stronger provisions of the Prevention of
Atrocities Act" and not under the weaker provisions of the Indian
Penal Code; create "special cells to be preferably manned by senior
officers from the SC/ST community to monitor and enforce... that Act"
and show "compassion for the victims", a "firm resolve to deal with
the perpetrators"; and the "political will to enforce the law and
ensure easy access to the police and the justice system for the
vulnerable sections" because "legislation alone" is not "sufficient in
dealing with social violence". The "continuing atrocities against the
weaker sections are a national disgrace", the prime minister said.
The question is: how can this noble sentiment at the highest level be
translated into specific and effective action? Perhaps this is the apt
moment to search for the answer, while Khairlanji is still fresh in
our memory. The government could begin by rectifying the obvious
weaknesses in the Prevention of Atrocities Act.

The gravest weakness is the provision in Section 14 to "specify for
each district a court of session to be a special court to try the
offences under this Act". Mere specification or designation of a court
of session as a special court is meaningless and will not serve the
stated purpose of "speedy trial". This is why atrocity trials drag on
for years, mostly petering out in acquittals. The latest example is
the acquittal of all 32 accused in a gruesome case of the burning of
eight dalits to death in Kambalapalli village in Kolar district of
Karnataka in March 2000.

This Section needs amendments to provide for the establishment in each
district of a special court of session exclusively to try only
atrocities under this Act; supported by an exclusive special
investigating officer and exclusive special public prosecutor under
Section 15 for the speedy investigation and effective prosecution of
atrocity cases alone.

It is common practice to nullify good provisions by the simple
expedient of not selecting the right individuals. In line with Dr.
Ambedkar's warning in his Constituent Assembly address of November 4,
1948, a specific new Section 15 A should inter-alia prescribe the
appointment of these judges, as well as special investigating officers
and special public prosecutors from panels prepared on the basis of
their record of and reputation for upholding SC and ST rights.

The Act was a pioneer in terming and defining certain offences of real
experience along with importing applicable IPC offences. But to fill
in the gaps, it is necessary to insert as atrocities the offences of
social and economic boycott, occupation of cultivable government land
by ineligible non-SCT persons, non-payment of statutory wages and
giving toxic substances as wages in kind to SC and ST agricultural
labourers, and preventing elections to SC or ST-reserved posts and
interfering with the normal functioning of SC and ST presidents of
panchayats and other local bodies.

There is one exception to the PM's otherwise correct characterisation
of the provisions of the POA Act as being stronger than those of IPC.
The IPC provides for the death sentence for murder, but there is no
provision for the death sentence in the POA Act. Thereby, an SC or ST
murder convict can be sentenced to death under the IPC; but a
non-SC/non-ST convicted of murder of a SC or ST person cannot be
sentenced to death under POA Act. We are thus back to Manusmriti,
which provides different punishments for the same offence depending on
the caste status of the offender and victim. Clause (v) of sub-section
(2) of Section 3 should be amended to provide for the death sentence
for murder instead of only life imprisonment.

Space prevents me from detailing other essential amendments, like the
extension of protection of the Act to SC converts to religions which
make them non-SC; extension to SCs of benefits of preventive
externment of likely offenders under Section 10; strengthening of
Section 8 by extending presumption of common intention/common object
/conspiracy to mass murders, rapes and arson and also mens rea
(wherever provided in Act) and to cases where mobs perpetrate
atrocities, as in Khairlanji.

I have made these suggestions during the consultation stages in 1988
and through the Dalit Manifesto I authored in 1996 and in subsequent
documents to successive governments at the Centre and different
national parties and have drafted amendments in legal terminology. The
government must now finalise these amendments. Else, Khairlanjis will
continue to visit us with sickening regularity and invite anarchic
forces to step into the vacuum.

The writer is advisor to the Union HRD ministry. Views are personal

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12.

Politics woos it, but marriage can kill caste (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:40 am (PST)

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/India/Politics_woos_it_but_marriage_can_kill_caste/articleshow/815806.cms

Politics woos it, but marriage can kill caste
Subodh Ghildiyal
[ 15 Dec, 2006 0333hrs ISTTIMES NEWS NETWORK ]

The word 'caste' was flashed in the news almost constantly this year,
thanks to the angry polemic surrounding the reservations policy
announced by the Union government. The fury of the
anti-reservationists was directed at the politicians. It is they, said
students, who are dividing the country and ensuring that caste has a
healthy future.

But the politicians refuse to take the rap. Caste, they say, is far
too old a sin to be blamed on them. It is a deep-rooted weed that
certainly doesn't their help to flourish. Students may say what they
like but the "social reality'' is far too entrenched to be made or
marred by netas.

Claims by urban middle class youth, that they only became aware of
caste because of the "politically motivated'' Mandal Commission, are
brushed aside as "claims of innocents who suffer from a ghettoised
aloofness and a contrived ignorance of the ground reality''. A look at
the matrimonial columns of any newspaper bears this out. Even
sub-castes have separate slots.

Says B L Mungekar, member, Planning Commission, "While politicians may
make it difficult for caste to wither away, caste is such a
foundational institution that it will take steps other than the
political to give it a burial."
It's a veritable chicken-and-egg tale: politicians use caste because
it exists and because it serves as a stimulus for voters. The opposing
view is that caste was on its way out but for politicians. Caste and
politics have in fact always walked hand in hand. The most ironic
manifestation being that from pre-independence India. Ironic because
while the flag bearers of the anti-imperial struggle slammed
colonialism as anti-human, there is also evidence that they were not
above exploiting the pernicious practice of caste.

Probably the best illustration of this remains the Congress' unabashed
gambit to contain its bitter critic, dalit emancipator B R Ambedkar.
In 1937, after the superbly talented cricketer Palwankar Baloo (the
central character of Ramachandra Guha's cricket history Corner of a
Foreign Field) emerged as an icon of sorts, the Congress fielded him
against Ambedkar for a Mumbai assembly seat. While both men were from
scheduled castes, historians record that Congress went to the extent
of inciting sub-caste identities to split the dalit voter: Baloo was a
chamaar, Ambedkar a mahar. Ambedkar barely managed to scrape past the
left-arm spinner.

Mohan Singh, Samajwadi Party MP, a Lohiaite who has closely observed
the rise of caste politics, says, "Politicians are only exploiting
something well entrenched. Even movements like Buddhism and the Arya
Samaj, which started to uproot caste, ended up becoming a sort of
caste themselves. Caste has given birth to vested interests and it is
these interests that are not letting it die." Sharad Yadav of JD (U)
echoes the same views.

For S Japhet, teaching the sociology of law at the National Law
School, Bangalore, there exists a "qualitative difference" between
upper and lower castes rallying around caste. "Lower caste
mobilisation through social movements is an attempt to gain their
rights, as politicisation provides them scope for bargaining. But the
same by upper castes is aimed at consolidating their social position,"
he says. While he argues that the two cannot be compared until they
are on an even keel � "till the vertical social structure is made
horizontal" � implicit in his argument is the recognition of the
continued pull of caste, its ability to be the rallying point.

There is no agreement on how, or whether, caste will fade away.
Mungekar believes the real solution lies in what Ambedkar suggested
years ago: inter-caste marriage. "Endogamy is the basic source of
caste as purity of blood and the idea of purity and pollution are at
the root of the caste system. Inter-caste marriage would allow the
fission and fusion of blood," he says.

Sharad Yadav agrees that inter-caste marriages have to be ensured
between upper caste and lower castes to ensure a mix. Mohan Singh says
economic upliftment is the way out.

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13.

Police prosecutor suspended in Khairlangi case (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 9:42 am (PST)

http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_1868953,000900040001.htm

Police prosecutor suspended in Khairlangi case

Pradip Kumar Maitra

Nagpur, December 14, 2006

The heads continued to roll after the Khairlangi incident as the State
Government now suspended Bhandara police prosecutor, Leena Gajbhiye
for misleading the police while registering first information report
(FIR), which had led to unrest among Dalits in all over the state
recently.

It was alleged that when Siddhartha Gajbhiye, a distance relative of
affected Bhotmange family, was attacked by the villagers on September
3, she advised the police not to apply the sections of the Atrocity
Act.

That was the reason for the accused getting bails and their subsequent
attack on the Bhotmange family to take a revenge for complaining
against them with the police.

Four members of Bhotmange family�Surekha, her daughter Priyanka, sons,
Roshan and Sudhir - were mercilessly butchered by a group of villagers
at Khairlangi village in Bhandara district on September 29.

It all began with a small incident that occurred on September 3 this
year. The villagers of Khairlangi beat up Siddharth Gajbhiye.
Villagers suspected that he had illicit relations with Surekha, wife
of Bhaiyyalal, now the lone survivor of the family.

Gajbhiye somehow managed to escape and reached Kamptee near Nagpur
where he got himself admitted to a hospital. He also filed a complaint
with the Kamptee police station, which was later, transferred to
Andhalgaon police station. The complaint was registered and an FIR
was lodged against the villagers.

As Gajbhiye did not know names of the villagers, the Bhotmange family
members�particularly his wife, Surekha and daughter Priyanka told the
facts to police during the investigation; and named the villagers who
beat up Gajbhiye.

Subsequently, all of them were arrested on September 28 and later
released on bail, as the police did not book them under the Atrocity
Act as suggested by Ms Gajbhiye.

It was said that the irate villagers returned to Khairlangi and went
straight to Bhotmange's house and brutally killed the family members.

The CBI had arrested 47 villagers in this connection so far, including
the sarpanch of the village, Upasrao Khandate and his deputy Urkuda
Khurpe and four women.

The latest toll of the incident, the police prosecutor, Leena is from
dalit community. Ironically, all the top officials related to the case
are also from the Dalit community but they reportedly gave false
reports.

From IGP of Nagpur range, Ashok Dhivre to Bhandara SP Suresh Sagar and
from the Dy SP of the area, Vinayak Susadkar to Anghalgaon police
station in-charge, Siddheshwar Bharne and medical officer, Dr AJ
Shende all belong to the same community.

Even the beat head constable, Baban Meshram is a tribal and then civil
surgeon of the district, Dr KD Ramteke, is also from the SC category.
The state government had already dismissed eight government officials,
including Susadkar and Bharne. Besides, Dr Shende and the civil
surgeon, Dr Ramteke were suspended.

Email Pradip Kumar Maitra: pradipmaitra@hindustantimes.com

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14.

HC quashes SC, ST panel order on Jogi (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 10:16 am (PST)

http://www.ndtv.com/morenews/showmorestory.asp?category=National&slug=HC+quashes+SC%2C+ST+panel+order+on+Jogi&id=97988

HC quashes SC, ST panel order on Jogi

Friday, December 15, 2006 (Bilaspur):

The Chhattisgarh High Court has quashed an order of the National
Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes rejecting the ST
certificate of former Chief Minister Ajit Jogi.

A division bench comprising Chief Justice S R Naik and Justice V K
Srivastav also slapped a fine of Rs 10,000 each on the Commission and
Sant Kumar Netam.

They had alleged in a petition that Jogi did not belong to a Scheduled
Tribe but availed all benefits of the status.

In 2001, the Commission had, in response to the petition by the BJP
leader from Bilaspur, rejected Jogi's ST status and said the
certificate had been procured "fraudulently". It had directed the
Chhattisgarh government to take action against him.

However, Jogi appealed to the High Court and obtained a stay on the
order, saying the Commission had no power to decide on the caste of an
individual. (PTI)

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15.

Nepal: TAM members talk peace process with women, Dalit and indigeno

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 10:19 am (PST)

http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2006/dec/dec14/news17.php

TAM members talk peace process with women, Dalit and indigenous communities

The Technical Assessment Mission (TAM) of the United Nations met with
representatives of women organizations, Dalits and indigenous
communities to discuss their specific concerns and needs related with
the ongoing peace process.

The TAM, which is currently in Nepal to make preliminary assessment
regarding technical and logistical needs of the UN monitors who will
arrive here soon, held meetings with civil society representatives in
Kathmandu, to discuss planning for the future UN peace support mission
in Nepal, according to a press release issued by TAM spokesperson
Kieran Dwyer this evening.

During the meeting, the women representatives raised the issue of lack
of women involvement in the peace process. They "highlighted a number
of issues, including the need for women to be represented in
decision-making bodies involved in the peace process at all levels of
society; the issues of cantonment management and the needs of women
combatants in the People's Liberation Army; the prevalence of violence
against women in the post conflict environment, especially in rural
areas, and the need for women to have better protection by the
criminal justice system; and the particular problems of exclusion
faced by women from communities such as Dalit and indigenous
communities."

Likewise, the TAM members also discussed about the provisions of UN
Security Council Resolution 1325, which sets out the principles for
women's participation and representation in peace building activities,
as well as requirements for developing measures to address the needs
of women and girls in all aspects of reintegration, rehabilitation and
post conflict reconstruction.

Members of the TAM also met with civil society representatives from a
range of communities, including representatives from Dalit
organizations and other discriminated against caste groups, Madhesis
and indigenous peoples, persons with disabilities, and sexual and
gender minorities.

"Civil society representatives highlighted the need for an election
process, and a wider peace process, where Nepalis of all backgrounds
are able to participate equally," the press release adds.

"The UN TAM informed civil society representatives of the three areas
which the UN has been asked to assist the peace process, namely the
monitoring of arms and armies, electoral assistance and human rights
monitoring."

Meanwhile, the press release adds that in the past two days the TAM
teams have returned from visits to the cantonment site in Surkhet, in
the Mid-Western Region, and from a visit to the Eastern Region where
meetings were conducted with authorities and local CPN-Maoist cadres
at a cantonment site. nepalnews.com sd Dec 14 06

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16.

LS okays OBC quota Bill (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 10:21 am (PST)

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20061215/main3.htm

LS okays OBC quota Bill
Tribune News Service

New Delhi, December 14
The Lok Sabha passed by voice vote today evening the Central
Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Bill, 2006,
seeking to provide 27 per cent reservation for Other Backward Classes
in Central Government's educational institutions.

The House rejected by voice vote the amendment moved by the BJP Deputy
leader in the Lok Sabha, Mr V.K. Malhotra, and his party

colleagues, Kharabala Swain and Virendra Singh, for deletion of a line
in the Bill that excludes reservation for SCs, STs and OBC students in
minority educational institutions.

The Bill was reintroduced today afternoon by Human Resource
Development Minister Arjun Singh with two amendments in the clause
two.

While the first amendment states that faculty means the faculty of a
Central educational institution, the second amendment in the same
clause says that "teaching or instruction in any branch of study''
meaning teaching or instruction in a branch of study leading to three
principle levels of qualification at undergraduate, postgraduate and
doctoral level.

In his reply preceded by encouraging thumping of tables by members
belonging to the treasury benches, Arjun Singh said the government was
engaged in drafting a Bill to provide for reservation to SCs, STs and
OBCs in unaided educational institiutions.

The Bill was passed after a four-hour-long discussion. UPA Chairperson
Sonia Gandhi arrived late afternoon and sat for nearly two hours till
the Bill was passed.

Worthy of notice was the fact that the attendance of members on
Congress benches was 10 when their party president arrived and rose
dramatically to about 50 by the end of the discussion.

The BJP members raised their voice for amendment of line 12 of a
clause as the House was considering clause wise amendments of the
Bill.

Mr V.K. Malhotra said all minority educational institutions should
also have reservation for SC, ST and OBC students.

He told the House that colleges like St Stephen's and Queen's Mary
which are presently giving reservation to SC, ST and OBC students
would now deny admissions to students belonging to these categories if
the deletion is not made.

"This is a very wrong step. I move the amendment that OBC, SC and ST
reservation should also apply to minority educational institutions,''
Mr Malhotra said.

BJP member M.A. Kharabela Swain asked the House as to why minority
educational institutions be excluded from reservation for OBCs/SCs and
STs.

"Is the responsibility of upliftment of OBCs only the responsibility
of the Hindus?"

Supporting the amendment moved by Mr Malhotra, his party colleague
Virendra Kumar warned the government that the exclusion of SC/ST and
OBC students from the benefit of reservation in minority educational
instititutions would promote inequality.

He said students belonging to these categories are not in a position
to give donations to gain admission to the Central government
educational institutions.''

Before the Deputy Speaker put the amendment moved by BJP members to
vote, Mr Arjun Singh said he regretted the amendment. Mr Singh said
despite being instigated by the Opposition, the minority educational
institutions which have for years been giving admission to SC, ST and
OBC students would continue to do so.

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17.

No fight for a new world (Opinion)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 10:21 am (PST)

http://www.indianexpress.com/story/18564.html

No fight for a new world

Kumar Ketkar
Posted online: Friday, December 15, 2006 at 0000 hrs IST

Neither Anthony Burgess, the novelist who wrote A Clockwork Orange nor
Stanley Kubrick who adapted it for the film with the same title, would
have been able to script what happened at Khairlanji. The bizarre rape
and cold-blooded murder and the mutilation of bodies that followed in
that remote village in Vidarbha's Bhandara district has underlined the
deep caste prejudice that dominates Maharashtra politics. Ironically,
the state has often been described as 'progressive', thanks to social
reform movements which shaped the Marathi psyche for over a century.
However, what is not recognised is the fact that it is the political
class which wants to perpetuate the prejudice even as the people �
Dalits and Marathas, Brahmins and OBCs � have begun to transcend
caste. Since ideology has become passe and governance has lost
direction, the only identity that leaders and activists possess now is
caste. For instance, it has not been reported by the media that in the
riots and arson that enveloped Mumbai and Maharashtra a fortnight ago,
there was no spontaneous support from these communities to the
hyper-energetic local youths and goons, who only want to establish
their hold in the area and if possible secure a ticket from a
political party. Most dalits or Marathas or OBCs have joined urban
civil society and want to move away from their caste identity, except
when seeking a job or admission in a college.
The spread of education and rapid urbanisation in the state have
contributed to the process of erasing caste in social life. Indeed,
Brahmins were never a vote bank, as they constitute just about four
per cent. Though there does exist a chauvinistic Brahmin class, it is
on the fringe. A very large number of social reform movements, trade
unions and peasant movements were led by Brahmins.
The institutional network created out of mass movements led by Mahatma
Phule, Shahu Maharaj and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth century, has given rise to a Dalit, OBC and
Maratha elite. They have greatly secularised social practices, even in
mofussil Maharashtra. So theoretically speaking, Marathi society
should have been truly progressive, particularly after the linguistic
state of Maharashtra was carved out in 1960. The entire leadership of
the Samyukta Maharashtra Movement had a Gandhian, Nehruvian, socialist
or communist legacy.
That legacy began to wear out in the last 15 years or so as caste
began to resurface. Looking back, two concomitant processes helped to
"recast" the caste system. The first was the Mandalisation of politics
since 1990 and the second was the upfront political consolidation of
the Marathas. Even stalwarts like Sharad Pawar and R.R. Patil, who
have been brought up personally and politically on the secular
ideology, cannot escape the allegation of playing the Maratha card.
The Marathas, though divided within, have formed a sort of Maratha
fortress.
In the Maharashtra Congress, this Maratha fortress kept out most of
the OBCs and appropriated a section of the dalit community. The
co-option was achieved by means of a political alliance with various
factions of the Republican leadership. The dalit masses, by and large,
followed their leaders till about three decades ago. It was in the
early seventies that young dalits revolted against the established
Republican leadership. A movement of Dalit Panthers was launched by
the newly educated youth primarily belonging to the Mahar caste. Among
them, some became neo-Buddhists along with Dr Ambedkar and some
retained their Mahar caste. That contradiction continues to divide the
community even today.
Within the next two decades, till almost 1990, the year of
Mandalisation, the rebellious Dalit Panthers called the political
shots. By then they had got entrenched in political power, mainly by
playing second fiddle to the Maratha Congress leadership. In the last
15 years, a third generation of dalit youth has come on the scene. He
has no leadership, no ideology, no organisation, no programme. In the
new economy, he has got further marginalised, despite being educated.
A new educated lumpenised class has emerged in all the communities �
Marathas being no exception.
As a result there is a growing divide between the established
political class of all parties on the one hand and the newly ambitious
activists/leaders on the other. It is in this gap that mayhem and
murder take place which make headlines and the electronic media
replays the gore through its 24-hour channels, giving out the
impression of a caste civil war. Unfortunately the totally
disconnected political leadership and bureaucracy draw their social
data base from this misinformed or ill-informed media.
For the past few years Maharashtra has witnessed sporadic riots in
many parts. They bear a caste character but are essentially
manifestations of a lumpen frustration. Not only the dalits and
Marathas, but also the OBCs and now even the Brahmins have begun to
form caste based fronts. The OBCs have found an eloquent and fighting
leader in Chhagan Bhujbal. The Marathas have formed the Sambhaji
Brigade and Chhava; the sidelined dalits and Muslims have created the
Dalit-Muslim Front. And feeling "threatened" by the spectre of
reservations, the Brahmins too have created their own platform. In the
intitial years the Shiv Sena was the refuge of all lumpens across all
castes. Now with the Sena disintegrating and the Congress closing the
doors of its Maratha fortress, the lumpens have become loose cannons.
Khairlanji was indeed horrifying and the desecration of the Ambedkar
statue an act of insult. But they were not the only causes which
sparked riots in the state. Today's restive dalit and OBC youth do not
want to create a brave new world based on equality and justice. They
are banging on the doors of the fortress that has kept them out in the
cold for too long.

The writer is editor, 'Loksatta'

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18.

Dalits break 300-year-old taboo, enter temple (News)

Posted by: "Tarun Udwala" tarun.udwala@... tarunudgir

Fri Dec 15, 2006 10:22 am (PST)

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/India/Dalits_break_300-year-old_taboo_enter_temple/articleshow/815068.cms

Dalits break 300-year-old taboo, enter temple
Arabinda Mishra
[ 15 Dec, 2006 0101hrs ISTTIMES NEWS NETWORK ]

BHUBANESWAR: Breaking a nearly 300-year-old ban, hundreds of Dalits on
Thursday entered a Jagannath temple in Orissa's Kendrapada district.
Prior to this, Dalits could have darshan only through the nine small
holes on the walls of the temple located at Keredagada village.

Around 12.15 pm, the Dalits, who have been fighting for the right to
enter the shrine since last year, started trooping into the temple
built by the rulers of Kanika. They did not face any resistance from
upper caste people who were dead against allowing them to enter the
shrine.

"I cannot believe it. By the grace of God, we are now inside the
temple," said Baidyanath Jena (65), the first Dalit to set foot inside
the temple. His voice choked with excitement as he talked about his
feelings. Kendrapara district collector Kashinath Sahoo described the
event as "historic."

As gun-totting policemen stood guard outside the temple, the Dalits,
offered "bhog" and donations to the deities. "There was no resistance
either from the priests or other upper caste people," said Sangram
Mallick, a leader of the Ambedkar Lohia Vichar Manch that led the
campaign against the ban.

Towards the evening, the priests reportedly sta-rted displaying their
displeasure.

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19.

Dalits In News 15.12.06

Posted by: "Arun Khote" arun@... khote_arun

Sat Dec 16, 2006 3:36 am (PST)

NATIONAL CAMPAIGN ON DALIT HUMAN RIGHTS is an Advocacy Platform committed for Dalit Human Rights at the Grass root, National and International levels. Dalits In News aims at sensitizing Civil societies, HR Mechanisms and providing updates of HR violations on Dalits for their Intervention.

NATIONAL CAMPAIGN ON DALIT HUMAN RIGHTS

NCDHR

Dalits In News

December 15, 2006

Social boycott being imposed on eight Dalit families in village near Mysore- The Hindu http://www.indiapress.org/gen/news.php/The_Hindu/400x60/0

Sevayats lock Keredagada temple after entry by 18 Dalits-- The Pioneer

http://www.indiapress.org/gen/news.php/The_Pioneer/400x60/0

Politics woos it, but marriage can kill caste- The Times Of India

http://www.indiapress.org/gen/news.php/The_Times_of_India/400x60/0

The Hindu

Social boycott being imposed on eight Dalit families in village near Mysore

http://www.indiapress.org/gen/news.php/The_Hindu/400x60/0

Special Correspondent

Punishment for refusing to carry out `social obligations'

_____

 Informal social boycott imposed by village panchayat

 Dalits not allowed to even buy groceries in village

_____

Kamanakerehundi (Mysore taluk): Mahadevaswamy and his friends dreamed of leading a life of dignity and strive to become economically self-sufficient. So they protested against the traditional occupation that was thrust on them by society.

First, they refused to remove carcasses of dead animals and bury them 3 km away from the village as was expected of them.

Then, they decided not to perform the dirge at funerals for which they were not only paid a pittance but also scorned by other communities of the village.

Nightmare

But three years on, their dream has turned into a nightmare. The village panchayat decided informally to boycott the eight Dalit families who refused to carry out their "social obligations." Further, any person from the village found socialising with these families was subjected to public ridicule. Shopkeepers who sold groceries to them were fined and the local telephone booth owner was instructed not to allow the Dalits to use the telephone.

The feudal order in which Dalits are at the mercy of the landed gentry is still in place in this village, which is close to the city of Mysore.

Some of the Dalits who have been denied jobs in the village have to come to Mysore or nearby areas to earn their livelihood.

Vote denied

Nagamma, one of the Dalits from the village, said they were not allowed to vote during the gram panchayat elections, and all their groceries have to be brought from Ramanahalli or Mysore.

But people of the dominant caste in Kamanakerehundi refute any such insinuations and say there is "harmony" in village. There is no social discrimination against Dalit families, they maintain.

However, on gentle probing, a few open up and not only accept that there is a social boycott but also justify it as a necessity to "protect the unity and solidarity of the village."

A local entrepreneur who makes bricks said, "If I disobey the diktat of the village heads, I may face a hostile climate in the village."

When asked if it was true that members of eight Dalit families were being turned away by shopkeepers, he said, "There is no written rule as such, but a few individuals may be doing it out of fear."

Women in the Dalit colony in the village fume at the social discrimination they are being subjected to. "Our relatives have stopped visiting us because even they have been refused service by the local shopkeepers and are subjected to humiliation," one said.

A few of them were members of the local Mahila Sangha and paid the membership till 2005. But their membership has not been renewed.

When a few passers-by from the neighbouring village of Kesare were questioned about the boycott, they raised their eyebrows in surprise and said the social boycott was old news and had been going on for three years.

The Pioneer

Sevayats lock Keredagada temple after entry by 18 Dalits

http://www.indiapress.org/gen/news.php/The_Pioneer/400x60/0

Rajesh Behera | Kendrapara

Sevayats of the Jagannath temple at Keredagada on Thursday locked up the shrine's sanctum sanctorum at the instance of the upper caste people following the entry of 18 Dalits into the temple.

The sandhya arati ritual of the temple was also stopped. The upper caste people said the temple's sanctum sanctorum would not be reopened till the Raja of Kanika decided the next course of action.

The outer entrance of the temple, however, remained open. A police force later tried to bring about a settlement between the upper caste people and the Dalits.

Earlier in the day, a group of four Dalits of Keredagada village under Rajnagar block in Kendrapara district first entered into the sanctum sanctorum of the 300-year-old temple, which was built by the then King of Kanika, Sailendra Narayan Bhanjdeo, informed the Tehsildar of Rajnagar.

During their entry into the shrine, no untoward incident took place and the situation there was totally normal, official sources added.

However, the trouble began when 14 more Dalits entered the temple later in the day, with the upper caste people asking the priests to leave the shrine after closing the door of the sanctum sanctorum.

The four Dalits, who entered the temple first, were identified as Kailash Jena, Aswini Jena, Ramesh Jena and Suresh Gochhayat. They said their feelings of satisfaction and happiness after witnessing the Lord in the temple could not be expressed in words. "It was a special day for us in our life, as we have entered into the temple, said Gochhayat.

The Dalit Manch was not opposing the Kanika King, but it was opposed to the old practices preformed by the Kanika royal palace. Dalits are like other citizens of the country and are not slaves or anti-Hindu, he said.

Earlier, the upper caste people and sevayats of the temple had restricted the Dalits from entering the temple as per a long-standing tradition, According to the King's order, the Dalits only had the privilege of witnessing the deity through the nine holes of the shrine.

A controversy erupted last year when the upper caste people imposed penalty on some Dalit women after they entered the temple premises. Two months back, the Dalits of Jenasahi, Keredagada, Ostia Sandhaipali and adjoining areas formed the outfit Dalit Manch under the leadership of Rajkishore Muduli and Kahnu Muduli and submitted a petition to District Collector Kashinath Sahu to take necessary steps to allow them to enter the temple, failing which they would enter the shrine forcibly. They asserted in the petition that as they were also Hindus they have every right to enter the temple as everywhere else in the district.

In order to end the controversy, the Orissa High Court, in response to a petition, ruled on December 5 that any Hindu, irrespective of caste, has every right to enter the Keredagada temple under Article 17 and Section 3 of Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955. The High Court also directed the district administration to ensure proper law and order situation during the entry of Dalits in the temple.

After the court's order, there were rumours in the area that the Dalits would enter the temple in massive numbers and that some political forces were trying to encourage the Dalits for this in order to create a vote bank for the coming panchayat elections.

In view of this, the administration mobilised police in and around the temple to carry out the court's order and avert any unwanted situation.

Dwarka's Swaroopananda Saraswati had also backed the Dalits over the issue during his visit to the State last month. The upper caste people had allegedly stated that they would respect the court's order but would restrict the Dalits from doing traditional works in their (upper caste people's) households.

The Times Of India

Politics woos it, but marriage can kill caste

http://www.indiapress.org/gen/news.php/The_Times_of_India/400x60/0

Subodh Ghildiyal

[ 15 Dec, 2006 0333hrs ISTTIMES NEWS NETWORK ]

The word 'caste' was flashed in the news almost constantly this year, thanks to the angry polemic surrounding the reservations policy announced by the Union government. The fury of the anti-reservationists was directed at the politicians. It is they, said students, who are dividing the country and ensuring that caste has a healthy future.

But the politicians refuse to take the rap. Caste, they say, is far too old a sin to be blamed on them. It is a deep-rooted weed that certainly doesn�t their help to flourish. Students may say what they like but the "social reality�� is far too entrenched to be made or marred by netas.

Claims by urban middle class youth, that they only became aware of caste because of the "politically motivated�� Mandal Commission, are brushed aside as "claims of innocents who suffer from a ghettoised aloofness and a contrived ignorance of the ground reality��. A look at the matrimonial columns of any newspaper bears this out. Even sub-castes have separate slots.

Says B L Mungekar, member, Planning Commission, "While politicians may make it difficult for caste to wither away, caste is such a foundational institution that it will take steps other than the political to give it a burial."

It�s a veritable chicken-and-egg tale: politicians use caste because it exists and because it serves as a stimulus for voters. The opposing view is that caste was on its way out but for politicians. Caste and politics have in fact always walked hand in hand. The most ironic manifestation being that from pre-independence India. Ironic because while the flag bearers of the anti-imperial struggle slammed colonialism as anti-human, there is also evidence that they were not above exploiting the pernicious practice of caste.

Probably the best illustration of this remains the Congress� unabashed gambit to contain its bitter critic, dalit emancipator B R Ambedkar. In 1937, after the superbly talented cricketer Palwankar Baloo (the central character of Ramachandra Guha�s cricket history Corner of a Foreign Field) emerged as an icon of sorts, the Congress fielded him against Ambedkar for a Mumbai assembly seat. While both men were from scheduled castes, historians record that Congress went to the extent of inciting sub-caste identities to split the dalit voter: Baloo was a chamaar, Ambedkar a mahar. Ambedkar barely managed to scrape past the left-arm spinner.

Mohan Singh, Samajwadi Party MP, a Lohiaite who has closely observed the rise of caste politics, says, "Politicians are only exploiting something well entrenched. Even movements like Buddhism and the Arya Samaj, which started to uproot caste, ended up becoming a sort of caste themselves. Caste has given birth to vested interests and it is these interests that are not letting it die." Sharad Yadav of JD (U) echoes the same views.

For S Japhet, teaching the sociology of law at the National Law School, Bangalore, there exists a "qualitative difference" between upper and lower castes rallying around caste. "Lower caste mobilisation through social movements is an attempt to gain their rights, as politicisation provides them scope for bargaining. But the same by upper castes is aimed at consolidating their social position," he says. While he argues that the two cannot be compared until they are on an even keel - "till the vertical social structure is made horizontal" - implicit in his argument is the recognition of the continued pull of caste, its ability to be the rallying point.

There is no agreement on how, or whether, caste will fade away. Mungekar believes the real solution lies in what Ambedkar suggested years ago: inter-caste marriage. "Endogamy is the basic source of caste as purity of blood and the idea of purity and pollution are at the root of the caste system. Inter-caste marriage would allow the fission and fusion of blood," he says.

Sharad Yadav agrees that inter-caste marriages have to be ensured between upper caste and lower castes to ensure a mix. Mohan Singh says economic upliftment is the way out.

ARUN KHOTE

National Media Secretary

NATIONAL CAMPAIGN ON DALIT HUMAN RIGHTS (NCDHR)

Add: 8/1, South Patel Nagar,

NEW DELHI- 110008 ( INDIA)

Mobile : 91# 9350183802

Ph & Fax- 91#11-25842249, 91#11-25842250

E Mail : arun@...

ncdhr@...

Website : www.dalits.org

www.ncdhr.org

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Dalit Study Circle, A unit of Dalit Mukti Morcha, Chhattisgarh
________________________________________________________________________
Creation of a casteless and peaceful society is indeed the first step towards just, egalitarian, and harmonious society. A society of equals, neither unequal nor more-equals, beyond the strings of caste, class, gender, race, etc. Otherwise it leads to social oppression, political exploitation, economic deprivation, cultural domination, gender discrimination, class isolation, deliberate exclusion. Lets� believe in a society beyond this. Dalit Mukti Morcha is a mass based Dalit Organisation in Chhattisgarh. For further information on DMM, write to dalitmuktimorcha@...

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#290

From: Goldy George <dalitstudycircle@...>
Date: Sun Dec 17, 2006 5:57 am
Subject: Singur: A Public Hearing Report on Lies, Damn Lies and Statistics

Dear Friends:

I am herewith forwarding a report of the public hearing held in a place called Singur against land grabbing. Recently the government of India have passed a new policy according to which the govern can take away land from anyone in any part of the country with a size of not less than 500 acres. It is known as 'Special Economic Zones' (SEZs). These land would be handed over to private companies in which they are free to do anything and everything. In Singur it is meant for the Tatas. This style of land grabbing is basically under the guise of national development and the most funny aspect is that in the boundaries of these land there won't be any law of the entire country that would be active.

This means that it is not only against the entire constitutional norms of the country but also it is at large a gross violation of human rights and other justice concerns. Singur is one of such places in West Bengal, which ironically falls within the armpit of the most progressive so called governments in India led by the Marxist party. The party and its government all alone had gone ahead with a brutish apprising against the people who had been struggling to save their land.

The most ridiculous part of this entire story is that the land entitlers all of them live in Kolkatta well placed and they are willing to give of their land to the government without any protest or problem. The worst fact of the story is that it is the tenents and sharecroppers to whom it is their life and livelihood. It is this group of people who are fighting for their survival and life. Majority of them belong to 'Dalit and Adivasi' background.

This is a report of one of the public hearings that took place in Singur. There are many more SEZs in India number more than 520 in all the states. This is going to be a major challenge to all democratic and peaceful groups in the days to come

Warm regards

Goldy

>   NATIONAL  ALLIANCE   OF   PEOPLE'S    MOVEMENTS
>   C/o Chemical Mazdoor Sabha, Haji Habib Building,
> Naigaon Cross Road,
>
>   Dadar (E) Mumbai 400014 P. No. 022-24150529
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
>
>     THE FINAL REPORT ON THE PUBLIC HEARING AND THE
> FURTHER INVESTIGATION ON THE STRUGGLE BY THE PEOPLE
> OF SINGUR
>
>     The background
>
>     Singur,  the area with thickly populated, mostly
> farming rural communities, is  not more than 40 kms
> away from Kolkata, the capital of the Left Front
> ruled-state, West Bengal. As in any other rural part
> of India, the  habitat offers a diversity of
> occupations pursued by the population for
> generations � agriculturalists (landholding farmers
> and farm  labourers), artisans, small traders and
> other self-employed like share  croppers, landless
> migrants and resident labourers.
>
>     As  in the rural hinterland of all cities,
> especially the large metropolis,  across the
> country, here too, democratic spaces, social,
> economic, and  geographical have been occupied� with
> the resources of the region  having been
> redistributed, land-use pattern changed over years
> and  decades. Not only did this happen through
> voluntary mobility of the  people for jobs and
> opportunities in and near Kolkata, but also due to
> the land acquired or purchased by the State for
> various public projects  and by the private
> investors taking over the land for non-agricultural
> business. As long as the processes of change were
> acceptable to the  people, in spite of economic and
> social compulsions, inequality within  and pull to
> push from outside, there was no conflict over the
> scenario  of transformation at a pace, manageable
> for the most.
>
>     The  conflict over the land takeover in Singur
> by the government of West  Bengal was begun by the
> newly elected Left front government's CM, Shri
> Buddhadev Bhattacharya's declaration that about 1000
> acres of land in  the villages, Gopalnagar,
> Beraberi, Bajemelia, Khaser Bheri and Singher  Bheri
> was to be acquired under the British Land
> Acquisition Act (1894)  within months, for a Tata's
> cheap automobile factory.
>
>     The  news from Singur and Kolkata informed every
> one that the local farmers  and workers, especially
> women, had decided to protest and not give  their
> land but drive away the corporates. Men and Women,
> united, were  successful in keeping away the
> officials. Dharnas to rallies, open  strikes to
> home-based fasts and various forms of struggle were
> resorted  to by the local, would-be-affected people
> with the various human rights  defenders and
> peoples' organizations for democratic development.
> The  small and large political parties in opposition
> especially the  Trinamool Congress and the Socialist
> Unity Centre of India (SUCI), also  played a major
> role in mobilizing people and representing them in
> and  outside the democratic forum of the state
> assembly. Tata's officials  during their visit to
> the area were chased away, yet the swords  remained
> hanging over their heads; the conflict worsened and
> was not  resolved.
>
>     It  was in this context, when determination of
> the government to go ahead  was expressed, the
> Singur-based mass organizations of the affected,
> Krishi Bhumi Raksha Committee and "Samhati Udyog"-an
> alliance of about  ten organizations including the
> long serving Association for the  Protection of
> Democratic Rights, NAPM, Khet Mazdoor Samiti, MKP,
> Nari  Atyachar Virodhi Manch and others decided to
> organize a Public Hearing  in Singur area and
> invited us to be members of the Panel. A number of
> other organizations endorsed the hearing that took
> place at Gopalnagar  on October 27, 2006. We
> accepted the invitation promptly with an  intention
> to investigate into the vision and issues raised by
> the  farmers here in Singur, related to the
> ideological arguments made in  the public debate
> over present form of industrialization to SEZs in
> the  country and if possible, help resolve the
> conflict.
>
>     The Hearing:
>
>     We,  the members of the Panel, met to receive
> the first briefing on the  objectives and modus
> operandi of the Public Hearing from the host
> organizers which were discussed further and answers
> to the following  questions sought:
>
>    What  is the socio-economic profile of the Singur
> block in general and the  villages / communities to
> be affected / displaced due to Tata Motors in
> particular?
>    What  is Tata Motor project � production plan,
> economics, its proposal as  well as Memorandum of
> Understanding or other contracts / agreements  with
> the West Bengal Government? What dealings if any,
> have already  taken place pertaining to the project?
>
>    What  has been the process of planning the
> project � how transparent and  participatory has it
> been and was the consent of the affected persons
> sought?
>    What  is the perception of the common people �
> farmers, labourers and others  affected, of the Tata
> Project, the State's role and the process till
> date, including land acquisition?
>    Has there been State Repression during the
> peoples' struggle and how far was it justified?
>    Can  the Project bring in better life to the
> people of Singur? What is their  share in the
> benefits? What is the land-use policy and the
> rehabilitation policy and plan that is officially
> declared?
>    How  do the Left Front government and the parties
> view the Project and the  peoples' struggle? What is
> the politics involved in the struggle and  the
> State's response?
>    What are the implications of Singur Project and
> the struggle for future industrialization in West
> Bengal and elsewhere?
>    What could be the next step?
>
>     The  Public Hearing was organized on October 27,
> 2006, in an open square in  Gopalnagar where a large
> crowd of the Project affected women and men  was
> gathered along with a few hundred activists
> belonging to a wider  spectrum of peoples'
> organizations. Chairs were kept reserved for the
> invitees from the West Bengal government, including
> the Chief Minister,  and the Ministers for
> Industries, Agriculture, Land reforms as well as
> the senior officials in the district administration
> (A sample letter of  invitation: Annx A). None of
> them turned up and the Chairs remained  vacant
> throughout the Hearing.
>
>     With  a welcome and background presentation, Mr
> Amidyuti Kumar, a senior  activist of APDR and
> Sanhati Udyog and one of the supporters of Krishi
> Jami Raksha Samiti, described the aims and
> objectives of the Hearing  and its modus operandi.
> The floor was then opened to the local  residents.
> The presentation began with a comprehensive
> deposition by Mr  Becha Ram Manna, one of the
> leaders of the organisation, Krishi Jami  Raksha
> Samiti, the organization at the forefront of the
> movement. The  local residents spoke with great
> articulation, vivid description,  determination and
> a vision, but also with anguish and pain. Others
> included landholders, joint landholders, recorded
> sharecroppers  (bargadars), unregistered bargadars,
> agricultural labourers and other  self-employed.
> Some senior activists, eminent educationists and
> advocates joined them. (A list of selected speakers
> and a gist of their  depositions before the panel is
> annexed as Annexure B)
>
>     The facts that emerged include the following:
>
>
>    There  are more than 10,000 families who live on
> the 1000 acres of land and  other natural resources
> to be acquisitioned and destroyed for the  upcoming
> Tata Motors (small, cheap car production) Project.
> They  include about 6000 landholders, almost 1200
> registered share-croppers,  hundred unregistered
> sharecroppers. Others residing in the area since
> generations are landless labourers, artisans, small
> traders. There are  thousands of regular, seasonal
> migrant workers who also live on the  same
> resources.
>    The  land records and the records of rights,
> including those related to  mutation for the area,
> are not updated since years, even 2 to 3  decades. A
> few cases such as one of Ramachandra Koley of
> Gopalnagar  were pointed out: in which the land is
> being legally acquired by the  State for the private
> industry, yet the sale of land 20 years and more
> ago is not recorded in the name of purchasers,
> creating complication in  land acquisition process
> and stalling payment of compensation.
>    The  land to be affected is the prime
> agricultural land with multiple  cropping, growing
> paddy,

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#291

From: Goldy George <dalitstudycircle@...>
Date: Sun Dec 17, 2006 6:09 am
Subject: Fwd: SEZ and the economic rationale

Dear friends of Justpeace:

This is an article on SEZs which will give a further idea of what is it all about.

Warm regards

Goldy

The Indian Express Group

BEYOND BORDERS
Question mark on SEZs
Piyush Tiwari
Posted online: Friday, December 15, 2006 at 1103 hours IST
Updated: Friday, December 15, 2006 at 1238 hours IST

The question that has confused the debate regarding SEZs is whether these are greenfield real estate development activities or incentive led industrial (including service sector) promotion related development activities? Who among the private sector is spearheading the development developers or industries?

The scale is big. There are 14 operational SEZs. Up till June 2005, there were 53 approved SEZs but since then government has gone into an overdrive mode. Board of Approvals (Department of Commerce) has granted formal approvals to 237 SEZs by October 2006 and additional 166 have received in-principle approvals. The total land under formally approved SEZs would be around one lakh acres or around 350 sq km with a potential of adding another three quarters of the area to it if all in-principle cleared vprojects receive formal approvals, making the total to around 600-650 sq km.

This total area under formally approved and in-principle approved SEZs would be 33 per cent more than the whole area of Greater Mumbai.

The scale is so large that the land acquisition has become a contagious issue. Sceptics have already started to view this as a mean of land grabbing. The scale worries even optimists like me. A rudimentary back of the envelope calculation would inform us that the total built-up area in the approved SEZs would not be less than 350 million square meters. A daredevil would add another 30 per cent to this number to reflect the total space if in-principle approved SEZs also reach the stage of formally approved.

Speculative element

Time line for the addition of this space: 5- 10 years! Even with strong economic fundamentals, does industry see itself growing at a rate to absorb this space in next 5- 10 years? Probably not. Is there then a speculative element? May be. Let's look at the nature of SEZs that are coming up. Nearly 60 per cent of approved SEZs are designated specifically for the IT/ITES sector. Indian IT/ITES industry employs 1.3 million people. In order to absorb the space created by IT/ITES SEZ, this sector would need to add around 20 to 25 times its current workforce. Can this be achieved? Logic does not seem to add up to this number. IT/ITES sector is linked closely to the international economy. Based on the World Bank data, the signs for the future indicate that the economic growths in high-income economies like the US and Western Europe would stabilise. This may have implications for the growth of IT/ITES sector in India.

SEZs (also often referred to as duty-free zones, export processing or high technology zones, or free trade areas) have existed in more than 80 countries. They exist in advanced, developing or transition economies. In our own country, the first EPZ was set up in 1965 in Kandla, Gujarat. Santacruz EPZ came in operation in 1973. These were operating at a time when India had restrictive FDI policies and the overall regulatory environment was quite restrictive. Following 1991 reforms, SEZs were permitted with liberal regulations and fiscal incentives for industries to locate there. The first converts to SEZs were existing EPZs like Noida, Falta, Chennai, Vizag, Kandla, Santacruz, Cochin, Surat etc.

Chinese example

As a policy SEZ Act and Rules are no doubt favourable for export promotion despite the fact that as a share of total exports from India, SEZs have contributed only about 5.1 per cent in 2004-05. There is an argument about the potential here, which seem tremendous. SEZs partition the economy in two parts: one that has lower tariffs and the other that is constrained due to trade barriers. Theoretically, Schweinberger argues that SEZs may have colonisation effect due to foreign investment but the benefits to the economy from SEZs far outweigh any losses due to foreign investment. The overall value of output of a country rises at world market prices. China's experiment with SEZs is illustrative. During 1980-97, the real annual GDP growth of Chinese economy was 8.2 per cent but the real GDP of Shenzen SEZ was growing at 28.5 per cent per annum. The structural adjustment costs of opening up of the whole economy to free international trade are tremendous.

In 1984, the Chinese government established five SEZs (Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou, Xiamen, Hainan Province) where investment laws are relaxed so as to attract foreign capital. Since the 1990s, SEZs and similar concepts have been expanded to other cities, including Shanghai and Beijing, but in number terms they are only a few.

Total area under approved and in-principle approved SEZs is 33% more than Greater Mumbai
Even though theoretically it makes sense to have SEZs, it is important to have a clear understanding of the sectors, which can attract FDI and those, which have huge export potential from India and SEZs. The main sectors of exports out of SEZs in 2002 were gems and jewellery (42%) and electronics and IT (34%).

Only three gems and jewellery SEZs have been approved and two given in-principle approvals until October 2006, probably because these were the numbers proposed. The fundamental question is: a sector, which is the largest exporter out of SEZs requires only few SEZs, why do then we need so many SEZs, particularly for IT/ITES sector? There is an argument about the potential of IT/ITES but it looks like that the argument is being stretched too far particularly when it comes to the establishment of SEZs.

Author is Senior Lecturer, (property) at University of Aberdeen Business School, Scotland p.tiwari@...

--
Madhumanti
Research Associate
National Centre for Advocacy Studies(NCAS)
Serenity Complex,Ramnagar Colony,Pashan
Pune-21 Maharashtra (www.ncasindia.org)
Tel/Fax: 020-22952003/4
M: 9881483126
raga_madhu@..., raga.madhu@...

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#292

From: nhek sophearith <nhek_sophearith@...>
Date: Fri Dec 22, 2006 2:36 am
Subject: Marry Christmas

nhek_sophearith

Dear all friends

Greeting from Cambodia,

Marry Christmas and may spirt of christmas filled with you all joy,love and peace

I hope you all enjoy with your all time and family

Take are always

Warm regards ,Phearith

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#293

From: Yam Bahadur Kisan <ybkisan@...>
Date: Tue Dec 26, 2006 5:09 am
Subject: Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007

ybkisan@...

Dear all friends

Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007

Yam Kisan

Nepal

_____________________

Mr. Yam Bahadur Kisan

M.A., B.L. (Tribhuwan University, Nepal)

Advocate, Supreme Court of Nepal

Author / Researcher / Human Rights Activist and Christian Leader

P.O.Box No : 21066

Kathmandu, Nepal

Phone : 0097712021175

009779841320726

Email : ybkisan@...

Send instant messages to your online friends http://uk.messenger.yahoo.com

#294

From: jerome deporres <deporresjerome@...>
Date: Tue Dec 26, 2006 6:57 am
Subject: Re: Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007

deporresjerome

Hi Everybody,

Wishing you all a blessed Christmas and a happy new year. May the good lord bless you and guide you now and forever.

Jerome

----- Original Message ----
From: Yam Bahadur Kisan <ybkisan@...>
To: justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 26 December, 2006 11:09:19 AM
Subject: [justpeaceinasia] Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007

Dear all friends

Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007

Yam Kisan

Nepal

____________ _________

Mr. Yam Bahadur Kisan

M.A., B.L. (Tribhuwan University, Nepal)

Advocate, Supreme Court of Nepal

Author / Researcher / Human Rights Activist and Christian Leader

P.O.Box No : 21066

Kathmandu, Nepal

Phone : 0097712021175

009779841320726

Email : ybkisan@yahoo. com

Send instant messages to your online friends http://uk.messenger .yahoo.com

Inbox full of spam? Get leading spam protection and 1GB storage with All New Yahoo! Mail.

#295

From: "Ekkarin Tuansiri" <leemor-or@...>
Date: Thu Dec 28, 2006 7:05 am
Subject: Re: Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007

leemor-or@...

thank

Bangkok Post 21 Dec 2006



EDITORIAL

A chance to see justice in South

An air of expectancy regarding progress in ending the southern violence
arose when the country's first Muslim army chief, Gen Sonthi Boonyaratkalin,
led the coup against former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in September.
Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont quickly set to work, seizing the
opportunity to try and forge some form of reconciliation in the embattled
Malay-Muslim majority provinces of the deep South. He spoke of justice,
reconciliation and dialogue.

But despite the optimism, any attempt to achieve peace in the troubled
region is going to be difficult. Gen Surayud visited the South shortly after
becoming prime minister, announcing that he wanted to reverse the
heavy-handed counter-insurgency tactics of Mr Thaksin, and to return justice
to an increasingly marginalised Malay-Muslim population.

But Gen Surayud has since said that ensuring justice for the families of the
hundreds of victims of alleged extra-judicial killings, kidnappings and
torture, is not going to be as easy.

An opportunity has recently arisen, though, for the state to now prove its
intent and capability in ensuring justice across the board, not just as part
of political points-scoring against the ousted Thaksin administration.

On Nov 28, the Pattani Provincial Court concluded a two-year-long
post-mortem inquiry into the deaths of 32 militants in and around the
ancient Krue Se mosque in Pattani's Muang district in April 2004, and named
three military officials as responsible for many of the deaths, including
Gen Pallop Pinmanee.

The Examination of the Post Mortem Inquest sought to clarify the name, place
and cause of death of each individual.

The judge held that out of the 32 killed in and around the mosque, four were
killed in fighting with police at a nearby checkpoint. The remaining 28 had
fled into Krue Se Mosque and hidden there before the military subsequently
stormed the mosque, killing all 28 men inside.

The court concluded that 28 of the 32 victims were killed by security forces
under the orders of three men: Gen Pallop, Col Manas Kongpan and Lt-Col
Tanaphat Nakchaiya.

The inquest, however, is a judicial procedure that precedes a full trial and
does not hold any person or persons liable for the deaths. But the ruling
does open the way for the beginning of criminal proceedings against the
three for their alleged disproportionate use of force in the standoff.

The court's ruling offers Gen Surayud's government a golden opportunity to
begin to address the wider problem of impunity for government forces in the
South. It would also help return confidence in the state and the judicial
system among the Muslim community.

Gen Surayud has vocally agreed that justice needs to be made a priority in
the South. Now he has a chance to put those words into action.

Whether or not the Attorney-General sets the criminal investigation in
motion will be a key test of the interim government's promise to bring back
the rule of law.

An independent inquiry into the Krue Se incident, carried out by the
National Reconciliation Commission, found that the violence was started by
the insurgents, but that security officials acting under the orders of Gen
Pallop had used excessive force and heavy weapons disproportionate to the
threat posed by the assailants.

The inquiry also stated that Gen Pallop ignored a directive from Deputy
Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh to resolve the situation by surrounding
the mosque and entering into negotiations.

A full criminal investigation leading to the trial of state officers
responsible, not just for the Krue Se incident but also responsible for the
deaths of civilians in numerous other cases in the South, must be carried
out if reconciliation is to be achieved


>From: jerome deporres <deporresjerome@...>
>Reply-To: justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
>To: justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
>Subject: Re: [justpeaceinasia] Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007
>Date: Mon, 25 Dec 2006 22:57:17 -0800 (PST)
>
>Hi Everybody,
>
>Wishing you all a blessed Christmas and a happy new year. May the good lord
>bless you and guide you now and forever.
>
>Jerome
>
>
>----- Original Message ----
>From: Yam Bahadur Kisan <ybkisan@...>
>To: justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
>Sent: Tuesday, 26 December, 2006 11:09:19 AM
>Subject: [justpeaceinasia] Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007
>
>Dear all friends
>
>Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007
>
>Yam Kisan
>Nepal
>
>
>
>
>
>____________ _________
>Mr. Yam Bahadur Kisan
>M.A., B.L. (Tribhuwan University, Nepal)
>Advocate, Supreme Court of Nepal
>Author / Researcher / Human Rights Activist and Christian Leader
>P.O.Box No : 21066
>Kathmandu, Nepal
>Phone : 0097712021175
>             009779841320726
>Email : ybkisan@yahoo. com
>Send instant messages to your online friends http://uk.messenger .yahoo.com
>
>
>
>
>___________________________________________________________
>Now you can scan emails quickly with a reading pane. Get the new Yahoo!
>Mail. http://uk.docs.yahoo.com/nowyoucan.html

_________________________________________________________________
The MSN Entertainment Guide to Golden Globes is here.  Get all the scoop.
http://tv.msn.com/tv/globes2007/

#296

From: "Ekkarin Tuansiri" <leemor-or@...>
Date: Thu Dec 28, 2006 7:14 am
Subject: Re: Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007

leemor-or@...

Bangkok post 26 Dec 2006


THE SOUTH

150 held for treason say charge baseless

AMPA SANTIMATANEDOL



About 150 people being held on treason charges in the three southernmost
provinces have called on the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) to seek
their release, saying the police accusations are groundless.

Surasee Kosolnawin, chairman of the NHRC's rights protection sub-committee,
said about 150 treason suspects from the deep South had sought assistance
after being imprisoned for two years without proper charges being laid.

The suspects are just some of the thousands of people in the restive region
who were arrested on suspicion of treason in 2004 when Thaksin Shinawatra
was still prime minister.

Seventy of the 150 are from Yala province and the rest from Pattani and
Narathiwat. Police had accused them of involvement in acts of treason, but
failed to present evidence to back the allegations, Mr Surasee said.

Local people in the South no longer trust the authorities and believe they
cannot get justice, he said. This was a major factor in the lack of progress
by state agencies in solving the region's problems.

Locals were distancing themselves from these agencies because they feel they
are not really there to help them.

Only a small number of locals have made use of provincial justice centres
where officials of the NHRC and the Lawyers Council of Thailand are based.

He suggested state agencies become less bureaucratic and introduce
networking in dealing with the locals. "The first urgent thing to do is to
allow those arrested during the Thaksin administration to be released on
bail," he said.

The NHRC will also campaign against police black-listing people and putting
a bounty on some suspects.

Mr Surasee said he found several innocent people had been arrested. Despite
no hard evidence against them, some had been sent to prisons in Bangkok
rather than their being detained at their provincial prisons, he said.




>From: "Ekkarin Tuansiri" <leemor-or@...>
>Reply-To: justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
>To: justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
>Subject: Re: [justpeaceinasia] Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007
>Date: Wed, 27 Dec 2006 22:05:44 -0900
>
>thank
>
>Bangkok Post 21 Dec 2006
>
>
>
>EDITORIAL
>
>A chance to see justice in South
>
>An air of expectancy regarding progress in ending the southern violence
>arose when the country's first Muslim army chief, Gen Sonthi
>Boonyaratkalin,
>led the coup against former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in September.
>Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont quickly set to work, seizing the
>opportunity to try and forge some form of reconciliation in the embattled
>Malay-Muslim majority provinces of the deep South. He spoke of justice,
>reconciliation and dialogue.
>
>But despite the optimism, any attempt to achieve peace in the troubled
>region is going to be difficult. Gen Surayud visited the South shortly
>after
>becoming prime minister, announcing that he wanted to reverse the
>heavy-handed counter-insurgency tactics of Mr Thaksin, and to return
>justice
>to an increasingly marginalised Malay-Muslim population.
>
>But Gen Surayud has since said that ensuring justice for the families of
>the
>hundreds of victims of alleged extra-judicial killings, kidnappings and
>torture, is not going to be as easy.
>
>An opportunity has recently arisen, though, for the state to now prove its
>intent and capability in ensuring justice across the board, not just as
>part
>of political points-scoring against the ousted Thaksin administration.
>
>On Nov 28, the Pattani Provincial Court concluded a two-year-long
>post-mortem inquiry into the deaths of 32 militants in and around the
>ancient Krue Se mosque in Pattani's Muang district in April 2004, and named
>three military officials as responsible for many of the deaths, including
>Gen Pallop Pinmanee.
>
>The Examination of the Post Mortem Inquest sought to clarify the name,
>place
>and cause of death of each individual.
>
>The judge held that out of the 32 killed in and around the mosque, four
>were
>killed in fighting with police at a nearby checkpoint. The remaining 28 had
>fled into Krue Se Mosque and hidden there before the military subsequently
>stormed the mosque, killing all 28 men inside.
>
>The court concluded that 28 of the 32 victims were killed by security
>forces
>under the orders of three men: Gen Pallop, Col Manas Kongpan and Lt-Col
>Tanaphat Nakchaiya.
>
>The inquest, however, is a judicial procedure that precedes a full trial
>and
>does not hold any person or persons liable for the deaths. But the ruling
>does open the way for the beginning of criminal proceedings against the
>three for their alleged disproportionate use of force in the standoff.
>
>The court's ruling offers Gen Surayud's government a golden opportunity to
>begin to address the wider problem of impunity for government forces in the
>South. It would also help return confidence in the state and the judicial
>system among the Muslim community.
>
>Gen Surayud has vocally agreed that justice needs to be made a priority in
>the South. Now he has a chance to put those words into action.
>
>Whether or not the Attorney-General sets the criminal investigation in
>motion will be a key test of the interim government's promise to bring back
>the rule of law.
>
>An independent inquiry into the Krue Se incident, carried out by the
>National Reconciliation Commission, found that the violence was started by
>the insurgents, but that security officials acting under the orders of Gen
>Pallop had used excessive force and heavy weapons disproportionate to the
>threat posed by the assailants.
>
>The inquiry also stated that Gen Pallop ignored a directive from Deputy
>Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh to resolve the situation by
>surrounding
>the mosque and entering into negotiations.
>
>A full criminal investigation leading to the trial of state officers
>responsible, not just for the Krue Se incident but also responsible for the
>deaths of civilians in numerous other cases in the South, must be carried
>out if reconciliation is to be achieved
>
>
> >From: jerome deporres <deporresjerome@...>
> >Reply-To: justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
> >To: justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
> >Subject: Re: [justpeaceinasia] Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007
> >Date: Mon, 25 Dec 2006 22:57:17 -0800 (PST)
> >
> >Hi Everybody,
> >
> >Wishing you all a blessed Christmas and a happy new year. May the good
>lord
> >bless you and guide you now and forever.
> >
> >Jerome
> >
> >
> >----- Original Message ----
> >From: Yam Bahadur Kisan <ybkisan@...>
> >To: justpeaceinasia@yahoogroups.com
> >Sent: Tuesday, 26 December, 2006 11:09:19 AM
> >Subject: [justpeaceinasia] Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007
> >
> >Dear all friends
> >
> >Marry Christmas and Happy New Year 2007
> >
> >Yam Kisan
> >Nepal
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >____________ _________
> >Mr. Yam Bahadur Kisan
> >M.A., B.L. (Tribhuwan University, Nepal)
> >Advocate, Supreme Court of Nepal
> >Author / Researcher / Human Rights Activist and Christian Leader
> >P.O.Box No : 21066
> >Kathmandu, Nepal
> >Phone : 0097712021175
> >             009779841320726
> >Email : ybkisan@yahoo. com
> >Send instant messages to your online friends http://uk.messenger
>.yahoo.com
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >___________________________________________________________
> >Now you can scan emails quickly with a reading pane. Get the new Yahoo!
> >Mail. http://uk.docs.yahoo.com/nowyoucan.html
>
>_________________________________________________________________
>The MSN Entertainment Guide to Golden Globes is here.  Get all the scoop.
>http://tv.msn.com/tv/globes2007/
>

_________________________________________________________________
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#297

From: Goldy George <dalitstudycircle@...>
Date: Mon Jan 1, 2007 1:02 pm
Subject: Happy New Year 2007

Dear friends

Wish you all a very happpy, prosperous, and meaningful year 2007 free of wars and bombs, battles and conflicts, threats and intimidation, etc. etc.

Regards

Goldy

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#298

From: JahanAra <jahanara_peace@...>
Date: Thu Jan 4, 2007 5:33 am
Subject: Re: Happy New Year 2007

jahanara_peace

Dear Goldy and friends of Dalit study Circle

Have a great peaceful year 2007.

Thanks for ur wishes.

Peace

jahan ara

Goldy George <dalitstudycircle@...> wrote:

Dear friends

Wish you all a very happpy, prosperous, and meaningful year 2007 free of wars and bombs, battles and conflicts, threats and intimidation, etc. etc.

Regards

Goldy

Dalit Study Circle, A unit of Dalit Mukti Morcha, Chhattisgarh
________________________________________________________________________
Creation of a casteless and peaceful society is indeed the first step towards just, egalitarian, and harmonious society. A society of equals, neither unequal nor more-equals, beyond the strings of caste, class, gender, race, etc. Otherwise it leads to social oppression, political exploitation, economic deprivation, cultural domination, gender discrimination, class isolation, deliberate exclusion. Lets� believe in a society beyond this. Dalit Mukti Morcha is a mass based Dalit Organisation in Chhattisgarh. For further information on DMM, write to dalitmuktimorcha@gmail.com

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#299

From: Goldy George <goldymgeorge@...>
Date: Thu Jan 4, 2007 5:32 pm
Subject: Re: Happy New Year 2007

goldymgeorge@...

Hi Jahan:

How are you. Hope that your work is going on well. All of us over here are doing fine and lots of things happening at the ground...

Hope that you and your friends are also having busy time..

Wish you all the best in 2007 and Happy Id.

Regards

Goldy

__________________________________________________
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#300

From: JahanAra <jahanara_peace@...>
Date: Tue Jan 9, 2007 5:40 am
Subject: Re: Happy New Year 2007

jahanara_peace

Thanks Goldy

Wish u lots of best wishes, good health and peace for the year 2007.

It was really nice to receive the mail from u.

Goldy how is ur daughter .I hope she is keeping well and back to school.

Peace

jahan ara

Goldy George <goldymgeorge@...> wrote:

Hi Jahan:

How are you. Hope that your work is going on well. All of us over here are doing fine and lots of things happening at the ground...

Hope that you and your friends are also having busy time..

Wish you all the best in 2007 and Happy Id.

Regards

Goldy

__________________________________________________
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#301

From: Goldy George <goldymgeorge@...>
Date: Tue Jan 9, 2007 5:18 pm
Subject: Re: Happy New Year 2007

goldymgeorge@...

Hi Jahan:

She is better but still with some complication however going to school. How are you doing? Can I know if you have any documents on Naga situation? I just want to know if you have any idea of any such documents in your office or liberary. You must be knowing that I am already into an academic research on conflict areas.. particularly the Indo-Naga conflict.

So just see.. Any contacts with Mini?

Warm regards

Goldy

__________________________________________________
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#302

From: Goldy George <dalitstudycircle@...>
Date: Wed Jan 10, 2007 3:35 pm
Subject: Fwd: Low caste communities still suffering discrimination in Nepal

Hi friends please have a look on the situation of Dalits in Nepal...

Justpeace

Goldy

Madhu Chandra <finicy@...> wrote:

From: "Madhu Chandra" <finicy@...>
To: <dalitstudycircle@...>
Subject: Low caste communities still suffering discrimination in Nepal
Date: Mon, 8 Jan 2007 08:35:04 +0530

Low caste communities still suffering discrimination in Nepal

By: IRIN News
Published: Jan 6, 2007 at 07:42

http://www.yubanet.com/artman/publish/article_48802.shtml

Low caste Dalit communities are still neglected and discriminated against in Nepalese society. Photo: Naresh Newar/IRIN
Nepal's impoverished low caste 'Dalit' community continue to be discriminated against almost 20 years after the caste system was banned, human rights activists in Nepal's southwestern city of Nepalganj have complained.

"We still have to live with the hard reality of being discriminated [against] in every aspect of our lives," said Dalit school teacher, Hari Bahadur Biswokarma, in Nepalganj, 600 km west of the capital Kathmandu.

Biswokarma added that the situation was much worse in the remote western areas of Nepal, which remain among the least developed areas in the country with a per capita income of less than US $1 a day.

The Dalits have suffered from caste discrimination ever since the former Nepalese rulers, the Mallas, introduced the system in the 13th century. It was only in 1990, following the restoration of democracy, that the new constitution declared the practice of caste discrimination a crime.

"But even today, the situation has barely changed as discrimination is rife in both social and economic aspects," said Dalit activist, Parsuram Nepali, from the local rights NGO, Neglected Community Awareness, Nepal.

He added that due to discrimination, the Dalit families are excluded from most development and economic activities, children are often deprived of education, and women have to work under exploitative conditions in the cities in order to make a living.

According to the Dalit NGO Federation (DNF), around 80 percent of the five million-strong Dalit population lives below the poverty line. DNF explained that the literacy rate is barely 10 percent, with only 3.2 percent of women literate, and most Dalit children suffering malnutrition.

Until recently, the former Maoist rebels had been supporting the Dalits while engaged in a decade of conflict with the Nepalese government. However, following a peace agreement between the two parties in November, the Maoists have been preoccupied with their own political issues, Dalit activists have complained.

"The Maoists had proved themselves committed to end discrimination by punishing especially the high caste landlords who had been exploiting the low caste farmers," said activist Bhim Nepali from the NGO, Dalit Sewa Sangh.

"The only way to end the discrimination is by empowering and educating more Dalits, but the government has to be seriously committed, otherwise another civil war will start in the country if the neglect continues," claimed activist Ram Singh Karki, who explained that one cause of the armed conflict over the past decade was related to the social exclusion of the low castes. He warned that the Dalits may be forced to take up arms if their wellbeing is constantly ignored by the state.

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#303

From: nhek sophearith <nhek_sophearith@...>
Date: Fri Jan 12, 2007 4:13 am
Subject: KEEP SMILING...KEEP TOUCHING

nhek_sophearith

Dear all friends,

Enjoy for weedkend........

Subject: KEEP SMILING...KEEP TOUCHING
Friendship:

Upgrade your email with thousands of emoticons for free

take care alway,phearith

It's here! Your new message!
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#304

From: Yam Bahadur Kisan <ybkisan@...>
Date: Fri Jan 12, 2007 8:46 am
Subject: Good News From Nepal

ybkisan@...

Dear Justpeace Friends

Greetings from Nepal !

You all the friends are wellnnown about the situation of Nepal. The interim constitution and the interiem parliament will be declaried and formed on 15th of January. And the Communist Parti of Nepal (Maoist) has nominate 11 Dalit (15 %) leaders in Interim Parliament from their parti. It historical events for Nepalese parliamentary history.

Peace

Yam Kisan

Nepal

Goldy George <dalitstudycircle@...> wrote:

Hi friends please have a look on the situation of Dalits in Nepal...

Justpeace

Goldy

Madhu Chandra <finicy@gmail.com> wrote:

From: "Madhu Chandra" <finicy@gmail.com>
To: <dalitstudycircle@yahoo.com>
Subject: Low caste communities still suffering discrimination in Nepal
Date: Mon, 8 Jan 2007 08:35:04 +0530

Low caste communities still suffering discrimination in Nepal

By: IRIN News
Published: Jan 6, 2007 at 07:42

http://www.yubanet.com/artman/publish/article_48802.shtml

Low caste Dalit communities are still neglected and discriminated against in Nepalese society. Photo: Naresh Newar/IRIN
Nepal's impoverished low caste 'Dalit' community continue to be discriminated against almost 20 years after the caste system was banned, human rights activists in Nepal's southwestern city of Nepalganj have complained.

"We still have to live with the hard reality of being discriminated [against] in every aspect of our lives," said Dalit school teacher, Hari Bahadur Biswokarma, in Nepalganj, 600 km west of the capital Kathmandu.

Biswokarma added that the situation was much worse in the remote western areas of Nepal, which remain among the least developed areas in the country with a per capita income of less than US $1 a day.

The Dalits have suffered from caste discrimination ever since the former Nepalese rulers, the Mallas, introduced the system in the 13th century. It was only in 1990, following the restoration of democracy, that the new constitution declared the practice of caste discrimination a crime.

"But even today, the situation has barely changed as discrimination is rife in both social and economic aspects," said Dalit activist, Parsuram Nepali, from the local rights NGO, Neglected Community Awareness, Nepal.

He added that due to discrimination, the Dalit families are excluded from most development and economic activities, children are often deprived of education, and women have to work under exploitative conditions in the cities in order to make a living.

According to the Dalit NGO Federation (DNF), around 80 percent of the five million-strong Dalit population lives below the poverty line. DNF explained that the literacy rate is barely 10 percent, with only 3.2 percent of women literate, and most Dalit children suffering malnutrition.

Until recently, the former Maoist rebels had been supporting the Dalits while engaged in a decade of conflict with the Nepalese government. However, following a peace agreement between the two parties in November, the Maoists have been preoccupied with their own political issues, Dalit activists have complained.

"The Maoists had proved themselves committed to end discrimination by punishing especially the high caste landlords who had been exploiting the low caste farmers," said activist Bhim Nepali from the NGO, Dalit Sewa Sangh.

"The only way to end the discrimination is by empowering and educating more Dalits, but the government has to be seriously committed, otherwise another civil war will start in the country if the neglect continues," claimed activist Ram Singh Karki, who explained that one cause of the armed conflict over the past decade was related to the social exclusion of the low castes. He warned that the Dalits may be forced to take up arms if their wellbeing is constantly ignored by the state.

Dalit Study Circle, A unit of Dalit Mukti Morcha, Chhattisgarh
________________________________________________________________________
Creation of a casteless and peaceful society is indeed the first step towards just, egalitarian, and harmonious society. A society of equals, neither unequal nor more-equals, beyond the strings of caste, class, gender, race, etc. Otherwise it leads to social oppression, political exploitation, economic deprivation, cultural domination, gender discrimination, class isolation, deliberate exclusion. Lets� believe in a society beyond this. Dalit Mukti Morcha is a mass based Dalit Organisation in Chhattisgarh. For further information on DMM, write to dalitmuktimorcha@gmail.com

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_____________________

Mr. Yam Bahadur Kisan

M.A., B.L. (Tribhuwan University, Nepal)

Advocate, Supreme Court of Nepal

Author / Researcher / Human Rights Activist and Christian Leader

P.O.Box No : 21066

Kathmandu, Nepal

Phone : 0097712021175

009779841320726

Email : ybkisan@...

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Reply | Messages in this Topic (12)

#305

From: "CHAN Beng Seng" <bengseng@...>
Date: Fri Feb 9, 2007 4:40 am
Subject: In search of the right solution

piapi

In search of the right solution

Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi's highly expected show of close and sincere cooperation with Thailand during his three-day visit this week is a needed impetus for solving the southern violence

By ACHARA ASHAYAGACHAT

Improved Thai-Malaysian ties would be a very positive development for the two countries, but better ties alone would not solve Thailand's problem with insurgency in the deep South, according to academics. ''We have to clean up our own house, set our agenda and priorities before calling for assistance,'' says Surachart Bamrungsuk, Chulalongkorn University lecturer on political science.

In a speech in Bangkok on Tuesday, Malaysia's former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim suggested that Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi express solidarity with General Surayud Chulanont's government in encouraging Muslims in the South to give peace a chance.

He urged Kuala Lumpur to take the opportunity of this government's dovish approach to clear the long-standing ignorance of, and exploitation by, the Thai authorities against Malay-Muslim Thais in the three southernmost provinces bordering Malaysia.

The meeting between Mr Abdullah and then premier Thaksin Shinawatra in early 2004, three months after Mr Abdullah was sworn in as prime minister in October 2003, failed to clear the sour atmosphere in bilateral relations, which had seen a war of words being exchanged at almost every level.

With Gen Surayud now at the helm of the government, things are expected to change for the better between Thailand and Malaysia.

Surapong Jayanama, the PM's deputy secretary-general on security issues, says it is in Malaysia's national interest to see the southern issue managed quickly and peacefully.

''We should not look at the [Malaysian] positive gesture as an act of assistance. It is a cooperation that will eventually contribute to the development of the poverty-plagued region in both southern Thailand and northern Malaysia,'' he said.

With such cooperation, several issues would be accelerated, including efforts to sort out the problem of dual citizenship to enable authorities to monitor the movements of criminals criss-crossing the common border, he said.

However, Mr Surapong does not expect the extradition of militants or insurgents from Malaysia to the Thai authorities any time soon. Even after cooperation resumes, he said, it would be carried out in a more discreet manner.

Francesca Lawe-Davies, a Southeast Asia analyst for International Crisis Group (ICG), says that the interim government has indeed tried to pursue a more conciliatory approach than Mr Thaksin.

Gen Surayud's apology and the measures to ensure justice which he announced last November have been welcomed by southern Muslims.

However, translating the government's good intentions into concrete changes have been difficult, Ms Lawe-Davies said.

There have been some improvements, notably a significant decrease in arbitrary arrests since the government announced an end to blacklists, she noted.

Still, concern about abuses by officers in the field persist and accountability of the security forces remains a major problem.

There has been no progress in providing justice for past abuses, including the well-documented use of excessive force at Krue Se and Tak Bai in 2004, and the potential for abuse under the Emergency Decree remains high, she said.

The local Muslims' wrath over these issues is unavoidable and understandable as they see those authorities being amnestied while their compatriots were not.

Therefore, among the remaining actions to be taken by the government to with back the people's hearts is the granting of an amnesty to those who were either forced or were willing to support the insurgents.

According to Ms Lawe-Davies, another disturbing situation on the ground is the inter-agency rivalry, which continues to hamper efforts to tackle the insurgency. The rearrangement of security structures and chain of command has done little to improve inter-force cooperation, and in some cases has exacerbated tensions, she said.

Panitan Wattanayakorn, associate professor of political science at Chulalongkorn University and an ad-hoc adviser to the interim government, agrees that operational restructuring was not yet complete.

''The process of unifying the structure of forces is still in the making. Certainly, it's an urgent matter but shifting the chain of command and budget is inevitably a lengthy procedure. But the government needs and hopes to have it in place within this year,'' he said.

The government, he said, has spent the past three months re-introducing the once workable mechanism of the Southern Border Provinces Administration Centre (SBPAC).

It is now imperative to have NGOs and Islamic civil society take part in the reconciliatory efforts as well.

Ms Lawe-Davies is concerned that the government's commitment to peaceful means is also being tested by the insurgent groups. Violence surged immediately after the announcement of the new policy, in an apparent attempt to undermine the conciliatory approach and provoke a crackdown.

With the mounting violence, pressure from Thais outside the South to pursue a more aggressive stance is also growing, she said.

She warns, however, that any reversion to heavy-handedness would be a backward step.

She suggests that careful law enforcement, addressing past injustices and persevering with attempts at dialogue would be much more effective in the long term. Pursuing this strategy requires patience, and effective communications strategies to explain the need for this approach will also be critical.

Concerning the government's effort to strike a deal with insurgent groups, Ms Lawe-Davies believes the Langkawi process, which was brokered by former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, was doomed from the start and had stalled even before this government came into office.

Mr Anwar, who was both promoted and sacked by Dr Mahathir, said he did not see any problem with Dr Mahathir's handling of that attempt, but that any sort of engagement must involve all factions _ the Thai authorities, Thai military, Pulo or ex-Pulo _ otherwise it would not work. The Malaysian government would have to come out more forcefully to support the peace process, but not necessarily to broker the talks themselves, he said.

In Ms Lawe-Davies' view, the Langkawi process failed because none of the participants were able to represent, let alone control, the militants carrying out the day-to-day attacks on the ground.

Some of the Malaysia-based exiles had links with the new generation of insurgents, and may have been able to play some sort of intermediary role, she said.

However, rather than serving as an open dialogue aimed at reaching out to the more radical groups with the hope of eventually brokering some sort of compromise, the series of meetings appeared to be an attempt to extract a politically acceptable statement from the exiled separatist leaders to present to the Thai government, she noted.

Many of the participants only attended the meeting under pressure from Dr Mahathir, and had been reluctant to sign the ''Joint Peace and Development Plan for Southern Thailand'' in which they renounced any aspiration for independence or even autonomy, thereby alienating the hardline groups in Thailand, she said.

Fortunately other, more meaningful channels for dialogue remain open, although serious obstacles remain. First, it is not clear that the insurgent groups (to the extent that they are organised groups) are able to represent a unified position on their demands, or whether a majority of the active groups is indeed inclined to negotiate at all, she said.

On the Thai government's side, it is not clear if the willingness is there to seriously consider the idea of genuine negotiations with the possibility of granting some concessions, Ms Lawe-Davies said.

Mr Surapong agrees that talks are the final end of the violence problem, but they cannot begin without a conducive environment in place.

''What we need now is to stabilise the situation on the ground, turn the war zones into political battlefields. Then can come talks and negotiations, which by then we should know with whom,'' said the former diplomat.

But he emphasised that a backlash must not be allowed once the situation becomes more stable, otherwise dialogue would not be a sustainable solution. ''Once we can have certain peace, we need to talk and need to take into account grievances of the people and bring justice to them. Otherwise the cycle of violence will return,'' he warned.

A two-star general who has been working in the deep South says, however, that hopes for peace returning to the deep South were still far off.

''[The perpetrators'] objective and their means have never changed. Torching schools, killing teachers, monks and government informants _ all this has been happening for a long time. But the security forces are looking at the problem as if it only first started on Jan 4, 2003,'' the army officer said.

That was the day when a group of insurgents raided an army camp in Narathiwat. Four soldiers were killed and weapons were looted.

Considering the widely different stances of the authorities and separatist groups _ the former insists on assimilation into the That state while the latter holds out for nothing less than autonomy _ the general doubts whether peace negotiations are possible at all.

''We have to prepare something in between: allowing a certain level of self-administration that respects the Malay ethnicity with Islam being their religion under a centrally-controlled, mainly Buddhist government; or a semi-autonomous state that is able to manage their own resources and maintain their identity,'' he said.

Ms Lawe-Davies concludes: ''Continuing along the path of dialogue and confidence-building may help to bring both sides closer to genuine negotiation. But until there is movement on these critical issues, little progress can be expected.''

#306

From: "CHAN Beng Seng" <bengseng@...>
Date: Tue Feb 13, 2007 9:09 am
Subject: Thailand, Malaysia pledge close watch on South

piapi

Thailand, Malaysia pledge close watch on South

By Achara Ashayagachat,

BangkokPost.com; 13 Feb.07

Thailand and Malaysia exchanged lists of 500 names and fingerprints during Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's trip to Bangkok yesterday, hoping to accelerate efforts to solve the insurgency in the deep South.

The two countries also are to increase cross-border cooperation as part of efforts to end more than three years of separatist violence in the Southern-most provinces. This is to include efforts to boost economic development and education support.

The two-day visit by Malaysia's Prime Minister Abdulah Badawi to Thailand marked a major turning point in bilateral relations that soured during the former Thai government of Thaksin Shinawatra.

Mr Abdullah said solving the problem of dual citizenship was one of the most possible concrete steps the two countries could take after many years of discussions.

During formal talks in Bangkok, Mr Abdualah and Prime Minister Surayud Chulanot included measures to develop the border areas with Malaysia offering to assist Thailand in Islamic education studies.

Speaking to reporters, Mr Abdullah, expressed concern the violence in the Thai provinces bordering Malaysia remained a threat.

"Southern Thailand is a big concern to us," he said. "We intend to cooperate in whatever way we can so that together we can help to reduce the situation - which at the moment is one of threat to the peace and stability of Southern Thailand."

With biometrics technology, both sides could examine the lists and if any person held twin nationalities, they would have to choose their citizenship, Mr Abdullah said. He was speaking leading his ministers in 70-minute talks with the Thai side, led by Prime Minister Surayud.

The Malaysian Home Ministry's secretary-general Aseh Che Mat said he had given a list of 500 names and fingerprints of Malaysian citizens to interior permanent secretary Pongpayom Wasaputi, who in exchange gave him a list with the same number of people and evidence of their Thai citizenship.

The two sides would check whether there were any people with dual nationality, possibly this month, said Mr Aseh. "Once the checking is final, the prime minister will make a decision on these people, as they have to choose which nationality they want to carry on with.

"We need a policy or high-level endorsement as a benchmark to deal with the larger groups, whose number has yet to be finalised," he said.

Security sources said a few hundred thousand people in the three southernmost provinces carried Malaysian identification cards.

Mr Aseh could not say when the dual citizenship problem would be completely solved, but said the political will was already there.

During the meeting, Mr Abdullah talked at length on the education and development cooperation Malaysia would embark on as an enthusiastic ally of Thailand.

Gen Surayud reaffirmed that southern violence had nothing to do with international terrorism. "It is a domestic issue and we've been prepared to address the issue for a long time," he said.

Asked how the two sides could immediately cooperate in stopping the violence, Gen Surayud said the foreign ministers of the two countries would discuss details of what could be done in the short and medium term. Both sides would increase consultations and contacts at all levels, and had agreed to utilise existing mechanisms such as Joint Committee meetings and the Joint Development Strategy (JDS) to promote bilateral ties.

"The implementation of JDS projects will improve the quality of life of people in the border areas of the two countries as well as help to stimulate the economic growth of southern Thailand and the northern states of peninsula Malaysia," the two leaders said in a joint statement.

The projects include the development of infrastructure and transportation, agriculture, trade and investment, human resources, tourism and people-to-people contacts.

Mr Abdullah had an audience with His Majesty the King yesterday.

It is his third visit to Thailand since he became prime minister. His first two were in January and October 2004

Since attacks escalated in early 2004, bloodshed has claimed the lives of nearly 2,000 people.

Bilateral relations soured in 2004 amid an escalation of violence and a harder-line policy by the Thaksin government. Mr. Thaksin also accused Malaysia of harboring insurgents.

Gen Surayud, who replaced Thaksin after a September coup, said a peaceful resolution to the violence was necessary for the region's economic progress.

He said, "Both prime ministers agreed that peace, security and stability in the southern part of Thailand are relevant and important to the northern most part states of peninsular Malaysia and vice versa."

"A peaceful and secure environment is crucial to the economic development and prosperity of these areas," he continued.

The increased cross-border cooperation is welcome, says Human Rights Watch representative in Thailand, Sunai Pasuk.

"Cooperation between the governments of Thailand and Malaysia is very important to any effort to address the insurgency in Southern Thailand," he said. "This is the right approach. I am very pleased to see Prime Minister Surayud and Prime Minister Badawai seriously working together."

But cooperation is just a first step. Separatists stepped up attacks through late 2006 as Mr. Surayud's government made renewed efforts to win back support from the Muslim communities.

#307

From: jerome deporres <deporresjerome@...>
Date: Wed Feb 14, 2007 2:02 am
Subject: An Early Valentine

deporresjerome

EARLY VALENTINE; 02/01/2007

A friend sent an early "Valentine" to see if it will make it
Around the world by Feb. 14th.
For God so loVed the world,
That He GAve
His on Ly
BegottEn
SoN
That whosoever
Believeth In Him
Should Not perish,
But have Everlasting life."
John 3:16

Send it around the World

#308

From: "CHAN Beng Seng" <bengseng@...>
Date: Tue Feb 27, 2007 7:45 am
Subject: Save the South from fanatic Islamists

piapi

Save the South from fanatic Islamists

There are a number of approaches that can be taken to deal with the escalating crisis in the southernmost provinces of Thailand, but there is no time to waste

By PHILIP J CUNNINGHAM

In dealing with the southern violence, every approach has its dangers, none more so than doing nothing. The challenge is to find a course of action that is firm but wise, tough but compassionate.

While violence instigating racial and religious intolerance is in itself intolerable, and the deliberate hurting of civilians must be punished and condemned, it is important, even for the victims of violence, to guard against absorbing the infectious hate sown by political agitators.

Sectarian strife in Iraq and elsewhere makes it all too plain that violence begets violence.

It is human to become uncontrollably angry when one bears witness to the killing of innocents. Yet restraint is still called for. The insurgents in the deep South, as elsewhere, thrive on retributive violence. To win over their "own kind" they must court bloodshed, to make ogres of their enemies. Heavy-handed counter-insurgency, any harsh reaction on the part of the state is a boon to rebel recruiting and propaganda. See how they hate us? See why we must fight back with guns and bombs and our bodies?

Counter-insurgency has a long and troubled history because it often produces the opposite of its intended result. If there is one lesson to be drawn from past mistakes in Vietnam and elsewhere it is this: the battle of guns must be subordinate to the battle of ideas.

The few cases where counter-insurgency programmes were effective, or at least did not lead to unmitigated disaster, demonstrate the primacy of politics over armaments. Britain was successful in rolling back the onslaught of the Communist Party of Malaya during the Emergency in the 1950's by elevating the economic and political status of the-then disadvantaged Chinese communities from whence most the rebels were recruited.

In Thailand, the heavy-handed junta crackdowns on the democracy movement of the 1970's drove a generation of youth to the jungle; it took the restraint and political wisdom of the progressive wing of the Thai military to effectively broker peace through amnesty in the early 1980's, bringing the Thai Octoberists and communists back into the fold.

The Surayud Chulanont administration appears to understand these dynamics intimately, one would expect nothing less from an old soldier who contributed to the defeat of Thai communism because he understood, through the example of his own father, that Thai radicals, however misguided, were full-blooded human members of the same national community, not anonymous monsters and subhuman ogres.

But even if Gen Surayud is taking the right approach towards the South, it will take time to recover trust frittered away by the arrogant errors of the police and military under ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra's command. And differences between militant Islamists and communists need be taken into account.

The Thai communists, daunting though they were in their day, shared with every Thai school child a similar mental map, a vision for a multi-ethnic community called Thailand. The same cannot be said for fundamentalist insurgents; from all indications they want out.

Murky and shadowy the southern insurgents may be, the crisis is real and rising; the insane cruelty of their actions is crystal clear.

Looking at the targets of violence, one can detect a pathological fear not only of the Thai state but even Thai culture itself. Repeated, tightly-focused attacks on state cultural institutions such as schools, Buddhist temples and soft targets such as car showrooms and karaoke bars all point to a resentful fundamentalist agenda. For the sake of sovereignty and survival, the dismantling and discrediting of the errant fundamentalist vision is an essential task. Intolerant Islamism must be confronted head on, while simultaneously, moderate Islam must be embraced and cherished as part of the national polity.

Buddhist and Confucian citizens of the southernmost provinces need little convincing about the dangers of Islamic fundamentalism; they are paying for it with their lives. But moderate Muslims are victims too, in even greater numbers than non-Muslims.

The critical population is caught in the middle, and they should not be tarred with the same brush as the terrorists but drawn back into mainstream society. Thai Muslim youth who under normal conditions would be comfortable with, if not outright proud of being part of a diverse, cosmopolitan entity called Thailand, are not being permitted to get a Thai education, to read Thai papers or watch Thai TV. Such youth, deliberately denied links with the larger Thai society, turn inwards. Their legitimate local grievances are intensified by the ranting of religious figures and the sympathetic vibrations of apparent atrocities against Muslims all around the world. Unemployed and enraged with no place to go, such youth are malleable and easily indoctrinated.

It is the common fate of minorities, be it Buddhists in a predominantly Muslim country like Malaysia, or Muslims in predominantly Buddhist country, to feel a bit insecure and slightly suspicious of the majority. But in southern Thailand, the paranoia is out of control.

One reassuring gesture would be to call for greater involvement and support from Bangkok's large and highly assimilated Muslim community, to reassure their disaffected co-religionists that it is possible to live a good Muslim life in perfect harmony with non-Muslim friends and neighbours.

Another font of benevolant influence is that of the Royal Palace. The Thai monarchy predates nationalistic democracy, which for all its good points has the attendent tendency to elevate the status of the majority ethnic group. This less than ideal aspect of majority rule was evidenced in the name change from Siam, a multinational realm, to Prathet-Thai, with its emphasis on ethnic Thai.

Constitutional monarchy at its best serves as a symbolic umbrella for every last citizen regardless of race or creed; an informal but powerful unifying influence that can tide a nation over in time of division and crisis. Furthermore, the monarchy enjoys far more prestige with Thai Muslims than it did with Thai communists (whose ideology was inherently republican) and that is something that can be built on. The ritual hierarchies of royalty, in effect a respected parental figure, fits well with popular Muslim culture.

Thailand clearly possesses the cultural tools and innate comfort with diversity needed to reintegrate the troubled fringe of the South with the rest of the country. But time is running out; the conflict is acute and could escalate.

This would be a good time for politicians in and out of power to put petty differences aside and instead summon up the considerable courage and attention required to save the South from utter ruin.

* Philip J Cunningham is a free-lance writer and political commentator.