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When General Zia died in 1988 plane crash and power
came into the hands of Lt. General (Retd) Aslam Beg,
Lt. Gen (Retd) Hameed Gul and of course Ghulam Ishaq
Khan , the then Federal Finance Minister Dr. Mehboobul
Haq [a toady of World Bank/IMF who served General Zia,
IMF and World Bank very well] signed several accords
with the IMF and World Bank and he signed these
accords when there wasnot any representatvie elected
government in the country, to be precise Dr Mehboobul
Haq enslaved the people of the Pakistan through this
accords. Comes Benazir Bhutto as the first elected
Woman Prime Minister of Pakistan and she was told by
the three above and Robert Oakley the then American
Viceroy of Pakistan that she will have to accept and
honour the Accords signed by Mehboobul Haq with the
IMF, and many other things like accepting Sahibzada
Yaqoob Khan as Foreign Minister and Ghulam Ishaq Khan
as the President and the so-called Daughter of the
East Ms. Bhutto accepted all the demands to be ousted
from power from the same group in August 1990 and now
General Beg and General Hameed Gul have the audacity
to lecture all of us about Islam, Democracy, Pakistan
The most sad thing is this that those who served under
General Musharraf from 1999 to 2005 are nowadays
addressing letters to him to quit [in my humble
opinion General Musharraf should remain in power for
at least 25 years] e.g. Javed Jabbar [Musharraf's
Former Infromation Minister] , Lt General Retd
Moeenuddin Haider [Musharraf's Former Interior
Minister], Lt. General Retd. Tanveer Naqvi
[Musharraf's National Reconstruction Bureau's Planner
(BBC's Tim Sebastian had ruined Tanveer Naqvi and his
so-called Devolution Plan in one of his program Hard
Talk], Lt. General Retd Mohammad Asad Durrani
[Musharraf's Former Ambassador in Saudi Arabia]etc.etc
I wonder why all of a sudden the former cabinet
members are so worried that they started writing
letters to General Sahab. They have got what they had
always wanted the complete Militarization of Pakistani
society. I wonder why havenot they joined yet the
Polytheist [Shirkiya and Bidaati] Islamic Religious
Party "THE TABLEEGHI JAMAT OF RAIWIND PUNJAB" like the
Lt. General Retd Javed Nasir, and Lt. General Retd.
Mehmood Ahmed. Where the hell their pomp is gone.
The power companies e.g. HUBCO, KAPCO, and others have
made shady deals involving, but not limited to, the
companies themselves, the World Bank, other
international lending agencies and our so-called
signatories of the Charter of Democracy worthy
'democratic' prime ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz
Sharif aided by their team-mates. Instead of booking
Benazir and Nawaz Sharif on Pseudo Fake Corruption
cases the government should book them both in IPP
We have to be very thankful of MS. BENAZIR BHUTTO
[signing MURKY IPP DEALS] , MR. NAWAZ SHARIF [RAISED
ELECTRICITY CHARGES AND FORCED RETRENCHMENTS OF
EMPLOYEES AND GENERAL MUSHARRAF [since 12 Oct 1999
till now the Electrictiy Charges have been raised by
the Military Government more than 30 times]
INFLATED ELECTRICITY BILLS AND COSTLY ELECTRICITY
General Sales Tax
The bill comes regularly but the electricity doesnot
particularly from June to September they resort to
loadshedding because of the usage and load and during
winter the authorities say due to less water in the
Dams we do not able to supply but one wonder why the
bills alwasy remain same. Why the hell the charge bill
when they donot supply because the bill doesnot
reflect any decrease, the charges remain the same
whether you supply or not.
High electricity bills have become a national issue
and seriously eroded the competitive performance of
our industry and agriculture. Foreign investment has
all but dried up, investor confidence is at an all
time low and the country is bleeding through a
prolonged recession which shows no signs of ending.
Did WAPDA sign expensive IPP contracts?
A Special Research Report and Economic Analysis of the
IPP Tariff By Dr. Anjum Siddiqui Sep 20 - 27, 1999
Pakistan’s growth is dependent on direct foreign
investment and one of the major hindrances to
increased foreign investment has been the yet
unresolved issue between the Independent Power
Producers or IPPs and WAPDA.
There has been a lot of controversies in the media
regarding the actual details of the contracts that
were signed as well as studies of the actual long term
benefits of using IPPs.
The fact of the matter is that the IPP issue has to be
resolved and the quicker it is, the better for the
country. To play our part in assisting and helping to
clarify some of the confusions that have resulted in
this sector of our economy, PAGE is creating an open
forum and is inviting letters and articles from our
readers whose input would help.
We have asked Dr. Anjum Siddiqui of HUBCO to open this
forum with his views and he has presented us with a
paper which we have decided to use as a cover story. I
would like to express that the views stated in Dr.
Siddiqui’s article are not necessarily shared by PAGE.
We would like to think of them as an invitation to
response from anyone involved in this industry.
High electricity bills have become a national issue
and seriously eroded the competitive performance of
our industry and agriculture. Foreign investment has
all but dried up, investor confidence is at an all
time low and the country is bleeding through a
prolonged recession which shows no signs of ending.
Even after deliberations of 12 IPP committees, the IPP
crisis continues unabated and there is no immediate
solution in sight.
The GoP contends that the IPPs are solely responsible
for high electricity bills. The tariff row started in
early 1998 when the present government of Mr. Nawaz
Sharif decided that the Agreements signed under the
Benazir Bhutto government were invalid, fraudulent and
could not be afforded by WAPDA. Since then WAPDA,
assisted by Ehtasab Bureau are on a witch hunt to
prove that (a) IPPs including Hubco were involved in
corruption and (b) IPPs including Hubco produce
expensive power — more expensive than the state
The misperception that the IPPs are solely responsible
for high electricity prices is based on the belief
that IPPs hoodwinked WAPDA into signing expensive
power purchase contracts with them. Such rhetoric
draws attention and blame away from the parties who
are actually responsible for high electricity prices
in this country i.e. GoP and WAPDA. In the case of
GoP, regressive taxes such as Petroleum tax, Octroi
and Excise Duties etc. have significantly increased
the price of fuel and overall cost of production of
electricity. WAPDA’s production inefficiencies,
distribution losses and overemployment have increased
its costs of production and distribution, which it
seeks to recoup through exorbitant surcharges. No
wonder that the price of electricity has shot up for
both industry and households.
It seems that the media and industry experts in our
country have turned a blind eye to the contribution of
GoP and WAPDA in high electricity prices. Instead the
focus is on the much maligned IPPs against whom a
number of "reasons" are being advanced as explanations
of high tariffs.
"Causes" of High Tariffs: It is alleged that tariffs
charged by IPPs are high because:
(i) IPP tariffs are front loaded - i.e. higher in the
initial years and lower in the latter years
(ii) IPPs’ 18% real dollar rate of return is
(iii) WAPDA has to pay a minimum 60% capacity charge
even if it purchases less power
(iv) IPPs’ Fixed Costs are higher than WAPDA’s Fixed
(v) WAPDA has to pay foreign exchange risk insurance
(in the case of Hubco)
In other words it is being argued that the IPP
contracts should have been structured differently.
None of these so called "causes" actually supports the
flawed proposition that IPP tariffs are high.
Essential Elements of an IPP Contract: Looking purely
at the project economics, and all the risks that are
associated with greenfield (new) projects, and given
the fact that Pakistan was facing immense difficulties
in raising international capital through bonds or
loans, one cannot but help conclude that irrespective
of whether there was the alleged "over-invoicing" in
capital costs and irrespective of the silly assertion
that "WAPDA did not know what it was signing" and they
were duped into signing "expensive contracts", the IPP
contracts that have been signed are optimal. Any
investor would have demanded some fundamental clauses
in the IPP contracts, without which no investment
would have taken place.
These are an 18-20% return on investment commensurate
with the risk of the project in a low investment-grade
country, a fixed capacity charge for captive IPP
capacity purchased by WAPDA, provision of tariff
escalation in the presence of inflation and rupee
depreciation, economically viable compensation to the
Operations and Maintenance Contractor for running the
plant, some type of foreign exchange risk insurance
unless WAPDA wishes to self insure, guarantees
provided to lenders and investors by GoP about
sovereign risk and fulfillment of obligations of key
parties i.e. WAPDA (procurer of electricity), PSO
(fuel supplier), State Bank (Foreign Exchange
provider). These essential ingredients of the Power
Purchase Agreement would remain the same even if WAPDA
signed new contracts today. In fact, given the further
deterioration in the economic environment, new IPPs
would be extremely reluctant to sign contracts and if
they do, they would demand even higher risk premiums
than those agreed for current IPP contracts.
Front Loaded Tariffs: It has been argued that WAPDA
should have negotiated a differently structured tariff
as the tariff profile shows that tariff is front
loaded. The tariff profile of a project is determined
by the amount of debt and by the structure of
financing arrangements with lenders. As such it makes
no difference whether Hubco, or another IPP or WAPDA
are the loan recipients — the tariff profile would be
the same for all. The average Base Tariff (or
Reference Tariff) in the case of Hubco is Rs. 2.21/kWh
(during year 1-5), Rs. 1.49/kWh (during year 6-15) and
would fall to Rs. 1.19/kWh during the years 16-27 of
project life (the last year being 2027). Upon payment
of senior debt, after first 8 years in the year 2005,
Hubco’s Base Tariff would fall by 15% and upon payment
of subordinated debt in the year 2015, the tariff
would fall by an additional 5%. There onwards the
tariff would be just sufficient to cover the remaining
dividend payments and other Fixed Costs.
The above statistics reveal that IPP’s tariffs are
indeed front loaded because IPPs have to make huge
payments for debt in the initial 8-15 years of project
life. Top that off with a constantly depreciating
rupee and the international debt payments become much
larger, making the front loading appear more
pronounced. The bottom line of the above arguments is
that front loading was necessary and that WAPDA or
anyone else could not have negotiated any better.
"Excessive" Return on Investment: There is also the
‘charge’ that if IPPs had not got away with an 18%
return, the tariffs could have been lower. Pakistan
was, and still remains, a high risk country for
investment purposes. Wars, nationalizations, prolonged
military rule, civilian unrest, poor economic growth
and very low foreign exchange reserves had made the
investors reluctant to take exposure on Pakistan’s
sovereign and project risks. The providers of capital
demanded an adequate risk premium and an 18% dollar
rate of return was the minimum return which could
interest investors. The IPPs are paying the price
today for taking on this risk, such as WAPDA’s
inability to honour its signed contracts and the GoP’s
reluctance to fund its sovereign guarantees for
default of WAPDA’s contractual obligations towards
IPPs. If the GoP guarantee is worthless, then what
recourse do project equity sponsors and lenders have
for compensation of political risks?
Minimum Capacity Charge: Another common charge against
the IPPs is that electricity is expensive because
WAPDA has to pay the IPPs a fixed monthly capacity
utilization charge (at 60% of installed capacity) even
if it is utilizes lesser or even zero capacity.
WAPDA’s Capacity Payments to Hubco alone were supposed
to be approximately Rs. 1 billion per month (it pays
much less — 730 million). Such capacity charges make
economic sense and are entirely justified. If WAPDA is
not going to allow the IPPs to sell power in the open
market, then surely it must pay for the captive
capacity that was installed at the cost of millions of
dollars. One cannot have captive power and not pay for
it. It is like booking a hotel room and not paying for
it. Where would the hotel owner recover his lost
revenues from, especially if he is not allowed to rent
rooms to anyone else who is willing to pay.
WAPDA can reduce its per unit capacity payments and
hence the per unit tariff payments to Hubco, if it
purchases more hours of electricity. How? If WAPDA
were to purchase more hours, its Total Fixed Cost
would remain constant (in rupee terms), but its per
kilowatt Fixed Costs would fall, thereby resulting in
lower prices of electricity. This is so because the
Fixed Costs are now spread over more units of
In fact, WAPDA has not been buying enough power to
reduce its average costs. In 1997-98, WAPDA utilized
only 55% of the available plant capacity of Hubco, 42%
of Kohinoor Electric and 45% of Kot Addu Power Company
(KAPCO). Thus, approximately 50% of the capacity of
these plants went to waste through non-utilization by
WAPDA. The unutilized capacity could not be diverted
for sale to other potential buyers, as under the PPA,
IPPs are bound to sell to WAPDA only. The upshot of
the argument is that if WAPDA had purchased more
capacity say 85% (of Hubco’s capacity), it would have
been able to reduce its per unit tariff actually paid
to Hubco by 20%. WAPDA could have purchased more power
saved on its per kilowatt capacity charges and passed
on these savings to the consumer. Instead, it kept
imposing exorbitant surcharges and electricity bills
have become expensive by the day. If WAPDA purchases
more power, the above fall in tariffs would be
achieved even if all other costs remain the same i.e.
the government does not remove or reduce the petroleum
surcharge, inflation does not come down and the
current rate of rupee depreciation persists.
IPPs’ High Fixed Costs: WAPDA has reluctantly accepted
that IPP’s variable costs are cheaper than WAPDA due
to their fuel efficiency but they insist that the
Fixed Costs of IPPs which are approximately 60% of the
total costs are much higher than WAPDA.
Let us analyze the non-fuel fixed costs and consider
the veracity of these claims. These costs pertain to
Debt Servicing, Fixed Operations & Maintenance
expenses, Company’s Administrative Overheads,
Insurance Costs and Return to Equity Investors.
Debt Costs: Debt servicing is a major component of
fixed costs. The project was financed with a 75:25
debt-equity ratio and debt servicing amounts to 28% of
the per unit (kWh) tariff of Hubco. Unfortunately,
debt servicing costs cannot be directly compared
between WAPDA & IPPs for a compelling reason. WAPDA’s
older plants were set up with highly subsidized
financing from international donor agencies such as
World Bank and Asian Development Bank and such
subsidized financing is no longer available to WAPDA.
IPP plants on the other hand have been financed at
internationally competitive interest rates. Therefore,
comparing IPP debt costs with WAPDA’s is a futile
exercise simply because the cost of loans has
escalated in the post cold war financial markets.
What would be WAPDA’s cost of financing today if it
embarked on a new project? To qualify for any World
Bank/Asian Development Bank assistance WAPDA would
have to first raise on its own 40% of the capital cost
of the project. Such costs would most certainly be
more than IPPs, as lending banks would demand a hefty
premium keeping in view WAPDA’s financially unsound
balance sheet and its poor track record of honouring
its contractual payments to IPPs. To Hubco alone,
WAPDA owes Rs. 9.3 billion in arrears for the capacity
charges. One wonders which banks (if any) would give
WAPDA better loan terms than IPPs who have been able
to set up their multi million dollar projects at very
competitive interest rates. WAPDA’s inability to raise
finances through the failed WAPDA Bond Scheme is still
fresh in the minds of many Pakistanis.
Operations & Maintenance Costs: WAPDA has made a huge
fuss over Hubco’s Operations & Maintenance (O&M) costs
and alleges that O&M costs are very high. O&M costs
constitute only 4.3 % of Hubco’s Total Costs and a
mountain has been made of a molehill. On a comparable
basis, WAPDA’s O&M costs may be cheaper than IPPs,
simply because WAPDA’s maintenance record leaves much
to be desired. Engineers estimate that due to poor
maintenance and operations practices, WAPDA’s
available generation capability has been reduced 20%
below their installed plant capacities resulting in a
capacity loss of approximately 1500 MW. So, while
WAPDA’s Operations and Maintenance costs are perhaps
lower than IPPs, this cost ‘saving’ has been achieved
through permanently lost generation capability
resulting in an approximate loss of Rs. 80 billion to
Administrative Costs: WAPDA’s administrative overheads
are surely much higher than IPP overheads. This
becomes evident when we compare the relative
employment of WAPDA & Hubco. Hubco and its plant
operator employ 350 people to generate 1292 MW which
means a ratio of 3.69 MW per person. WAPDA employs
approximately 138,000 people to produce an installed
capacity of 7795 MW (derated capacity is much lower)
and if we make the generous assumption that 20% of
this workforce is associated with power production the
ratio of power produced per person still works out to
be less than 1 MW per person which is much less than
Return to Equity Investors: This is another major
fixed cost of Hubco which is allegedly high according
to WAPDA. It has been charged that Hubco’s capital
investors have already taken all their money out. This
is most incorrect. Shareholders purchased Hubco shares
in October 1994 at a price of Rs. 13.26 per share and
received their first dividend of Rs. 7 per share in
1998 and a second return of Rs. 3.91 in 1999
(undistributed). With these dividends the annual
return on investment for Hubco’s Rs. 10 face value
shares is 10.3% (in rupee terms) which translates into
a meagre return of 1.05% (in dollar terms). Contrast
these earnings with the promised 18% real dollar rate
of return that shareholders were promised and WAPDA’s
allegations of excessive returns falls apart.
The above clarifications demonstrate that IPP’s have
made a very strong economic case about being cheaper
than WAPDA in fixed costs.
Role of GoP & WAPDA: IPPs only produce electricity,
they do not distribute it (WAPDA does) and neither do
they determine the cost of their raw materials (the
GoP does). Surely these two parties play a big role in
determining the price of electricity in the country.
The GoP affects the price of electricity through
affecting furnace oil prices, inflation and exchange
rates and taxes/octroi. WAPDA affects the price of
electricity through surcharges levied in electricity
bills and through inefficiency in distribution and
It is correct that electricity bills paid by the
consumer have increased significantly. Over the three
year period 1996-99, the increase in Hubco’s average
actual tariff over the average reference tariff has
been a phenomenal 71%, almost exclusively due to
factors outside the control of the Company. The
following table illustrates the point.
Tariff Average for 1996-99
Reference tariff (unindexed or Base Tariff)- (I) Rs.
Actual tariff billed to WAPDA- (II) Rs. 4.31/kWh
Tariff Escalation = (II-I) and % increase Rs. 1.78/kWh
(or 71% increase)
39% of the tariff increase is explained by fuel price
hike, 25% by rupee devaluation, 20% by the high cost
of foreign exchange risk premiums charged by the State
Bank of Pakistan and which are quite high in the
initial years of insurance coverage, 7% by inflation
and 8% by other factors.
Note that almost 40% of the tariff increase is due to
increase in fuel prices which have increased as the
direct consequence of GoP’s furnace oil surcharges.
During the 3 year period 1996-99, furnace oil prices
increased by 34% from Rs. 4515 per tonne to Rs. 6070.
This increase is associated with an escalation in
furnace oil surcharges from 14% to 25% of the per
tonne price of furnace oil.
The government’s most recent measure of increasing
furnace oil prices by another 15% would further
increase electricity prices. The GoP’s plea that this
increase was necessary in the face of a rise in world
furnace oil prices is not economically prudent. The
prudent policy is to absorb the fluctuations in world
oil prices in domestic prices and to simultaneously
reduce the furnace oil surcharge. Obviously,
government revenues would decline, but these should be
made up through increasing the tax net for direct
income tax collection and not through further
petroleum surcharges which are highly inflationary in
nature. The government continues to seek the easy way
out to the detriment of the whole macroeconomy.
Over and above the fuel price impact, a constantly
depreciating rupee and foreign exchange risk insurance
costs account for another 45% tariff increase. Thus,
fuel price hikes, rupee depreciation plus hedging
measures and inflation explain 92% of the total
increase in tariffs. These factors are totally outside
the control of IPPs and are the direct consequence of
the GoP’s macroeconomic policies.
It is most unfortunate that those who have jumped on
the "Bad-IPPs" bandwagon have totally lost sight of
three important facts, that:
(i) the GoP is mismanaging growth policies which has
created a recession and consequently reduced
(ii) the GoP has failed to check the decline in the
value of the rupee which along with inflation is
responsible for a 53% increase in tariffs over the
last three years.
(iii) the GoP has consistently failed over many
decades to address the single most important issue
facing Pakistan’s economy, that is, insufficient
revenue collection from direct taxes. The failure to
raise direct taxes has led the GoP to levy a plethora
of indirect taxes of which the furnace oil and petrol
taxes are the worst in terms of their inflationary
(iv) the GoP’s efforts to cleanse WAPDA through the
army intervention has met with very limited success
and all major ailments of WAPDA’s balance sheet remain
uncured. The failure to check the rot in WAPDA has
resulted in a vicious circle of ever escalating
electricity surcharges which are the direct
consequence of WAPDA’s 30% line losses, 109% increase
in receivables and operational and administrative
mismanagement. There is no alternative but to
expeditiously privatize WAPDA on which the GoP does
not seem keen, atleast for the foreseeable future.
By critically examining all the so called "causes" of
high cost of electricity, this article establishes
that it is the escalation in fuel costs due to GoP’s
petroleum taxes, increase in debt costs due to
depreciation and increase in all other costs due to
inflation is the reason d’être for higher electricity
prices in Pakistan. Top that off with WAPDA’s ever
increasing surcharges levied to recoup losses from
production inefficiencies and we have the reason for
expensive electricity in Pakistan. None of these
factors are caused by or are under the control of IPPs
and consequently blaming them for high electricity
prices is incorrect and results only in diverting
blame from the real contributory forces, namely, GoP &
DR. ANJUM SIDDIQUI Senior Advisor
Financial & Risk Management
The Hub Power Company
Dr. Siddiqui is an Economist and currently working as
Senior Advisor on Financial and Risk Management with
the Hub Power Company. Before joining Hubco, he was
employed with Engro Chemical Pakistan Ltd. (formerly
Exxon) as Business Planning Advisor of New Projects.
At Hubco, he is an important member of the team which
is responsible for negotiating with the government and
resolving the current controversies surrounding Hubco.
Previously, Dr. Siddiqui was an Associate Professor at
the Graduate School of Business & Economics at the
University of Auckland in New Zealand. Upon returning
to Pakistan, he has taught at the Applied Economics
Research Centre (AERC) at University of Karachi and is
Visiting Professor at the Institute of Business
Administration (IBA) at the University of Karachi.
Dr. Siddiqui specializes in Macroeconomics,
International Trade & Finance and also in Project
Management and Project Financing of large multi
million dollar projects. He has published many
articles in prestigious international journals of
economics e.g. International Economic Journal, New
Zealand Economics Papers, Pakistan Development Review,
Indian Economic Journal etc. and in the daily
newspapers "Dawn" and "The News" as well as in Zameen
Being an active researcher, he has presented many
papers on economics in conferences of American
Economic Association, Canadian Economic Association
and New Zealand Economic Association. He recently
presented a paper "IPPs: The Real Issues" at the
annual conference of Pakistan Society of Development
Economists in Islamabad. The paper was well received
by the economists and the general audience.
Dr. Siddiqui is also an Associate Member of the
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco and is on the
Editorial Board of International Journal of Business
Studies published from Australia. He has appeared many
times as an expert commentator and analyst on the
Pakistan television programs "Business Week",
"Business Update" and the "Spectrum".
Dr. Siddiqui has been a consultant to the Reserve Bank
of New Zealand, ABN-AMRO Bank, Leasing, Power and Gas
Companies. He has also lectured senior staff of the
State Bank of Pakistan and has recently worked as a
member of the Prime Minister's Committee on "Monetary
Policy and Balance of Payments" at the State Bank of
Appearance of Moon € ¦’¶ A Cause of Differentiation Among Muslims
With the birth of the holy month of Ramzan, religious enthusiasm and devotion of
the Muslims considerably enhances that can be observed in their maximum
religious practices, prayers, fasting and charity for the poor. Contrary to the
blessings and mercies of Ramzan for the righteous Muslims, the same month of
Ramzan becomes the cause of division and bifurcation among the global community
of Muslims because of their differences on the appearance of the Hilal
(crescent). Surprisingly the issue rises every year with the same intensity of
confusion and ambiguity but hardly a serious effort is seen by the Muslim
clerics or the governments to collectively resolve this important issue of the
Muslim world with the help of the vital tenet of Ijtehad.
Only in Pakistan the Muslims have started the month on the three different
dates, i.e., 23rd, 24th and 25th of September respectively. The bigger segment
of the Muslims has observed the official beginning of Ramzan on 25th September
as a result of the announcement by the official crescent seeing committee. The
second segment is the residents of the province NWFP and the tribal areas that
observed the beginning of Ramzan on 24th September after an announcement by the
Provincial Assembly based on the € ¦’±strong evidences€ ¦’² of the appearance of
the crescent in the province. While the third segment consists of certain Ehl e
Hadith, Arab nationals and certain Muslim groups that describe Islam politically
as a global religion with the concept of a single universal Muslim state. They
follow the decision of the Saudi government to announce the beginning of Ramzan,
as the center of the Muslim world.
Here an important question rises: Why is it necessary to sight the moon for the
commencement of a lunar month? In this modern age, why cannot the Muslims all
over the world take advantage of the astronomical calculations and decide upon
the dates of commencement of lunar months in advance, especially for months of
immense importance like Ramzan, Shawwal and Zil Hij? While searching out the
right answer we reach to the only outcome: the self-centered and narrow minded
approach of many of the contemporary religious scholars who prefer to cause a
differentiation in religion to express their firm stand on their respective
opinions. Hardly any such scholar has shown his flexibility on his stand for the
broad interest of Islam or the broader benefit of the Muslim community.
Our traditional ulema insist on sighting of the moon by naked eye. That is why
in most of the Muslim countries, a moon sighting committee receives witnesses
for the crescent of Ramzan and Shawwal to announce the beginning of the month of
Ramzan and end of the Ramzan. Sighting of the new moon to determine the start of
a lunar month is mentioned in the following Hadith: The prophet said: Start
fasting on seeing crescent (of Shawwal), and if the sky is overcast (and you
cannot see it) complete 30 days of Shaban." [Bukhari/Kitabus Siyam] This Hadith
enjoins a different method of determining the lunar dates instead of the
computation. The reason for this variance is clearly mentioned in another
Hadith: The Prophet said: "We are an illiterate people, we neither write nor
know accounts. The month is like this i.e. some times 29 days and sometimes 30
Today, we know that the moon, earth and other planets follow a predetermined
course in space and that their precise celestial positions can be predicted for
any given time in future. It is also a known fact that the lunar phases are a
function of only the relative spatial positions of the moon, earth and the sun.
In astronomical parlance, the new moon phase occurs when the apparent longitudes
of the moon and the sun differ by zero degree. Consequently, the appearance of
the new moon can be predicted to the precise day, hour and the minute.
Some people have reservations about the above argument. However, they should
draw an analogy with today's universal acceptance of the prayer and fasting time
schedules. In this context, the Quran states: "...Eat and drink until the white
thread of dawn appears to you distinct from the black thread, then complete your
fast till the night appears; (2:187)
However, we do not actually scan the night sky every morning to detect the
"white threat". Instead, we follow the scientifically predicted prayer and
fasting time-schedule for the entire year without ever having to look at the
sky, the sun, the hues and the shadows.
By the same token, when the Holy Quran states: "... So every one of you who is
present (at his home) during that month should spend it in fasting, but if any
one is ill, or on a journey, the prescribed period (Should be made up) by days
We should recognize that the Quran presents the same issue in a different
context, and as such, there should be no hesitation whatsoever to follow the
scientifically predicted lunations to establish, for instance, exactly when the
month of Ramzan would commence.
Moreover, the original purpose of sighting of the new moon was, in any case to
facilitate time keeping and event marking. In this context, the Quran states:
"They ask thee of the new moons. Say: these are periods set for mankind (to
reckon) time, and for pilgrimage." (2:189)
The question of sighting the moon for each lunar month was thoroughly discussed
at a conference of Islamic scholars on International Islamic Calendar, held at
Pulau Pinang, Malaysia in October 1991. The conference decided that astronomical
calculations on the expected visibility of a new moon should be used as an aid
to sighting of crescent. The conference also agreed that any report of sighting
of the crescent should be rejected if it was not consistent with astronomical
The Saudi Higher Religious Council € ¦’³Majlis al-Ifta€ ¦’² al-A€ ¦’²ala€ ¦’´ in
1420 AH (1999 AD) adopted astronomical calculations to determine the beginning
of the Islamic months for the Saudi official (Islamic) calendar. Now the rule to
determine the beginning of new month is as follows: On the 29th day of an
Islamic month, the times when the sun and the moonset are compared. If the sun
sets before the moon, the next day will be the first of a new month; but if the
moon sets before the sun, the next day will be the last (30th) of the current
month. The times for the setting of the sun and the moon are calculated for the
coordinates of Mecca.
However, the issue of the appearance of Ramzan and Eid ul Fitr crescent is more
important than simply the matter of celebration. Muslim community in the
countries like Pakistan frequently faces the awkward situation like waiting till
late night for the official announcement of appearance of the crescent to offer
the € ¦’±Taraweeh Prayers€ ¦’² one evening before the first fasting of Ramzan.
Similarly many times the families wake up in the morning with surprise news of
Eid ul Fitr on that specific day. On the other hand the issue is very sensitive
due to its relevance with the fasting on the day of Eid ul Fitr.
There is a belief that during this month the doors of heaven are open, while the
doors of hell are closed. Besides, during this month Satan is imprisoned and
people pray to the Lord that he should protect them from being enticed by him
(Satan). Consequently, fasting is forbidden on the day of Eid ul Fitr as it
marks the end of the month-long fast of Ramzan and thereby only Satan fasts on
that specific day. Due to such sensitive relevance no Muslim wants to be the
partner of Satan by fasting on the day of Eid, knowingly or unknowingly.
Another issue of immense importance is the current division of the Islamic
calendar. The Islamic calendar is reckoned from the time of migration of the
Prophet of Islam (PBUH) from Mecca to Madina. In view of this special
significance of the Prophet's migration the consultative body advised the Second
Islamic Caliph, Omar ben Khattab (592-644 C.E.), to start the Islamic year from
the date of migration of the Prophet from Mecca to Madina.
The guidance about the Islamic calendar is taken from the following verses from
the Holy Quran:
"Lo the number of the months with God is twelve months." 9:36.
"They ask thee, of new moons. Say: They are fixed seasons for mankind and for
the pilgrimage." 2:189.
"He it is who appointed the sun a splendor and the moon a light, and measured
for her stages, that ye might know the number of the years, and the reckoning."
It is evident by the above mentioned Quranic verses that the concept of a
complete year consisting of 12 months is given in the Quran with a conception of
the seasonal relation of the holy events like pilgrimage. However, the current
Islamic calendar consists totally on the 12 Lunar Months exclusively determined
by observation of the new moon with no effort by the religious scholars to
synchronize the Lunar year with the Solar year by means of the important Islamic
tenet of Ijtehad. As a result, the Islamic calendar has no practical validity
even for the Muslims. Consequently, more than 90% of the Muslims observe the
Solar year in their practical lives while confining the Islamic calendar only
for religious practices. The situation is contrary to the Islamic verdict of
being a complete and practical religion.
A Lunar month may vary from 29.26 to 29.80 days. The average Lunar month is
29.530588 days or slightly more than 29.5 days. Twelve average Lunar months are
equal to 354.3670 days while the solar year is 365.2422 days. Therefore, the
Islamic Calendar gains ground in relation to the Solar calendar at the rate of
about 11 days a year or about one-year in every 33 years.
A Lunar month is not less than 29 days or more than 30 days. But in solar
calendar the days of months vary from 28 to 31.
A Lunar year is not less than 354 days or more than 355 days. In fact, a Lunar
year is equal to 354 days 8 hours and 34 seconds but for general calculation 34
seconds are omitted. Therefore the Islamic Calendar will gain one day in 2541
Since no effort is made to link the Islamic calendar with solar year the Islamic
months do not correspond with particular season. Compliant with the Islamic
verdict of being the modern, complete and practical religion, it is time for the
Islamic religious scholars to work sincerely not only on the issue of appearance
of the crescent moon or the Islamic calendar but also on transforming the basic
Islamic ideas in line with the newer needs of the developed society by using the
important tenet of Ijtehad. Such an approach is the only way of successfully
correlating the religious life with the newer concept of the global village.
I went to your site. You have dark colors on dark colors and I could
hardly read the words.
I would definitely recommend it be fixed.
Marxist Leninist Communist Party Turkey / Northern Kurdistan new website is:
This site has work with 6 languages, Turkish, English, French, German,
Spanish and Russian.
Turkish State attacked MLKP activities since 8th of September.
You can find informatin at:
Also one of trockysite web site put some news about this attacks and
You can find this news at:
and also you can find some news about MLCP Turkey/Northern Kurdistan during
the ESF in Athens at:
Human Rights Concerns
Women and Religious Minorities at Risk
Women and religious minorities, including Shi'a Muslims, Ahmadis, and Christians, are routinely
subject to discrimination. The government has permitted discriminatory laws to remain on the books, failed to enforce laws prohibiting discrimination, allowed individuals to be arbitrarily detained, and failed to ensure that those responsible for abuses are held to account. In addition, Christians, Shi'a Muslims and Ahmadis, who have been the subject of targeted killings by Islamist groups, have been afforded little protection by the government.
Domestic violence, including physical abuse, rape, acid throwing, burning and "honor" killing, is widespread. Forced marriage of young girls continues to be reported despite a legal minimum age of 16. Although slavery is illegal in Pakistan, girls and women continue to be traded to settle debts or conflicts. Physical abuse of women in custody is rife.
Tribal Justice System
The government has allowed tribal councils, or jirgas, to abuse a wide range of human rights.
In rural Pakistan, jirgas are convened to resolve disputes over land, water, breaches of "honor," murder and blood feuds. Jirgas often resolve feuds by ordering an offender to hand over girls and women to the aggrieved party. In cases where a woman is believed to have "dishonored" her family by having a male friend, marrying a man of her choice, or seeking a divorce, jirgas have decided that those involved be killed or otherwise punished. The state does not generally take action when jirga decisions lead to murder, rape or other abuses.
Abuse of Blasphemy Laws
Pakistan's blasphemy laws, while purporting to protect Islam and the religious sensitivities of the Muslim majority are vaguely formulated and arbitrarily enforced by the police and the judiciary. The laws have frequently been abused to imprison people on grounds of religious enmity and have also provided a mechanism through which to have people imprisoned when the real motives are
business rivalry, land disputes, or politics.
Children who come into contact with the criminal justice system are routinely denied basic rights to which they are entitled under Pakistani law. Thousands of children have been denied access to bail and remain in prison for months - sometimes years - while awaiting trial under conditions in which they are vulnerable to abuse by police, prison staff or adult prisoners. Children are routinely transported while chained to each other, adult prisoners, or guards. They are frequently held in lockups with adults. Some children have been sentenced to death.
Post 9-11 Detention and Transfer of Custody
In the context of Pakistan's cooperation with the U.S.-led war on "terrorism," persons detained under suspicion of being al-Qa'ida or Taleban members have been denied rights guaranteed by the Pakistan constitution, including the rights to access to a lawyer, to meet with
family members and to be seen by a medical doctor. Many have been turned over to the U.S.-led coalition in violation of their rights under Pakistan's extradition law. Some foreigners present in Pakistan, including Uighurs from China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region and people from Middle Eastern countries, have been handed over to their home countries without regard to the human rights violations they may face in those countries.
Pakistan: Enforced disappearances in the 'war on terror'
In cooperating in the US-led 'war on terror', the Pakistani government has systematically committed human rights abuses against hundreds of Pakistanis and foreign nationals. As the practice of enforced disappearance has spread, people have been arrested and held incommunicado in secret locations with their detention officially denied. They are at risk of torture and unlawful transfer to third countries.
"The road to Guantánamo very literally starts in Pakistan," said Claudio Cordone, Senior Director of Research at Amnesty International.
"Hundreds of people have been picked up in mass arrests, many have been sold to the USA as 'terrorists' simply on the word of their captor, and hundreds have been transferred to Guantánamo Bay, Bagram Airbase or secret detention centres run by the USA."
The routine practice of offering rewards running to thousands of dollars for unidentified terror suspects facilitated illegal detention and enforced disappearance. Bounty hunters -- including police officers and local people -- have captured individuals of different nationalities, often apparently at random, and sold them into US custody.
More than 85 percent of detainees at Guantánamo Bay were arrested, not by US forces, but by the Afghan Northern Alliance and in Pakistan at a time when rewards of up to US$5,000 were paid for every "terrorist" handed over to the USA. Often the only grounds for holding them were the allegations of their captors, who stood to gain from their arrest. Some 300 people -- previously labelled as "terrorists" and "killers" by the US government -- have since been released from Guantánamo Bay without charge, the majority to Pakistan or Afghanistan.
"Enforced disappearances were almost unheard of in Pakistan before the start of the US-led 'war on terror' -- now they are a growing phenomenon, spreading beyond terror suspects to Baloch and Sindhi nationalists and journalists," said Angelika Pathak, South Asia researcher at Amnesty International.
Many detainees remain unaccounted for, their fate and whereabouts unknown. Three women and five children were arrested alongside Tanzanian terror suspect Ahmed Khalfan Ghailani in Punjab province in July 2004. They included a baby and a 13-year-old Saudi boy called Talha, according to reports. More than two years later, nothing is known about the fate and whereabouts of Talha and the other children and women. Ahmed Ghailani was one of 14 individuals transferred from secret CIA custody to Guantánamo Bay in September 2006.
"These and other children have been detained in Pakistan's pursuit of the 'war on terror' -- and not even the children, let alone the adults, have been presumed innocent and allowed to challenge the legality of their detention," said Angelika Pathak. "Rather, they have spent months and years imprisoned without trial."
Pakistani politicians, media and civil society need to take a stand and hold the government to account so the practice is ended and the fate and whereabouts of all victims clarified.
The non-governmental Human Rights Commission of Pakistan has noted a new tolerance to abuses and suggested it might be attributable to the "impact of the war on terrorism on the public psyche".
Terror suspects held in secret are especially vulnerable to torture in Pakistan. Victims have been hung upside down and beaten and deprived of sleep and food. Agents from other countries, including the USA, appear to have known of, or been present during interrogations of people held in arbitrary and secret detention.
"The Pakistani government must set up a central register of detainees and publish regular lists of all recognised places of detention so that in future nobody can be secretly imprisoned and face the risks of torture and other abuses that secret detention involves," said Angelika Pathak. "Foreign governments, including the US, must investigate all allegations of torture in which their agents may be complicit."
Relatives have few places to turn in searching for those who have been abducted. Police have refused to investigate or register complaints. Those who challenge detentions through the provincial high courts find that security forces deny all knowledge of a person's whereabouts and judges have frequently failed to challenge these denials.
Khalid Mehmood Rashid, a Pakistani national, was handed over to Pakistani officials in South Africa on 6 November 2005 and flown to Pakistan. He has not been seen since. Despite official acknowledgements that he is being held by the Pakistani government, the Ministry of Interior has not responded to his family's inquiries as to where he is being held.
The clandestine nature of the "war on terror" makes it impossible to know exactly how many enforced disappearances, other arbitrary detentions or unlawful killings have been committed in Pakistan, but Pakistani military spokesperson Major-General Shaukat Sultan said in June 2006 that since 2001 some 500 "terrorists" had been killed and over 1,000 had been arrested.
To see the report, 'Pakistan: Human rights ignored in the 'war on terror' please go to: http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engasa330352006
To see the text of a US flyer offering substantial rewards for the capture of suspected enemies, please go to: http://www.amnesty.org/resources/pakistan/flyer.html
For more information about Amnesty International's campaign against the use of torture and other ill-treatment in the "war on terror", please go to: www.amnesty.org/stoptorture.
One year on: Survivors of the quake
One year after Pakistan's worst
natural disaster, which killed at least 73,000, many of the three
million homeless still live in tents, rebuilding has barely begun, and
compensation is bedevilled by corruption. Julia Stuart reports from
Published: 01 October 2006Source: http://news.independent.co.uk/world/asia/article1777838.ece
Musarat Nazir wipes away tears on the edge of her headscarf. When I
first met her, six months after the Pakistan earthquake, she was
sitting in a shelter in Balakot, a town which had been almost entirely
wiped out and was rattled daily by aftershocks. All that had been found
of her 13-year-old son since a barber shop collapsed on top of him was
his shoes. The distraught 30-year-old mother then wished that the whole
family had been wiped out.
A year after the disaster Musarat still feels the same. She now lives
in a tent with her husband and three children in Jaba camp, a half-hour
drive from Balakot in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), where
she moved to escape flash floods. "My sister lost two daughters and a
son in the earthquake. She has never found his body. My other sister
lost two sons and hasn't found their bodies either. Can you help us
find the bodies of our children?" she asks. "We are praying that they
didn't die, and foreigners took them to hospitals abroad and will bring
them back. I wish another earthquake would occur so we can all die at
the same time. If this is life, I would rather be dead."
According to official figures, around 73,000 people died in the
quake, Pakistan's worst natural disaster, which struck NWFP and
Pakistan-controlled Kashmir on 8 October last year. At least a further
1,300 died on the Indian side of the dividing line in Kashmir. Aid
agencies believe the victims could number around 100,000. Three million
were left homeless and, 12 months on, most survivors still live in
relief tents or shelters made from corrugated iron. Around 36,000 are
in government camps, having lost their land. Schools and medical
facilities still operate out of temporary shelters.
The weather has been one of the factors impeding reconstruction. A
massive international relief operation was mounted to keep the
survivors alive during the area's notoriously harsh winter. Readers of
The Independent on Sunday donated more than £132,000 to the charity
ActionAid, much of which was spent on tents and shelters, and the
feared second wave of deaths was averted. But by the time the snows had
melted, it was only months until the monsoon, which caused yet more
landslides, killing at least 12 people, and flooding entire villages.
Around 4,000 people were relocated. It will start snowing again in
Many have not received the first instalment of the compensation to
rebuild their homes, despite claims by the Earthquake Reconstruction
and Rehabilitation Authority (Erra) to the contrary. Bushra Gohar,
director of ActionAid's emergency and reconstruction project in
Pakistan, blames Erra's frequently changing policies and the difficulty
of communicating them to so many survivors. There are also problems
"There is so much corruption that the families will hardly get any
compensation," she says. "You have to pay someone to get an instalment.
Most of the people are poor and they are the last priority for the
government and the military." One woman she has spoken to had even
taken out a loan in order to pay the bribes, she says. Many can't work,
as they are waiting by the remains of their collapsed homes for an
assessment team to arrive, or spend their days standing in endless
queues to get the right documentation.
Lt-Gen Nadeem Ahmed, deputy chairman of Erra, admitted to the IoS
that corruption had taken place during the initial assessment stages.
He claims that about 17 per cent of the people have started to build
proper homes. "We are pretty much happy with the state of affairs ...
The people have suffered such a huge trauma they will always be
complaining," he says.
In the district of Bagh, in Pakistan-controlled Kashmir, where 8,658
people died and 11,369 were injured, 96 per cent of its people are
living in temporary shelters. In the nearby village of Penyali, Rashida
Abdurazaq, 55, and her husband Abdul, 60, who had five daughters and a
son, live in a tent and corrugated iron shelter on the side of a
mountain. "The earthquake destroyed the house within seconds," says
Rashida. The family have yet to receive the first instalment of
compensation to rebuild their home. "The survey team came five months
ago. They said they would come back, but they haven't. We're now in
debt by 40,000 rupees [£350] because we had to buy food. Everything has
become very expensive since the earthquake. I'm worried about the
winter again. In two months, we could get about 3ft of snow."
Six months since I last visited, there is little visible change to
Muzaffarabad, capital of Pakistan-controlled Kashmir, where about
36,000 died. Relief tents stand on top of the skeletal remains of
buildings. Dust and exposed iron rods are a permanent feature, and some
buildings still lie where they fell. Buffaloes shelter behind
tarpaulin. The only sign of significant progress is the corrugated-iron
university, paid for by a charity.
Outside the city's half-finished cricket stadium is one of the
area's 40 government camps. Muhammad Maskeen, 45, his wife, Reshamjan,
40, and their six children, aged from seven to 21, have lived in the
same tent since 23 October. This has now ripped. Their eight-room home
in a village in the Neelum valley, a seven-day walk away, was
destroyed. No relief workers came to their rescue.
"I'm willing to go back, but there's no access as there was a
landslide," says Muhammad. "I was a farmer and lost my livelihood. My
two buffaloes and bull died. It's very difficult living here. There's
no privacy and in the summer it's too hot. If it rains for more than an
hour, there's mud everywhere. I feel very insecure." The family have
already spent half of the compensation they received to rebuild their
home on essentials such as food, mattresses, a stove, a water container
and gas for cooking.
Others have been luckier. Saima Sain Khan, 20, from the nearby
village of Dhaki Marvania, is one of a handful of women whom ActionAid
has trained as an electrician. In a tiny shelter that also serves as a
shop, she proudly opens her toolbox and shows me her wirecutters and
pliers. She earns three times as much as she did as a seamstress.
"People said that women wouldn't be able to do it," says Saima, who
sleeps on the floor, as there aren't enough beds for all the family.
"But we've been accepted and we're providing a much-needed skill in the
Back in NWFP, some are still struggling to get the required
documentation before they can start the long process of claiming
compensation. It is 9.30am and there is already a long queue at the
National Database Registration Authority in Mansehra, which isn't yet
open. Many lost their ID cards in the disaster and they are still
trying to replace them.
Zareen, 34, a farmer, has been trying since December and has made
more than a dozen journeys from his shelter in the Chattar plain, two
hours away, as well as two trips to Islamabad. It has cost him 20,000
rupees so far (£175). His name has been misspelt along the way, which
is holding up his case. Zareen, who shares his shelter with his
parents, wife, three children and two brothers, is sure he will get no
further today. "They want me to make the journey from my home to this
office until my death."
Biyari, a remote village set 5,400ft above sea level in the Allai
valley, NWFP, has also not changed much since my last visit. All the
residents are still living in temporary shelters or tents, and
collapsed houses still lie among the marijuana plants.
Taja Farooq, 30, lost her husband, mother and sister-in-law, as well
as nephews and nieces. Dressed in black, she hides in a shed, as her
culture prohibits her from talking face-to-face with my male
translator. "When I see another woman with her husband, even if they
have nothing she has hope," says the widow, who shares a shelter with
her father-in-law and three children. "But what do I have? It doesn't
matter if another earthquake occurs. I have nothing more to lose."
Meanwhile, the National Institute for Handicapped in Islamabad is
still caring for around 100 patients left paraplegic or quadriplegic
after the disaster. Last time we spoke, Khalida Noorkhan, 21, from
Bagh, was hoping to walk again. She has since taken her first steps
with the help of crutches and is naturally delighted. Still thin and
pale, she spends most of the day lying on her bed battling against
bedsores. Salama Akthar, 20, also from Bagh, can now take hesitant
steps unaided. But hers is not an entirely happy ending. As doctors
feared would be the case for many female patients, her husband has left
her. "I live only for her," says Salama, looking at her 13-month-old
Back at Jaba camp, Musarat is clutching an International Red Cross
leaflet featuring photos of the missing, which includes her son.
Balakot, where 2,096 people died, will not be rebuilt as it sits on two
active fault lines. A new town is to be constructed 15 miles away. It
will take up to three years to be built. I suspect her tears are far
Br Rahi and Jimmy Jumshade, Do you know that General Musharraf has
suffered a defeat in Waziristan? General Musharraf calls the defeat as a
peace pact with the tribal Jirga? Pakistan Army suffered a defeat and
has , under the treaty, dismanteled all the military check posts and
withdrawn the Army from the border regions. The defeat of US Army in
Vietnam is called an American retreat. The defeat of Pakistan Army is
called a peace pact.
Also Americans and British forces are now on the verge of defeat and the
Taliban are now winning the fight against America and his stooge (General
"Another example emerged in late August, when the Musharraf regime signed
a peace treaty with restless tribal chieftains in the northern frontiers
along the border with Afghanistan that effectively ended the hunt for
Osama bin Laden, America's most wanted man. The northern tribal areas are
now left unattended to become a state within the state that offers haven
to the civilized world's worst enemies. The irony could not be more
complete -- America's staunchest ally presides over the breeding grounds
of the very people who seek to kill as many Americans as they can, while
U.S. taxpayers foot the bill "
COMMENTARY Musharrafistan By MANSOOR IJAZ
September 19, 2006; Page A20 September 19, 2006 Wall Street Journal
|Published on Friday, September 29, 2006 by the Guardian / UK
Terror Suspects Tortured, Claims Amnesty Report
by Declan Walsh
Amnesty International accused Pakistan of widespread human rights violations in support of America's "war on terror" as the Pakistani president, General Pervez Musharraf, visited the UK today.
Hundreds of terrorism suspects have been arbitrarily detained since 2001, many of whom have been tortured or forcibly "disappeared", according to Amnesty. The allegations add to the controversy surrounding Gen Musharraf.
The Amnesty report focuses on Pakistan's capture of more than 600 al-Qaida suspects since 2001. Gen Musharraf has boasted of the arrests as proof of his commitment to the fight against al-Qaida. In his new memoirs, In the Line of Fire, he claims that the CIA has paid Pakistan hundreds of millions of dollars in bounty payments for the capture of 369 al-Qaida suspects since 2001.
The US justice department has denied making the payments.
This year Gen Musharraf and his chief spokesman have variously claimed 500-1,000 arrests. But Amnesty says the arrests were outside the law and led into the world of secretive detention, where torture and extrajudicial killing are rife.
Typically detainees are held at safe houses in Pakistan run by the ISI intelligence agency before being moved to US-controlled facilities in Afghanistan, Guantánamo Bay or Middle Eastern countries.
American officials participated in some arrests and may have been involved in torture, according to Amnesty.
Pakistani officials deny wrongdoing and point to their successes, including the arrests of the 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Muhammad and Abu Farj al-Libbi, described as al-Qaida's number three. But Pakistani officials have also picked up hundreds of small figures, some of whom have disappeared or been killed.
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
SEPTEMBER 29, 2006
CONTACT: Amnesty International
USA: Congress Rubber Stamps Torture and Other Abuses
WASHINGTON - September 29 - By passing the Military Commissions Act, the United States Congress has, in effect, given its stamp of approval to human rights violations committed by the USA in the “war on terror”. This legislation leaves the USA squarely on the wrong side of international law, and has turned bad executive policy into bad domestic law. Amnesty International will campaign for repeal of this act and fully expects the constitutionality of this legislation to be challenged in the courts.
In the “war on terror”, the US administration has resorted to secret detention, enforced disappearance, prolonged incommunicado detention, indefinite detention without charge, arbitrary detention, and torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.
Thousands of detainees remain in indefinite military detention in US custody in Iraq, Afghanistan and Guantánamo Bay. Congress has failed these detainees and their families. President Bush has defended the CIA’s use of secret detention and in the debates over the Military Commissions Act, members of Congress have done the same. This policy clearly violates international law.
USA: Justice at last or more of the same? Detentions and trials after Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 18 September 2006
USA: Rendition – torture – trial? The case of Guantánamo detainee Mohamedou Ould Slahi, 20 September 2006
|1st October, 2006|
The News on Sunday
"The natural assets of Karachi have been completely usurped by the rich" – Arif Hasan
Renowned architect and urban-planner, Arif Hasan (Chairman, Urban Resource Centre) talks to Kolachi about the concerns and controversies regarding DHA's 1.5 billion dollar Waterfront Development Project
By Bilal Tanweer
Arif Hasan is one of Pakistan's few internationally known architects and planners. He is also a teacher, social researcher, and writer. But he is primarily known for his involvement with low-income settlement programmes like the
Orangi Pilot Project. Being an urban planner, his NGO, the Urban Resource Centre is often in the eye of the storm vis a vis Arif's continued opposition to the way the authorities are developing Karachi. After fighting a battle against the Lyari Expressway, he is now heatedly opposing the Karachi Waterfront Development Project initiated by the Defence Housing Authority. Kolachi asked him why?
Kolachi: What is your main concern regarding the Waterfront Development Project?
Arif Hasan: The development that is taking place cannot give access to this area to the vast majority of Karachi. Besides, fishing
communities will also be affected, and the impact on environment is unknown. No Environment Impact Assessment has been undertaken yet.
The DHA saying that only 20 per cent of the beach will be used for private access, is a whole lot of rubbish. If you study the plan you will see that 80 per cent will in no way be accessible to the general public. This is high-income development meant for the rich. Even if the beach is not being privatised, the nature of the development will restrict access of the beach to those
who can pay.
Kolachi: Having said all this, don't you agree that eventually economic forces determine the course and nature of development?
AH: This is entirely untrue. This was true in the '50s. But in the '60s and '70s there was a whole environmental movement - Hu Yan in Vietnam, Pattaya and Keron Beach Thailand, Phuket as a whole. It is untrue. There is no denial of access between the road and the water. There is a construction of facilities on the beach but that happens with the natural environment intact. I have no problems if they want to develop a jungle of concrete on the other side of the road. They are welcome to do it. But the area between the road and the sea, they should leave alone.
However, they have already encroached upon it. They have already reclaimed the wetlands that should have been guarded for the people of Karachi, so that they may be able to go and see the flamingos, the cranes, the pelicans that used to come here in large numbers. But the Defence Society has driven them out. I do not agree with this idea.
It is universally recognised in all development that except in isolated instances, you cannot deprive people of the beach and the sea. It is a well-understood doctrine, 'the doctrine of public trust'. So I would challenge the DHA to show me where this has happened. The only place this has happened recently is in Sri Lanka, where a 3 km stretch has been taken over by private hotels, etc and there have been protests against it. And besides, why do we have to imitate the worst available examples of social and physical development? Don't we have brains?
Kolachi: There is confusion regarding the key players in this project. KPT, DHA, City Government and Karachi Cantt - all seem to have something to do with it. Can you clarify this?
AH: Look, it is very clear that the land either belongs to the KPT or the Port Qasim Authority. Now what arrangements they have between the DHA and the City Government is unclear. Certain things, however, are clear. They have to have an Environmental Impact Assessment, but they don't have it. No such thing. They have not done it. Not only this, before they started this whole reclamation project which destroyed the wetlands, they needed to have an Environment Impact Assessment, but they did not do it then either. Also, they have taken the coast with the Marina Club and all these hotels they have built there, and are not allowing anyone any access to this beautiful stretch where we used to fish once. Why
should we believe that they will provide access to people on this project?
Kolachi: There seem to be two dimensions to this: one relating to the access of the people, and the other being the environment.
AH: Yes. Modern urban planning has demonstrated that there is a need for developing a process whereby the natural environment is not destroyed. It should be preserved for the residents of the city. Unfortunately, in Karachi's case, the natural assets of the city have been completely usurped by the rich.
Mangroves near the Mai Kolachi bypass, which were enormously rich in fish and bird life were reclaimed to build the KPT housing colony. It is a crime, which would not have happened anywhere else - except, maybe in Dubai. The wetlands should have been made a sanctuary for the coming generations of this city.
The trend in Karachi has been that the more valuable the land more powerful the usurper.
Kolachi: So, where do you think is the fundamental problem? Is it in the structure of the state or corrupt officials?
AH: The problem fundamentally is in the decision-making process. The people at the helm of affairs are
both greedy and uncultured, and they have no respect for people nor do they have roots in reality. The second reason is that in Karachi, there are no planning institutions. Plans which were made were never implemented. For instance, there is something called the Karachi Coastal Management Plan. It was a part of the Karachi Development Plan 2000. If you look at the provisions and recommendations of that plan, this project goes completely against it. Because in that plan it is very clear that there will be no development between the roads and the beach, that natural assets will be protected and integrated for the benefit of people. These plans never became law, for if they would have become law it would have been become difficult for our rulers to loot and plunder land as they have.
Take for example, Karachi Scheme 33 where many thousand acres of land, meant for public amenities, was commercialized. Another example is the area between Dalmiya and University Road. This was planned as a recreational and entertainment area . And this has been allotted to housing schemes, and some judges have houses in this area. So, the only way you can resolve these problems is to develop institutions whereby decisions can be taken in consultation. Otherwise this loot and plunder will continue.
Kolachi: Coming back to the Waterfront Development Project, it is
usually argued by the advocates of such mega-projects, in this case involving 1.5 billion dollars, that it will create jobs for the poor. How do you respond to this argument?
AH: There is unemployment because jobs available today require a certain set of skills that are not available, because institutions that can train people in those skills are not present. So if these advocates are so serious about job creation then why don't they setup these institutions at a fraction of this project's cost?
But the funniest argument that these people have given is that if they do not undertake this Waterfront Project, the beach will turn into a katchi abadi. Now I have worked in lower income settlements for many years, and I can tell you that
not one inch of land can be occupied without the approval of the authorities and officials involved. So either the Defence Society lot are remarkably incompetent or they are corrupt. Otherwise what they say is not possible.
Kolachi: There is a growing perception that the kind of development being undertaken in Karachi is modelled on cities like Dubai, designed to attract foreigners. How do you look at this?
AH: Anyone who is a student of cities and urban development will understand the three principles of urban development:
1. The development has to respect the ecology of the region in which the city is situated
2. Its land use has to be determined on the basis of environmental and social considerations - and not on land-value.
3. It should benefit the majority, which in our case are the lower and lower-middle income groups, that constitute over 70 per cent of Karachi's population.
Cities which have not done this and have done what our rulers are trying to do, have become cities of violence, crime and fragmentation - Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Johannesburg, and a whole lot of others. Do we want Karachi to become like this, where foreigners have special zones with armed guards and the rest of the city is inaccessible? We are already becoming like this. The Karachi elite lives in ghettos and have ghettoized themselves, protected by armed guards. Their children don't go to the zoo, they don't go to Karachi Museum - they don't even know there is a museum in Karachi - they don't go to Aladdin Park. Now if we want to promote this further, then we go in for projects such as these.
[Box 1: The Project]
DHA's multi-billion dollar Waterfront Development Project is planned over a stretch of 14 kilometres of land from Sindbad (Old Casino) up to the Golf Course. The plan divides the coastline into seven distinct zones (A to G). The plan envisages high-rise commercial building complexes, hyper marts, food courts, cinema, amusement park, five-star hotel, an underwater world with a Dolphin Park and aquarium, amphitheatre complex with a capacity of 6,000 people and water sports facilities. The plan also includes a 600-feet Monumental Tower, with a revolving restaurant and observatory deck. Besides this, a Water Park with water sports, rides, swimming zones and a wave island is planned on 11 acres of land. The plan also allows for viewers' deck, parks, a promenade and piazzas but these public access areas seem to make a very small part of the plan.
How the DHA views it
Excerpts from DHA Karachi's website and
"In Karachi, DHA has a virgin, unspoiled waterfront of nearly 14 km ready with full potential for development... The residents of Karachi will soon see a qualitative change in their lives and their concept of relaxation, style and fun.
Fire of creativity and imagination is promising to make Karachi beachfront a much sought-after tourist destination in the foreseeable future. Entirely practical and wholly realizable projects will have a deep impact on the lifestyle of the people of Karachi whose perception of enjoying the sea at present consists of riding a camel or a horse or just taking a walk on the wet sand and watching the waves crash on the shore. They will soon have access to multiple recreational activities within their reach."
[Box 2: A people's history of Seaview, according to Arif Hasan]
Splitting the beach in two
Historically, the most popular beach in Karachi was located adjacent to the Jehangir Kothari Parade, as you come down from Abdullah Shah Ghazi's tomb. It was popular because people, who used to visit the tomb, after making their offerings, would then go to the Playland, which was located between the tomb and the beach. Gradually, a whole culture developed on the beach.
There were water sellers for washing your feet after you had dirtied them on the shore, you could sit on a chair inside the water, there were chat and bun-kabab
sellers, fortune-tellers, monkey and parrot waalas, chand maaris - where you could shoot at the photos of Indian stars for a few rupees. This was a world unto itself. And just before the beach, there was a lane where there were about 182 hawkers and shops-on-carts selling sea-shells.
Another area which developed alongside this beach was the one between the present McDonald's and Salt n' Pepper. This became a more exclusive beach where people would wander away from the former beach to get away from noise, commotion, etc. And gradually a less commercial culture developed there. It became the place for young couples to go, and for people to picnic. Here, the vendors were roving hawkers, rather than those on carts.
Things were like this, when the Defence Society made its intervention in the area between McDonald's and Salt n' Pepper restaurant. They made an embankment, they made a low wall, put up steps, lights and this beach became a very attractive place. But it came at a price for the lower income groups, because they banned all monkey waalas, all roving hawkers and vendors on carts. Instead they put up kiosks, and only allowed certain branded ice-cream hawkers. If you draw a comparative price list of pre and post-intervention, you will see why lower income groups stopped going to the beach, except when they got their salaries at the beginning of the month.
All the hawkers and others shifted to the other beach which became popular as the Ghareebon ka Saahil (beach of the poor), and so this beautiful beach which was developed was denied to lower income groups because of prices.
If the DHA police found hawkers on its side of the beach, it would confiscate their goods and put those hawkers in a car and then dropped them off 7-8 km from this beach, in an area where there is no transport and they had to walk all the way back. Otherwise, the DHA police used to beat them up. And this is the way the DHA
discouraged lower income groups to come here, and quite successfully.
Then came the city government, which made a park where you could only enter if you paid 10 rupees for an adult and 5 rupees for a child. Hawkers could not enter either the park or the sea. All the people who were coming here from Abdullah Shah Ghazi's Mazar were deprived of their cheap entertainment at Playland and at the beach.
This led the hawkers and the vendors to shift to the DHA beach. And since they kept coming in very large numbers, it was impossible for the DHA to stop them. With the effect that eventually, the DHA Police and the DHA contractors resorted to taking bhatta (illegal tax) from these vendors.
The vendors on carts were very well-organized. They had their own
security system. Their carts used to stay at the beach at night. But now they have all shifted to the lanes on the other side of the park. Now they pay twice the amount of bhatta - illegal tax - they used to pay before this intervention.
What I am trying to drive at by all this is that these are the factors that have to be kept in mind if you want the beach to be accessible to the majority of the population of Karachi, and these needs can be planned for. You can have areas where all these hawkers, vendors, fortune-tellers, bun-kabab sellers can setup their stalls; but none of this is even considered. It is what you might call a 'gentrification' of the beach.
Near Korangi and Gizri Creeks, you have villages of Ibrahim Haideri, Akbar Shah Goth, Goth Haji Ayub, Chashma Goth, Jumma Goth, etc. People from these villages have been fishing here on this coast (in waters across the sea-view) for centuries.
Now with the development of these areas and the reclamation of land it has become increasingly difficult for them to fish on this coast. If the authorities want, they can develop the beach in a manner so that the fishing could
continue. As a matter of fact, the fishing activities can be integrated in the development of the beach - as it happens in many other countries. But for that you need a certain amount of natural environment. So these communities have lost their livelihoods as well.
"bharam khul jaaye zalim! teray qaamat ki daraazi ka
agar iss turra-e pech-o kham ka pech-o kham niklay..."
It gives me great pleasure to announce that the CMKP list has now
crossed the 2,400 mark. Since my last update another 200 subscribers
have joined our list.
The continued growth of this list is a significant contribution to the
left in Pakistan and internationally.
I hope that comrades and friends will encourage progressive people to
join this list which is arguably the largest communist list on yahoo
Please go through the article below which solves many
mysteries regarding jittery Retd General Mirza Aslam
Baig and his interviews to ARY VIEWS ON NEWS, more
loyal than the king to the interests of smaller
provinces Retd General Asad Durrani, born again
Democrat and Progressive General Retd Hameed Gul and
his sudden discovered Love for Democracy and
Constitution and their letters to Mr Musharraf
advising him to quit. Their hands are tainted the
blood of Pakistani people, yet they have the audacity
to participate in the political meetings of PPP,
PML-N, MMA and ARD. Shame on all of you who invite
such monsters in their party meetings to discuss the
restoration of democracy in Pakistan, particularly
shame on Benazir and Nawaz to tolerate Hameed Gul
amongst their meetings.
ASIA TIMES South Asia
Pakistan lays down the agenda for the US By Seema
Sirohi Dec 25, 2004 ASIA TIMES South Asia
WASHINGTON - Pakistan, the United States' premier ally
in the "war on terrorism", has laid down the agenda
for the Bush administration for the next four years on
what it expects in exchange for continued cooperation
to hunt down al-Qaeda. On the menu is a slew of
demands, ranging from continued economic aid to a
generous flow of weapons. But above all is the
expectation of a long-term relationship, especially in
light of what Washington is building with India under
the title of the "Next Steps in Strategic
Jehangir Karamat, Pakistan's new ambassador in
Washington, wants no less. He, in fact, chose to dub
his first public speech "Next Steps" too, articulating
Pakistan's hopes and desires for a partnership that
will endure beyond the capture of Osama bin Laden. "We
seek sustained and enhanced engagement so that gains
continue to be consolidated and pushed further," he
said at a well-attended speech in Washington last
week. But what was noted by observers was the language
he used to deliver the message. He sounded more like a
teacher telling a pupil the level of performance he
expected from the Americans, said diplomatic
observers. He seemed to be drawing a clear parallel
between payment and delivery, which led to questions
whether the changes in policy that Pakistan has
pursued post-September 11, 2001, have been made
because they are good for Pakistan, or because they
bring US arms and aid.
The administration of President George W Bush is
currently in the process of dispensing US$3 billion in
economic and military aid, apart from having written
off nearly $2 billion in Pakistani debt. An arms
package approved by Congress worth $1.2 billion
includes eight P-3C naval reconnaissance planes, 2,000
TOW missiles, and other weapons, which has raised
serious concerns in New Delhi because they counter
specific Indian capabilities. New Delhi has told
Washington that large-scale delivery of arms to
Pakistan will jeopardize the composite dialogue
between India and Pakistan. But Karamat, a former
chief of army staff, said that the US largess, both
monetary and material, "must" continue. He turned
India's reasons for opposing the weapons package on
its head, arguing that it is the United States' "tilt"
toward India that makes peace in South Asia elusive.
"The conventional defense capability must continue to
be built up because an unacceptable tilt in the
balance of power makes meaningful India-Pakistan
dialogue difficult," Karamat declared. Among other
"musts" for Washington to carry out are a free-trade
agreement, or alternative arrangements, and bilateral
investment initiatives in Pakistan to "influence
public opinion". "US support must continue to give us
access to international financial institutions,"
"The US support for Pakistan's counter-terrorism
effort must continue and capabilities must continue to
be enhanced. We need to work with the US to change
perceptions based on past happenings and create
perceptions based on current policies and future
projections," he said. As for his side of the bargain,
Karamat said that "Pakistan will of course continue to
address US concerns. The present cooperative and
unambiguous relationship will help to do this as
everything is on the table." Karamat's categorical
tone left some US officials a little embarrassed, for
they are not used to ambassadors laying down the line
in Washington. "Even Tony Blair's ambassador won't use
that tone in public," said one observer. Some others
said that Pakistan prescribing the agenda was a case
of the tail wagging the dog.
Meanwhile, what surprised some was Karamat's
dismissive tone about the A Q Khan affair, which he
labeled a "proliferation episode" while denying any
government complicity in it. "There was no government
sanction, approval, or any kind of government
connection with what went on," he said flatly. But Dr
Abdul Qadeer Khan, in his 11-page confession reported
in the US press in February, named Karamat, former
chief of army staff General (retired) Mirza Aslam Beg
and President General Pervez Musharraf as the men on
top who were aware of what was going on. As the chief
of army staff from 1996-98, Karamat was directly
responsible for the safety and security of the nuclear
program. But Karamat declined to elaborate how
something so big could happen on his watch, saying
that too much had already been written about the Khan
affair. Karamat's main objective in the speech
appeared to be to move the debate in Washington from
Pakistan's past to Pakistan's future and Washington's
commitment. He said Pakistanis are worried that they
will never be let off the hook, because the past is
always being dredged up to color policy.
Even though the Bush administration has embraced
Pakistan as a key and indispensable ally in its "war
on terrorism" and publicly defended Musharraf on every
issue - from the Khan affair to the re-emergence of
the Taliban to his refusal to relinquish his post as
army chief as promised - the US media and many
congressmen and senators have repeatedly raised
questions about Pakistan's commitment to the United
States. Editorials in respected newspapers have
questioned the reliability of Pakistan as an ally, and
whether the US is giving Musharraf a pass despite the
many problems. It is Karamat's job to change this
perception, and he took a big leap forward with his
first speech. Crafted well and delivered with ease, he
presented Pakistan, its role and its indispensability
to Washington with flair, said many in the audience.
He said Pakistan had changed "strategic directions"
and is now suffering the consequences. "From a policy
of active interference and destabilization of
Afghanistan, Pakistan is working with the US for a
stable and friendly Afghanistan. From a policy of
hostility and confrontation with India, Pakistan now
has a policy of dialogue and conflict resolution. From
a policy of appeasement and political expediency with
extremist religious elements, Pakistan has moved to
confronting them to end their negative influence and
activities. From a clandestine nuclear program with
proliferation consequences, Pakistan has moved to a
regime of command, control and international
cooperation," he said, giving an overview of the "new"
Pakistan in progress.
"This is a major strategic reorientation of the
country. And, as in all such strategic turnarounds,
there is a price to be paid. This price is paid in
terms of the blowback, the resistance and the
retaliation to the changes." Reaction to Karamat's
presentation was mixed. His host, senior South Asia
analyst Stephen Cohen, was full of praise for his
candor. "I had never heard a Pakistani official so
systematically and bluntly go over the errors of past
governments, including one in which they served. Of
course his government, and the army, did things that
were wrong at the time, and have come to regret, but
Pakistan officials have promulgated a new benchmark
that the world can hold them to. This is not trivial,"
said Cohen. But others, speaking on background, were
more critical of Karamat's rosy picture. One US
official who is familiar with South Asian issues said
the ambassador's storyline was overly optimistic.
Regardless, there is little doubt that the US-Pakistan
partnership is fraught with potholes that will take
more than a smart presentation to fill up.
Seema Sirohi is a Washington-based correspondent.
If reports of Engineer Jamil Malik are to be believed it appears
that the CPP (Qazi) may be heading in the direction of a split or
the demoralization of significant sections of this group. I am
reproducing, only for the sake of remaining uptodate on information
about the left, a conversation that I read on the list of the CPP.
Jamil Malik wrote:
WHY COMRADE HASAN ZAMAN OF MULTAN LEFT CPP.
Can any body on this forum tell me as to why Comrade Hasan Zaman
of Multan left the CPP led by Imdad Qazi? He was an activist and a
member of the Punjab Provincial Committee, when he left CPP.
Comrade Hasan Zaman also attended the Congress of CPI and CPI(M)
in India last year with Imdad Qazi, Mansoor Saeed and Muhammad
--- In firstname.lastname@example.org, "ibrash" <ibrashpasha@...>
> Dear Jamil
> Please tell me what is a difference like a person go with own
will, and a person is thrown out.
Jamil Malik wrote:
The one who is thrown out and if he wants to remain in politics, he
formed the new party or joins some existing party and if he does not
want to remain in politics, he quietly sits and enjoys his life.
The above one is a universal truth. This rule applied to your
Secretary General Imdad Qazi too. He was expelled from CMKP but as
he wanted to remains in politics, so he formed CPP, which was
completely, merged in CMKP in year 1995.
You are always too personal. The Marxist approach is not this that
you are only the genius communist in Pakistan. I have not seen your
party representation in Lahore on 21st of September, 2006 when the
National Party led by Abdul Hayee Baluch and Mir Hasal Bizenjo
invited all the other left parties including our CPP for a larger
political debate of forming a united left party in Pakistan.
And when people like Hassan Zaman started leaving the party,
specially a person, who went to India to attend the Indian Congress
it means, something is wrong with your leadership.
And can you tell me, what political differences now days are being
emerging between Imdad Qazi and Punjab Secretary Irfan Shamsi and
Sadiq Jatoi, member of Central Committee of your CPP.
October 2, 2006
A bully in military uniform
Many Canadians are rightfully upset at the derisive manner with which Pakistan's ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, mocked our soldiers serving in Afghanistan. Others are simply scratching their heads, not knowing what to make of the machismo of the general as he locked horns with Carole Off of CBC Radio.
When asked to comment on growing doubts about Pakistan's commitment to seal its borders and restrict the movement of the Taliban, who have inflicted many casualties on Canadian troops, Gen. Musharraf bristled at his host and mocked Canadians as cry
babies weeping over the deaths of "four or five" dead soldiers.
The undiplomatic language and blunt posturing of Gen. Musharraf needs to be understood in the context of the country he rules and the armed forces he commands.
Unlike most countries that have an army, in the case of Pakistan, the army has a country. Whereas the armed forces of most countries are created to defend the national interests of its people, in Pakistan, the army uses the country to protect its own interests, often at variance with those of its citizens.
From its inception in 1947, Pakistan has been held hostage by its military with a series of wars, both internal and external, that have left the nation in ruins, not in an economic sense, but in terms of its natural socio-political development.
Merely months after independence, Pakistan's army went into action to annex the independent
State of Kalat in Baluchistan (an on-again, off-again insurrection continues there to this day). This was followed by the first India-Pakistan War in 1948, then the Afghan-Pakistan border skirmish over Pakhtunistan in 1955-1957, which again erupted in 1961 and 1963.
However, the defining role of Pakistan's military came in 1958 when, fearing the elections of a left-wing government in the January, 1959, elections, the military staged a coup and imposed martial law.
Then, in 1965, facing widespread protest against a rigged election, the late field marshal, Ayub Khan, tried to wrap himself in the flag by invading Indian-held Kashmir in August, 1965, which led to the 17-day second war with India.
By 1970, the Pakistani armed forces had got the country involved in civil war that led to the third Indo-Pakistan war in 1971, leading to the tragic breakup of the nation into two parts with a
With every war, with every internal insurrection, the Pakistan military gained more power and increasing control, not just of the politics of Pakistan, but also its economy and its narrative.
From cereals to nuclear bombs, from housing construction to cement manufacture, transportation to taxation, Pakistan's army rules the country with an iron grip.
However, the one factor Gen. Musharraf could not understand in Ms. Off's question was her concern for the ordinary Canadian soldier. This was a concept foreign to most elites in Pakistan, including military officers who count among them the world's richest men.
For Canadians, the ordinary private's life is worth the same as that of General Rick Hillier. We count the names of each dead soldier and grieve with their families. For Gen. Musharraf, this is a foreign concept.
Pakistanis are never told the names of the 500 soldiers who died fighting al-Qaeda. The only names that appear are those of the officers.
In the nearly dozen wars Pakistan has fought against external and internal foes, the dead infantryman is mere gun fodder, unseen, unheard, and with no memorial to his name.
When Gen. Musharraf ordered his troops to invade Indian-held Kashmir in the 1999 Kargil war, he had no strategic objectives, he had no authority, he only had to prove his machismo to his fellow generals.
For that bravado, thousands died on both sides. Indians report than many of the dead Pakistani soldiers had been eating grass before they died of hunger and thirst.
My message to Gen. Musharraf is this: Don't lecture us Canadians on bravery and courage. Courage is not to lead men into battle and treat them as gun fodder while one sips
Tarek Fatah, a former student activist in his native Pakistan, is host of The Muslim Chronicle on CTS-TV and founder of the Muslim Canadian Congress.
Please post a list. I am in the USA, but will arrange payment and address in
Subject: Re: Did Mao Really Kill Millions In The Great Leap
Dear Shukla Ji,
The fact that neo-imperialists kill millions does not excuse what Mao and
Stalin are accused of doing either.
Please do not get me wrong. I am not saying that the two comrades did
what they are accused of doing. But the problem is that we are so overwhelmed
with capitalist press that it is difficult to separate truth from falsehood
with out faith. And I am not about to adopt one.
INCIDENTALLY ARE THE MEMBERS OF THIS FORUM FAMILIAR WITH CONFESSIONS OF
ECONOMIC HITMAN BY JOHN PERKINS.
Dear comrade Klo,
Thank you for the correct observation. The problem has been
rectified, so now it can be viewed without difficulty.
Keep the suggestions coming.
Thanks to all, who responsed the most critical issu of Balochistan University VC
appointment, of a retired brigadier.
its seems that government is not sencier with peopole of Balochistan, in
result they come to start the resitance against government policies. so it is
the time to insure the solidirity with people of Balochistan. hopefully we being
collegues will condomn the government policies in Balochistan.
Common "civilians" in Pakistan can be picked up from
anywhere without any cogent reason and can be detained
for months [without producing them in the Court of
Law] if not years without a trace and incommunicado
too. You can slap, oust, try, imprison, torture,
insult and discredit them through media trial and even
hang the elected representatives of the people but
when the real test comes those who are entrusted with
the responsibility of defending the country always
show you clay feet, read and lament.
The first thing they do after retirement is to join
the Tableeghi Jamat. Whom you are trying to hoodwink?
You cannot hoodwink Allah.
'Wo eent se eent baja dein gay’, ISI DG told Musharraf
Monday, September 25, 2006
WASHINGTON : Richard Armitage, Daily Times can
confirm, did not use the words attributed to him by
President Pervez Musharraf in a CBS 60 Minutes
interview, namely that unless Pakistan did American
bidding, it will be bombed into the “stone age”.
However, neither the President of Pakistan, nor
Richard Armitage, who has denied using such language,
nor President Bush who said he was “taken aback” when
he learnt what had been said, is being untruthful.
What actually happened was that after his meeting with
Richard Armitage, Lt Gen Mahmood Ahmed – who now wears
a long, white beard and has reportedly gone Tableeghi
– called Gen Musharraf from the Pakistan embassy in
Washington. The conversation took place in Urdu and
when the president asked him what the bottom line of
the American message was, Gen Mahmood replied in Urdu
that the Americans were intent on the removal of the
Taliban regime and would not let Pakistan stand in
their way and if Pakistan did not fall in line and
cooperate, “wo hamari eent se eent baja dey gain” or
words to that effect. That being so, President
Musharraf’s recollection of the conversation with Gen
Mahmood, who was then the director general of the ISI,
is accurate, only he translated into English what he
had been told in Urdu. It is time for Gen Mahmood to
go on record and reproduce exactly the words in which
he conveyed the Armitage message to Gen Musharraf on
that September day five years ago. khalid hasan
General Mehmood ‘vanishes’ By Ansar Abbasi
The News International
Sunday, October 01, 2006, Ramzan 7, 1427 A.H.
ISLAMABAD: Former ISI chief General Mehmood has simply
vanished from the media which is trying hard to get
his comments on the Musharraf-Armitage controversy
over the wording of the post-9/11 threat hurled at
Islamabad by Washington to win its unconditional
support for the so-called war on terror.
Mehmood, who has already retired from the Army, is
settled in Lahore but despite repeated attempts since
Saturday last he is not available to offer his
comments on the issue on which his statement really
matters a lot. Every time the former ISI chief was
approached at his Lahore residence telephone number,
the home servant-cum-operator, who identified himself
as Banaras Khan, gave the ready response, ‘General
Saab is out of the city, he will Inshallah call you
upon his return.’
On Saturday afternoon when initially contacted,
Banaras said Mehmood would be back by the evening.
However, later attempts the same evening and again on
Monday and Tuesday, showed that Mehmood is still out
of the city. Banaras has no answer when asked where
exactly has the general gone. He also claims to have
no contact number of Mehmood, who Banaras insists,
doesn’t carry a cell phone after it was lost recently.
President Musharraf in a recent interview with CBS
News magazine show “60 Minutes,” charged that after
9/11 the then deputy secretary of state Richard
Armitage told the then DG ISI General Mehmood to “be
prepared to be bombed. Be prepared to go back to the
Stone Age”. According to a report, Mehmood, who had
seen ups and downs with Musharraf in the post Oct 12,
1999 coup, has joined the Tableeghi Jamaat after he
was relieved of his post-retirement assignment to head
Fauji Fertilizer. Mehmood is amongst those few top
generals (all retired now) including General Aziz,
General Usmani and General Jamshed Gulzar, who had
strongly opposed Musharraf’s siding with America in
its attack on Afghanistan.
Key quotes from the document of the Ministry of
Defence Great Britain.
Key quotes from a leaked Ministry of Defence
think-tank paper which alleges that Pakistan's
intelligence service, the ISI, has indirectly helped
the Taleban and al-Qaeda and should be dismantled. The
research paper was written by a senior officer at the
MoD-run Defence Academy. The Ministry of Defence have
responded that the views contained in it do not
reflect the views of the MOD or the government.
Ministry of Defence statement
The Army's dual role in combating terrorism and at the
same time promoting the MMA and so indirectly
supporting the Taliban (through the ISI) is coming
under closer and closer international scrutiny.
Pakistan is not currently stable but on the edge of
chaos. [The West has] turned a blind eye towards
existing instability and the indirect protection of Al
Qaeda and promotion of terrorism.
Indirectly Pakistan (through the ISI) has been
supporting terrorism and extremism - whether in London
on 7/7 or in Afghanistan or Iraq. The US/UK cannot
begin to turn the tide until they
identify the real enemies from attacking ideas
tactically - and seek to put in place a more just
vision. This will require Pakistan to move away from
Army rule and for the ISI to be dismantled and more
significantly something to be put in its place.
Musharraf knows that time is running out for him...at
some point the US is likely to withdraw funding (and
possibly even protection) of him - estimated at
$70-80M a month. Without US funding his position will
become increasingly tenuous.
Key document quotes
Almost an year ago Newsreports in national dailies and
GEO TV's programs which carried news and programs
regarding Chief Minister NWFP [Pakistan] Akram Khan
Durrani's [member of Religious Parties Alliance]US
Visit where he met senior policy advisor on South Asia
Jonah Blank and Senator Sanatorium at Capital Hill.
Earlier, Mr Durrani met Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary of Defence Peter Floury at Pentagon where he
visited various sections. During his meetings with US
authorities, Mr Durrani explained policies of the MMA
government. Addressing members of Brooking Institution
he said that a government of the people was in place
in the NWFP. He said that common man had easy access
to MMA government and minorities and women were being
given special care.
Durrani meets US senator Bureau Report
July 16, 2005 Saturday Jumadi-us-Sani 8, 1426
Top MMA Leader Tries to Convince Pentagon, NSC on
Hardline Islamic Law
Special SAT Report
WASHINGTON, July 19: As the guest of a Christian
organization which calls itself “a Think Tank with
Legs”, the Chief Minister of Pakistan’s North-western
Province, NWFP, Akram Khan Durrani, has used the legs
of the think tank to reach the Pentagon and
Washington’s thinking elite. And the Opposition
religious coalition, Muttahida Majlis Amal (MMA),
leader has been preaching the US decision-makers a
word or two about the controversial Hasba Act, the
recently passed law which, critics say, means
Talibanization of Pakistan. It is being introduced by
the Provincial Government to appeal to its
conservative constituency in the backward province
before the Local Government elections later this
It is the Law against which the Federal Government of
General Pervez Musharraf has petitioned the Supreme
Court of Pakistan claiming it was against the
Constitution and should be declared null and void. The
MMA says it will contest forcibly in the SC. “Yes I
visited the Pentagon and gave them a copy of the Hasba
Act,” Durrani (above) told the South Asia Tribune on
Saturday night, explaining that it was not at all odd
that he was trying to convince Washington that the Act
was not meant to Talibanize the Pakistani society.
Durrani has been in Washington from July 9-19 as guest
of Institute for Global Engagement (IGE) which,
according to its web site, was “created to develop
sustainable environments for religious freedom
worldwide, and to inspire and equip emerging leaders
with faith-based methodologies of engagement.” Founded
by Robert A. Seiple, the first-ever US
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom, “IGE uniquely combines strategic analysis
with an operational component that seeks solutions to
complex political and religious problems in difficult
parts of the world.”
“In this age of widespread religious conflict,
pluralism, and change, finding such solutions requires
a deep understanding of geopolitical realities as well
as an approach that is "shrewd as snakes and innocent
as doves," the web site of IGE says. To meet this
challenge, IGE partners with governments, religious
organizations, scholars, practitioners, and
international advocacy groups to take on innovative
projects that strike at the root of religious
intolerance and educate emerging leaders to take
religion seriously in their consideration of
“We're a "think tank with legs," or if you're feeling
less poetic, a "think-and-do-tank." What does that
mean? We recognize that thinking is simply our initial
step. We're also committed to praying and acting on
the basis of our thought and research,” the IGE web
site explains. Chief Minister Durrani has been in
Washington with his three sons, one Principal Officer
and an Interpreter, all hosted by IGE for 11 days in
the US capital and New York. “I had a wonderful trip,
my children also saw America and we had good meetings
with National Security Council and Pentagon officials.
I gave every one a copy of the Hasba Act,” Durrani
told the South Asia Tribune.
The religious leader from the radically Islamized
province has been trying in all his meetings to
convince the Americans that his party was not as
radical as perceived and they could do business with
the Americans on the same terms as any one else. But
as a slip of his tongue in one of the TV interviews,
Durrani claimed that after he explained the provisions
of the Hasba Act to Pentagon officials,
they almost approved it and gave a green light to go
ahead. But he quickly stopped making the remark to
other media channels and when he was specifically
asked by South Asia Tribune whether he was able to
convince the Pentagon, he was non-committal and said
it was for Pentagon to give their opinion. He was
asked whether the Hasba Act, now in the Supreme Court
of Pakistan after it was challenged by the
Federal Government as violative of the Constitution,
would still be pursued if the Court ruled against the
MMA, and whether MMA would accept the Court decision,
Durrani was a little uncomfortable answering the
question saying “Let us think positively as our legal
brains have studied the Act in detail and they can
successfully argue that it does not come into conflict
with the Constitution.”
Durrani was, however, almost sure after his round of
meetings with think tanks and NSC/Pentagon officials
in Washington that his Government in NWFP would not be
dismissed by General Musharraf because of the Hasba
“I did say that we will wreak havoc if Governor’s Rule
was imposed, but I am sure that stage would never be
reached as we have worked with the Center on many
sensitive issues in the past and reached a mutually
acceptable solution,” he said. But Durrani could not
convincingly respond to the question that by bringing
up the Hasba issue at this stage, the Opposition MMA
had actually played into the
hands of the Musharraf Government and diverted the
focus of national politics from the up-coming unity
talks and a possible alliance between the MMA, PPP and
PML-N on the more basic issue of getting rid of a
military dictator. “We are talking to the Opposition
parties for a joint struggle at the Federal level but
provinces can legislate and opposition to local laws
does not mean we would stop talking to each other at
all levels,” he said.
Yet the fact is that MMA has hijacked the national
agenda by introducing and passing the Hasba Act in a
hurry which prompted other major parties including PPP
to sharply attack the MMA and condemn it. No one would
have been happier than General Musharraf with this
political move. And MMA itself is almost in a win-win
situation because if the Hasba Act is enforced, they
will have a new Islamic Police at their command which
can ultimately be used politically against the Center
and other political opponents. On the other hand, if
the Act is not allowed by the Supreme Court or if the
NWFP Assembly is dismissed, MMA would emerge as
“martyrs of Islam” and would be able to recruit more
supporters for its hardline policies.
KEY FEATURES OF DRACONIAN BILL
There may be many 'good things' in the bill but read
(1) No court or authority shall be competent to
question the legal status of the proceedings before a
(2) No court or authority shall have the power to pass
any injunction or any interim or a stay order with
regard to any matter under consideration of the
(3) No suit or legal proceeding shall lie against the
Mohtasib or his staff for anything in good faith done
or intended to be done.
(f) Extend to the provincial administration in
discharging its functions smoothly and effectively;
provided that the Mohtasib shall not interfere in any
matter which is sub-judice before a court of competent
jurisdiction or which relates to external affairs of
Pakistan or the relations or dealings of Pakistan with
any foreign state or Government or relates to or is
connected with the defence of Pakistan or any part
thereof, the Military, Naval and Air Forces of
Pakistan or the matters covered by laws relating to
Pakistanis have many bad experiences in connection
with the Military and these Rascal Mullahs never
challenged the wrong act of Defence Establishment.
Text of Hasba bill
The following is the full text of the Hisba bill
passed on July 14 by the NWFP Assembly: Preamble:
Whereas sovereignty over the entire universe belongs
to Almighty Allah alone and the authority to be
exercised by the people of Pakistan through their
chosen representatives within the limits prescribed by
him is a sacred trust;
And whereas implementation of Islamic way of life
revolves around Amer-Bil-Maroof and Nahi-Anil-Munkir
and to achieve this objective it is necessary, apart
from other steps, to establish an institution of
accountability, which could keep a watch on securing
legitimate rights of various classes of the society,
including females, minorities and children and to
protect them from emerging evils and injustices in the
And whereas it is further necessary from the
accountability point of view to extend the authority
of Mohtasib to government’s administration and offices
in order to have a check upon injustices, abuse of
powers and other similar excesses;
It is hereby enacted as follows:
1: Short title, extent and commencement—(1) This Act
may be called the North-West Frontier Province Hisba
(2) It shall extend to whole of the North-West
(3) It shall come to into force at once.
2: Definitions.—In this Act, unless the context
(a) “Agency” means a department, commission or any
office of Provincial Government, a corporation or
similar other institution which the Provincial
Government may have established or which may be
working under its control, but does not include the
high courts and the courts working under its
(b) “Amer-Bil-Maroof” means fulfilling the obligations
of enjoining the good as laid down in Holy Quran and
(c) Competent Court: Competent court means court
established under CPC 198.
(d) “Expert Lawyer” means a lawyer having at least ten
years experience in the profession of advocacy;
(e) “Government” means the Government of the
North-West Frontier Province;
(f) Governor means governor of NWFP.
(g) High Court means the Peshawar High Court,
(h) “Hisba Police” means the police force deputed to
work for the purposes of this Act from time to time;
(i) “maladministration” includes all such decisions,
processes, recommendations, acts and deficiencies
(j) is contrary to law, rules or regulations or is a
departure from established practice or procedure,
unless it is bonafide and for valid reasons; or
(k) is perverse, arbitrary, unreasonable, unjust,
biased, oppressive or discriminatory; or
(l) is based on irrelevant grounds; or
(m) involves the exercise of powers or the failure or
refusal to do so, for corrupt or improper motives,
such as bribery, jobbery, favouritism, nepotism and
administrative excesses; or
(o) amounts to negligence, inattention, delay,
incompetence, inefficiency and inaptitude in the
administration or discharge of duties and
(p) “Mohtasib” means the mohtasib of the province or,
as the case may be, the mohtasib of a district,
appointed under this Act;
(q) “Nahi-Anil-Mukir” means fulfilling the obligations
of forbidding the evil as required by the Holy Quran
and Sunnah and all other matters which the mohtasib,
in the light of the Holy Quran and Sunnah, determines
in consultation with the Council of Advisors;
(r) “Office” means the office of mohtasib of the
North-West Frontier Province;
(s) “Prescribed” means prescribed by rules made under
(t) “Province” or “Province of Sarhad” means the
North-West Frontier Province;
(u) “Provincial Advisory Council” means the Council
established under this Act;
(v) “Public servant” shall mean the person defined in
section 21 of the Pakistan Penal Code, 1860;
(s) “Religious scholar” means the holder of the
certificate of Shahadat-ul-Aalmliah from any institute
recognized by government, who has also passed the
Secondary School Certificate Examination from a Board
of Intermediate and Secondary Education recognised by
(t) “Staff” means an employee or office commissioner,
elected/nominated co-worker, advisor, expert,
subordinate, officer, liaison officer, etc, of an
3. Appointment of Mohtasib.—(1) There shall be a
Mohtasib for the North-West Frontier Province, who
shall be appointed by the Governor of the North-West
Frontier Province in consultation with the chief
minister of the province. (2) A mohtasib shall be a
person who is a qualified religious scholar and is
eligible to be appointed as judge of the Federal
Shariat Court. (3) Before entering upon office, the
mohtasib shall take an oath before the chief minister
in the form set out in the Schedule. (4) The mohtasib
shall, in all matters, perform his functions and
exercise his powers independently, honestly and
diligently and all executive authorities throughout
the province shall act in aid of the mohtasib.
4. Tenure.—(1) The tenure of the office of the
mohtasib shall be four years but the competent
authority may extend the term of his tenure.
(2) The Mohtasib may, at any time, resign from his
office by tendering resignation in writing.
5. Mohtasib not to hold office of profit, etc —- (1)
The Mohtasib during his appointment shall not hold any
office of profit or enter into any profession carrying
the right to remuneration.
(2) The Mohtasib, during a period of two years after
his retirement, shall not be eligible to contest
election of the National or a Provincial Assembly.
6. Terms and conditions of service.—- (1) The
provincial Mohtasib shall be entitled to the same
privileges, allowances and pay as are admissible to a
Judge of the Federal Shariat Court.
(2) A District Mohtasib shall be entitled to the
privileges, pay and allowances as are admissible to a
(3) A Mohtasib may be removed from office on the
ground of misconduct or of being incapable of properly
performing the duties of his office by reason of
physical or mental incapacity and in this context will
be served with a notice in advance. If in the opinion
of the Mohtasib the reasons of his removal are not
based on facts, he shall be entitled to challenge the
bona fide of the notice before the Peshawar High
Court, which shall be heard by a Division Bench of the
said Court; provided that if no hearing date is fixed
for ninety days from the date of approaching the
Court, then it shall be deemed that the notice of
removal has become effective.
(4) In case a Mohtasib applies for hearing of his case
under sub-section (3), he shall forthwith cease to
function as Mohtasib.
(5) Where a Mohtasib has been removed on the ground of
misconduct, he shall not be eligible, for a period of
four years from the date of his removal, to be
appointed in any government Department or to become a
member of National Assembly or a Provincial Assembly.
7. Acting Mohtasib — (1) If the Provincial Mohtasib,
for any reason such as leave, etc. is unable to attend
his office, the competent authority shall direct any
District Mohtasib to act as Provincial Mohtasib.
(2) if the office of the Provincial Mohtasib becomes
vacant for any other reason, Government shall appoint
an acting Provincial Mohtasib.
8. Delegation of Powers to District Mohtasib.—The
Provincial Mohtasib shall, in the prescribed manner,
be competent to delegate his power to a District
Mohtasib in writing.
9. Appointment of staff and terms of employment—(1)
Government shall determine the terms and conditions of
service and pay and allowances in respect of the staff
members of the Mohtasib.
(2) A district Mohtasib shall take oath of office
before the Provincial Mohtasib in the form set forth
in schedule ‘B’.
10. Power and duties of Mohtasib—-The Mohtasib shall,
on a written or oral complaint of any person, or on
reference from the High Court, the Supreme Court or
the Provincial Assembly, or suo moto, shall have the
authority to- (a) Enquiries into the allegations of
maladministration against any agency or its employees;
(b) Protect/watch the Islamic values and etiquettes;
(c) Watch the media established by Government or
working under the administrative control of Government
to ensure that its publications are useful to the
purpose of upholding Islamic values; (d) Forbid
persons, agencies and authorities working under the
administrative control of government to act against
Shariah and to guide them to good governance; (e)
Formulate such directives and principles which may
help in making the conduct of authorities working
under this section to be effective and purposeful; and
(f) Extend to the provincial administration in
discharging its functions smoothly and effectively;
provided that the Mohtasib shall not interfere in any
matter which is sub-judice before a court of competent
jurisdiction or which relates to external affairs of
Pakistan or the relations or dealings of Pakistan with
any foreign state or Government or relates to or is
connected with the defence of Pakistan or any part
thereof, the Military, Naval and Air Forces of
Pakistan or the matters covered by laws relating to
11: Procedure and evidence—-(1) A complaint shall be
made in writing or orally by the person aggrieved or,
in case of his death, by his legal heirs, to the
Mohtasib, which may be delivered personally to the
Mohtasib himself or his concerned member of staff or
by post, Email or Fax, etc.
(2) Where the Mohtasib proposes to conduct an
investigation, he shall issue to the principal or
subordinate office of the Agency concerned a notice
calling upon it to make reply to the allegations made.
If no reply is received within a reasonable time from
the concerned Agency or the officer under its control
competent to give reply, the Mohtasib shall initiate
investigation proceedings, which will be informal, but
in special circumstances, the Mohtasib may adopt such
procedure as he considers appropriate for such
investigation. The Mohtasib shall, in accordance with
the rules made under this Act, pay expenses and
allowances to the affected parties or the witnesses
produced by them. The Mohtasib shall be empowered to
check or cause to be checked through his employees the
official records of the concerned Agency; provided
that such documents do not pertain to state secret
documents. Where the Mohtasib, with respect to any
complaint, does not consider it appropriate to take
any action, he shall inform the complainant. The
Mohtasib shall regulate the procedure for the conduct
of business under, or the exercise of powers coffered
by, this Act.
12. Implementation of orders, etc—-(1) On completion
of the action in relation to a complaint, the Mohtasib
shall have the power to issue directive to the
competent officer of the Department concerned for its
implementation and may, at the same time, take up such
steps as considers expedient. The concerned Agency
within the time limit mentioned in the directive,
inform the Mohtasib about the action taken in that
behalf, failing which the concerned Agency or
competent officer will render itself or himself, as
the case may be, to the following actions:
(a) One or more actions under the North-West Frontier
Province Removal from Service (Special Powers) Act,
(b) In case of non-cooperation with the Mohtasib or
his staff during investigation, action for
interference in smooth functioning of Government.
(2) The Mohtasib shall, for the purpose of this Act,
have the same powers as are vested in a Civil Court
under the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 (V of 1908),
in respect of the following matters, namely:
(a) Summoning and enforcing the attendance of parties
and examining him on oath;
(b) Compelling the production of documents; and
(c) Receiving evidence on affidavits.
(3) Where the Mohtasib is satisfied in respect of a
complaint under consideration that any functionary of
Government has committed a cognizable offence or a
civil suit can be instituted against him, he shall
direct the concerned Agency to initiate action as
aforesaid in accordance with law.
13. Access to documents.—- The Mohtasib, any member of
his staff or a member of Hisba Force, authorised in
this behalf, shall have the right to enter into any
office of Government for investigation and examine and
take copies of documents during such investigation;
provided that if any document is taken into possession
from the records, he shall give a receipt thereof as a
token of such possession.
14. Contempt of Mohtasib.— (1) In respect of contempt
of Court, the Mohtasib shall have the same powers as
are vested, under Contempt of Court, 1976, in the High
(a) Hinders or become a source of hindrance in the
smooth proceedings before the Mohtasib or does
anything causing difficulties in the completion of
(b) Give such statement which defames Mohtasib, or any
of his officer or representative;
(c) Acts in a manner which, in relations to
proceedings before the Mohtasib, influence the mind of
the Mohtasib to take a partial decision; or
(d) Acts in a manner which, any law for the time being
in force, falls within the definition of contempt;
provided that any comments made in good faith and in
the public interest on any act or on report of the
Mohtasib or his staff or representative shall not be
treated as contempt.
(2) The aggrieved against any order of the Mohtasib
under section (1) may, within 30 days of such order,
appeal in the High Court which shall be heard by a
Division Bench of the said court.
15. Provincial Advisory Council.— The Provincial
Mohtasib, under his chairmanship, shall establish a
Provincial Advisory Council, consisting of –
(a) two Ulema of repute;
(b) two senior advocates from Bar;
(c) two representatives of Government in PBS-20.
16. Meetings of Provincial Advisory Council.—The
Provincial Advisory Council shall, for purpose of
consultations, meet at such times and at such places
as the Provincial Mohtasib may, from time to time,
(2) Unofficial members of the Advisory Council shall
be entitled to such honoraria as the Mohtasib may,
with the approval of government, determine.
17. District Mohtasib.—
(1) The Provincial Mohtasib may, for a district or for
more than one district, appoint a District Mohtasib.
(2) A person qualified to become a non-official member
of the Provincial Advisory Council shall be eligible
for appointment as a District Mohtasib.
(3) The tenure of a District Mohtasib shall be four
(4) In case of appointment of a District Mohtasib for
more than one district, the Provincial Mohtasib shall
determine the district where central office of such
District Mohtasib shall take place.
(5) A district Mohtasib, before entering his office,
shall take oath in the Form in Schedule B before the
(6) A District Mohtasib shall be entitled to the same
pay, allowances and privileges as are admissible to a
District and Session Judge.
(7) A District Mohtasib may be removed from the office
by the Provincial Mohtasib on the ground of corruption
or of being incapable of properly performing his
duties of office by reason of physical or mental
ability. In such case he shall be served with a
show-cause notice, which will be replied to by the
District Mohtasib within seven days from the date of
(8) On failure of the District Mohtasib to reply
within the stipulated period or the reply being found
un-satisfactory, the order of removal of the District
Mohtasib may be issued by the Provincial Mohtasib.
(9) The District Mohtasib, on his removal from office
under sub-section (8), may, within 30 days of the
order, appeal in the High Court.
(10) When a District Mohtasib has been removed on the
ground of corruption, he shall not be eligible, for a
period of four years from the date of his removal, to
be appointed in any Government Department or to become
a member of the Parliament or a Provincial Assembly or
a Local Government.
18. Delegation of Powers.—The Provincial Mohtasib may,
in writing, delegate his powers to a District Mohtasib
for a period of three months and subject to such
restriction as may be specified therein.
19. District Advisory Council.—
(1) As soon as may be after appointment of a District
Mohtasib, he shall establish a District Advisory
Council, consisting of at least five members under his
chairmanship, of whom one shall be a religious
scholar, one a law graduate, one a respectable
resident of district concerned and one a district
officer of Provincial Government.
(2) The District Advisory Council shall advise on
matters which are referred to it, from time to time,
by the District Mohtasib concerned.
20. Tehsil Mohtasib.—
(1) A District Mohtasib, with the permission of the
Provincial Mohtasib, may appoint as many Tehsil
Mohtasib as the need may be.
(2) A person qualified to become a District Mohtasib
shall be eligible for appointment as Tehsil Mohtasib.
(3) The tenure of the Tehsil Mohtasib shall be four
(4) In case of appointment of a Tehsil Mohtasib for
more than one Tehsil, the District Mohtasib concerned
shall determine the Tehsil where central office of
such Tehsil Mohtasib shall take place.
(5) A Teshil Mohtasib shall be entitled to the same
pay, allowances and privileges as are admissible to a
(6) A Tehsil Mohtasib may be removed from office by
the District Mohtasib concerned on the ground of
corruption or being incapable of properly performing
his duties of office by reason of physical or mental
inability. In such a case he shall be served with a
show-cause notice, which shall be replied to by the
Tehsil Mohtasib within seven days from the date of
(7) On failure of the Tehsil Mohtasib to reply within
the stipulated period or the reply being found
unsatisfactory, the order of removal of the Tehsil
Mohtasib may be issued by the District Mohtasib
(8) The Tehsil Mohtasib, on his removal from office
under sub-section (7), may within 30 days of the
order, appeal to the Provincial Mohtasib, whose
decision thereon shall be final.
(9) Where a Tehsil Mohtasib has been removed on the
ground of corruption, he shall not be eligible, for a
period of three years from the date of his removal, to
be appointed in Government Department or to become a
member of Parliament or a Provincial Assembly or a
21. Acting Tehsil Mohtasib.—
(1) If a Tehsil Mohtasib, for any reason, is unable to
attend his office temporarily, the District Mohtasib
concerned shall direct any other Tehsil Mohtasib to
act as Tehsil Mohtasib to perform his duties in
addition to his own duties.
(2) If the office of a Tehsil Mohtasib becomes vacant
for any reason, the District Mohtasib concerned shall
direct any Tehsil Mohtasib to act as Tehsil Mohtasib
of the Tehsil concerned till appointment of new Tehsil
Mohtasib for the Tehsil.
(3) No Acting Tehsil Mohtasib shall, in any case, be
appointed for a period of more than three months.
22. Delegation of Power to a Tehsil Mohtasib.—A
District Mohtasib shall, in the prescribed manner, be
competent to delegate his powers to a Tehsil Mohtasib
of his District in writing.
23. Special Powers of Mohtasib.—Without prejudice to
the powers conferred by section 10, the Mohtasib shall
have the following powers:
(i) To monitor adherence of moral values of Islam at
(ii) To discourage exhibition of extravagance,
particularly at the time of marriages and other family
(iii) To follow code of Islam in giving dowry;
(iv) To discourage beggary;
(v) To monitor adherence of Islamic values and its
respect and regard at the times of iftar and traveh;
(vi) To discourage entertainment shows and business
transaction at the time of Eids and Friday prayers
around mosques where such prayers are being held;
(vii) To remove causes of dereliction in performance
and proper arrangement of Eid and Friday prayers;
(viii) To discourage employment of under-age children;
(ix) To remove unnecessary delay in discharge of civil
liability which is not disputed between the parties;
(x) To prevent cruelty to animals;
(xi) To remove causes of negligence in maintenance of
(xii) To observe decorum of Islam at the time of Azan
and Fardh prayers;
(xiii) To prevent misuse of loud-speakers and
(xiv) To discourage un-Islamic and inhuman customs;
(xv) To check the tendency of indecent behaviour at
public places including harassment of women;
(xvi) To eradicate the deal as profession in Taweez,
palmistry, magic, etc;
(xvii) To protect the rights of minorities,
particularly to regard the sanctity of their religious
places and sites where they perform their religious
(xviii) To eliminate un-Islamic traditions, which
affect the rights of women, particularly taking
measures against their murders in the name of Honour,
to remove the tendency of depriving them of their
right of inheritance, to eliminate the tradition of
Cirri, and to protect their rights guaranteed by
Sharia and law;
(xix) To monitor weight and measures and eliminate
(xx) To eliminate artificial price hike;
(xxi) To protect government properties;
(xxii) To eliminate bribery from government offices;
(xxiii) To incite feeling of service to people at
large amongst government functionaries;
(xxiv) To advise those who are found to be disobedient
to their parents;
(xxv) To perform any other functions which the
Provincial Mohtasib determines from time to time in
consultation with the Advisory Council;
(xxvi) To mediates amongst parties and tribes in
matters pertaining to murders, attempts to murder and
similar other crimes threatening to law and order
24. Public Servant.—The Mohtasib and all his staff
including Hisba Force shall be deemed to be public
servant within meaning of section 21 of the Pakistan
Penal Code, 1860 (XLV of 1860).
(1) No court or authority shall be competent to
question the legal status of the proceedings before a
(2) No court or authority shall have the power to pass
any injunction or any interim or a stay order with
regard to any matter under consideration of the
(3) No suit or legal proceeding shall lie against the
Mohtasib or his staff for anything in good faith done
or intended to be done.
26. Hisba Police.—A mohtasib will be provided with
requisite police force to enable him to conduct his
affairs under this Act.
27. Conciliation Committee.—
(1) The Provincial Mohtasib in consultation with the
District Advisory Council, shall establish a
conciliation committee, at police station level, that
(i) Two religious scholars of repute,
(ii) A local lawyer,
(iii) A minority representative from the area,
(iv) A respectable local resident, and
(v) Station House Officer or his nominee
(2) A District Mohtasib may terminate the membership
of any committee member, after consultation with the
28. Offences to be Non-Cognizable.— Defiance of the
order of the concerned Mohtasib in the performance of
his duties under section 23 of this Act shall be
non-cognizable offence punishable with imprisonment
for a term of six month and a fine up to 2000 rupees.
29. Power to Make Rules.—Government from time to time
makes rules for carrying into effect the provision of
30. Over-riding effect.—The provisions of this Act, to
the extent provided hereunder, shall have over-riding
effect vis-a-vis any other law for the time being in
31. Removal of Difficulties.—Government may, by
notification in the official Gazette, remove any
difficulty or hindrance in connection with the
implementation of the Act.
Dear Syed Sahab:
These are terribly dark times. Let us stay determined to be sensitive to
issues affecting millions. Yes, Perkins is now well known and much read.
Internationalism was the glory aspect of the Left decades ago. That needs to
be revived, popularized.
In solidarity and with warm rgds
I K Shukla
I recently spent a month [December 2005- January 2006]
in Pakistan, my first trip there. I went to several
places in Pakistan and met some interesting people.
I’m now trying to get down to writing about my trip,
which, I hope you might find interesting. I’ll try and
do this in weekly installments. Would love to have
Heading for the Border
At last the day that I have been impatiently waiting
for dawns. Sleep has eluded me, the excitement, mixed
with trepidation, of leaving for Pakistan this morning
having kept me wide awake, fidgety and nervous. The
reporting time at Ambedkar Terminus is 4 am, but I get
there an hour before, just in case, I tell myself, I
miss the bus or get a seat in the rear if I am late.
It is a cold, foggy December morning, and I sit on the
pavement of the deserted road under a pale yellow
street light waiting.
At exactly 4 am the gate swings open. I head for the
shed that is marked out for the Delhi-Lahore bus. My
baggage is checked cursorily by a woman who clearly
appears tired of her monotonous routine and takes her
work as something of a mere formality. The shed has no
X-ray machine. ‘Send a letter to the Delhi Transport
Corporation and complain’, she says when I ask her
I ease myself into a stiff plastic chair in the
waiting room. A boy comes around with tea and
biscuits. A middle-aged man from Old Delhi walks
around handing out his visiting card to bored,
bleary-eyed passengers. ‘If you buy cosmetics and
clothes in Lahore you can sell them to me when you
return’, he explains. ‘You’ll make a good bargain’, he
Slowly, more passengers trickle in. From the way they
are dressed and speak, they appear to be largely from
lower-middle class families, for richer passengers
generally travel to Pakistan by air. Most of them are
Pakistani Mohajirs, who have come to India to meet
relatives. And to shop, as is amply evident from the
elephantine suitcases and cardboard boxes that they
are carrying, bursting to the seams with all manner of
goodies picked up from the bazaars of Delhi. I spot a
group of Pakistani Hindus, identifiable by the rolls
of posters of various Hindu deities and bunches of
peacock feathers that they have stuffed into plastic
bags. Like most of the Mohajirs in the room, they are
dressed in shalwar-kameez, but they speak in Sindhi,
which I don’t understand but which I think I find
The sleek air-conditioned DTC bus pulls out of the bus
stand at 6 am sharp. The Sikh driver puts on a
Gurubani tape—mellifluous and soul-stirring music. I
am truly grateful that we are not subjected to
ear-splitting Bollywood cacophony. But my relief is
short-lived, for as we leave the deserted streets of
Old Delhi behind us the television screen comes alive
and for the next three hours we are regaled with
Bollywood’s latest inanity—a film about two friends
who cheat on their wives and enter into multiple
affairs with a posse of women. I snuggle in my large,
comfortable reclining seat, refusing to glance at the
screen. I try to make small talk with the passenger
sitting next to me—a Muslim lad from Delhi who, like
me, is traveling to Pakistan for the first time.
The bus is heralded by a police van bearing armed
guards. It is laced with a snarling siren that
commands such authority that the other vehicles on the
road rush at once to the side to make way for us. The
bus is followed at the rear by another such van,
making us feel quite important. We swiftly hurtle down
the highway, and in small towns where we slow down
curious pedestrians glare at us in consternation. Some
of them smile and passionately wave out. The
‘Lahore-Delhi Bus Service’ slogan and the Indian and
Pakistani flags painted on either side of the bus mark
us out as passengers heading for what is perceived as
‘enemy country’. I ponder on what the passers-by must
be thinking on seeing the bus. Fear, hatred, envy,
curiosity, or perhaps a recognition of the fact that
across the forbidden frontier people must be quite the
same as them despite the religious difference?
We stop in Pipli, Haryana, for a hurried breakfast,
and then, by noon, at Kartarpur, Punjab, for lunch.
The passengers jostle each other at the buffet lunch
table with no care for queue rules, piling their
plates mountain-high with food. My stock of cigarettes
is over and I prowl around outside looking for a
friendly fellow-smoker. Elderly and suave Mr. Khan
from Old Delhi kindly obliges and rolls me a slim,
somewhat flimsy, cigarette. He introduces himself as a
businessman and a graduate of the Aligarh Muslim
‘I’m going to Lahore very reluctantly’, he grimly
says. ‘I have to meet my relatives, whom I have not
met for years. Although I don’t want to go, my wife
insists I should’. ‘You’ll find’, he tells me, ‘that
the level of education in Pakistan is very low. Most
people there are ignorant, crude and slobbery. They
are full of hot air, and love boasting about
themselves’. ‘See how they are jostling with each
other over food in the lunch room’, he points out, not
concealing his irritation. ‘After a few days in Lahore
you’ll be pining to come back, I assure you’, he
I am somewhat disappointed, and I know the perils of
generalizations. I tell Mr. Khan that many Indians are
probably no different. I’ve seen Indians breaking
queues and fighting over food. And I’ve seen my share
of ‘ignorant, crude and slobbery’ fellow Indians, too.
That, however, does not seem to shake his confidence
in his convictions.
The bus heads down the flat Punjab plains till we get
to Attari at around 3 pm. We pass by a ruined mosque
in a hamlet outside the town, just a few kilometers
from the border. The thought of the tens of thousands
of Hindus, Muslims, Dalits and Sikhs who must have
waded through rivers of blood and passed by the mosque
in 1947 on their way to the newly-created states of
India and Pakistan swirls in my mind. Who knows, I ask
myself, how many people must have been slaughtered in
this very village all in the name of religion and
nationalism? I shudder at the thought, seeking to push
it out of my mind, trying to think, instead, of the
prospect of crossing the border soon and wondering
what awaits me on the other side.
The bus crosses a heavily guarded gate and stops at
the Customs and Immigration booth. I rush out of the
bus, pushing and shoving and behaving quite like the
passengers whose behaviour at lunch time Mr. Khan so
sternly disapproved of, for I have been told that the
procedures here can take up to several hours. I walk
up to the counter and present my passport. The surly
man on the other side of the window glances at it and
then looks me up and down suspiciously. ‘This is not
proper’, he says, ruffling through my documents. My
heart sinks. Perhaps I will not be allowed to travel
further, I think. I ask him what the matter is, but he
orders me to sit down. ‘I shall call you shortly’, he
I am nervous, but, I tell myself, I have no reason to
be, for my papers are all in order, at least as far as
I know. Half an hour later, the man shouts out my name
and I nervously approach the window. ‘There’s no
problem, you can go’, he says imperiously. I grab my
passport before he can change his mind. I pass out of
Customs and then sit on a cement bench in the sun,
relieved. Half a mile ahead I see a massive gateway
that marks the end of Indian territory. Beyond that I
can spot a similar structure on the Pakistani side. My
heart trembles. Pakistan. So near, but, yet, it
appears, so far.
I keep myself amused for the next two hours pottering
around in the limited space that passengers have
access to. I walk down to the barbed wire fence that
stretches as far as I can see, a short distance behind
the border. Across the fence, although still in Indian
territory, I spot farmers in their tractors
cultivating their fields. I trace a group of elderly
Pakistanis walking down the road, having crossed the
border on foot. An Indian delegation goes up to
receive them. I see the two groups excitedly embracing
each other, slapping one another on the back and
giggling like school children. When they pass by near
where I am standing I catch snippets of their
conversation in loud Punjabi. They all look somewhat
the same, barring the two Sikhs in the group.
This display of camaraderie suddenly brings to my mind
the mosque at Attari. I think of the irony of the
border gates that I can see in the distance. I start
depressing again. I curse the idols of religious
exclusivism and nationalism in my mind. I think of my
own mother’s family, who had fled what is now Pakistan
in 1947. Some of them must have passed through this
route on their way to Delhi. I think of Mr. Khan’s
relatives in Lahore, who must have undertaken the same
journey, but the other way. I think of the other
passengers in the bus, who must, too, be from divided
families, each with their own gory tale to tell. I
think of the tyranny of power and the ego, the meaning
of suffering and the human capacity for evil. I think
also of God and His mysterious ways. All this is, of
course, immensely distressing and I calm myself down
with a bidi that an elderly and kind porter shares
The passengers have now completed their formalities at
Customs and Immigration. We lunge into the bus and
head, at last, for the border. A stony silence
prevails and the garrulous passengers appear
grim-faced. I sense a strange mix of the fear and
excitement that the allure of the forbidden entails
overcoming me like a powerful, irresistible wave.
Tears well in my eyes as the bus reaches the awesome
gate and there I see the land of my grandparents lying
before me, just a heavily barricaded metre ahead.
Mumbai Bomb Blasts – Intelligence & Counter-Intelligence
(Sarah Saba is a researcher in Karachi. She is the moderator of the group
'Progressive Pakistan' and can be reached at sarahresearch@...)
While addressing to a press conference on Saturday, Mumbai Police Commissioner
A.N. Roy accused the ISI of masterminding the Mumbai train bomb explosions on
11th July this year that resulted in the assassination of 200 people. The
commissioner provided the details of the plot with names, locations and
whereabouts of the terrorists involved in the attacks. He also provided
information about the explosives in the form of RDX packed in the pressure
The commissioner told the newsmen about the interrogation procedure
‘narco-analysis’, by which the suspects are questioned under the influence of
drugs to get the correct answers. He added that the ISI began planning of the
attacks in March and later imparted funding and training to the bombers in
Bahawalpur to accurately plan a professional, precise and well-planned
operation. He added that police had found no evidence of the involvement of Al
Qaeda in the attacks.
On the other hand Pakistan Foreign Office spokeswoman Tasnim Aslam completely
rejected the Indian claim by calling it baseless, irresponsible and done out of
habit. In his statement Mr. Tariq Azim Khan, the Minister of State for
Information said that India had always chosen the path of pointing fingers at
Pakistan without evidence.
The allegation has appeared at a sensitive time to enhance the stress of
President Musharraf who had already spent the previous days of a lengthy
overseas trip persuading against Afghan and British implications that the
members of his security apparatus were secretly supporting the Taleban revolt
intensifying in the Southern Afghanistan. Moreover, it was only two weeks before
when Musharraf managed to get India resuming a peace process, which had frozen
after the Mumbai blasts.
In the era of a neo-globalisation with multiple actors at the stage to shaping
up the future picture of the global village, this becomes very important for the
regional actors like India and Pakistan to immediately agree on an agenda of
regional cooperation for progress, prosperity and better facilities for the
people of the two nations. ISI which had been a much stronger power in the past
is currently engaged in its revitalisation process with much of its energy being
consumed in keeping the fine balance maintained between its modernist and
conventional parts. In these difficult times it simply can’t afford the sooper
adventures like this. If we compare the capabilities of the Regional Analysis
Wing (RAW) and the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) both are complexly rooted
in their targeted segments of the respective countries. If one agency has the
advantage of entrenching profoundly into the socio-national structure of the
targeted country, the other one has the
advantage of being deeply ingrained into the religio-sectarian segment of the
targeted country. In this complex situation there remains an opportunity for a
third international player to enter and reshape the geo-political structure of
the area into its own favour.
The story of re-establishment of the regional map started in the late
seventies as part of the ‘New World Order’ when the CIA masterminded the plan of
defeating the USSR in Afghanistan with the help of ISI. The then Pakistani
President Gen Zia knew only about the half part of the plan while knowing
nothing about the second half of the agenda. Only very few officers within ISI
like Brig Irshad Tirmazi could notify the presence of strange phenomena within
the Mujahideen’s camps in Afghanistan in form of Arab nexus. These were the
operative groups mainly belonging to the Middle East, the European countries and
the countries like Indonesia. The main features of the nexuses were; having
massive ‘foreign currency’, their daily march towards Russia and the areas
bordering China and their passionate concentration in training of the religious
elements for the sectarian (Shia-Sunni) violence.
During the Zia regime the tension between India and Pakistan remained alive
especially on the issues of Kashmir and the Eastern Punjab. Well before
successfully implementing his type of regional agenda, Gen Zia passed away in a
mysterious plane crash and right after his death there started the second half
of the international agenda for regional reshaping.
It was a time when the unseen hands brought India and Isreal closer for
defense and intelligence cooperation after a no relationship history of more
than 40 years. Although Israel provided India with the devastating artillery
weapon, 160 mm mortars and modern ammunition during 1971 war against Pakistan
yet the deal remained secret as a condition by Mossad. Even after the 71’s war
the defense relations had not been adequately established between the two
It was in 1992 when the formal diplomatic relations established between India
and Israel with the visit of the Deputy Director of Israel Foreign Ministry
Moshie Yaeger to India. Following the establishment of formal diplomatic
relations in 1992, India and Israel had signed a number of agreements for
economic, scientific, agricultural and cultural cooperation. In December 96
Israeli President Weizman visited India with a 24-member business delegation
that became the first ever visit of any Israeli President to India.
Although the relations between India and Israel kept on developing after 1992
with strong ties on defense and economics yet 1998 can really be considered as
the revolutionary year as far as the advancement of the Indian intelligence
agencies is concerned. In this year the Mossad transferred to India the most
sophisticated intelligence techniques for penetrating deep into the spy
operating groups. Before that point the ISI had clearly superceded the RAW in
terms of making networking within socio-political systems. During that year
Indian Home Minister L. K. Advani visited Israel with his delegation comprising
of the heads of the Indian intelligence agencies like RAW, IB and central police
organizations for their training on the latest intelligence techniques. Followed
by these developments the Israeli intelligence agencies opened offices in New
Delhi on the lines of United States FBI. After acquiring the newer techniques
the RAW not only attained the capability of breaking
the networks but also to exert the counter-intelligence operations through
infiltrating into the Islamist operative groups.
It was the time when the most important part of the international
restructuring plan was simply ready to be implemented to shape up the new world
In 1999, Maulvi Masood Azhar a 30- year old Sunni cleric from Bahawalpur was
in BSF custody at 'Papa II' interrogation center in India. Here he meets Omar
Sheikh with a history of being infiltrated into India and participated in some
acts of terrorism. He was arrested and jailed by the Indian authorities to meet
Maulvi Maood Azhar and to plan the idea of hijacking the Indian plane. Omar
Sheikh belonged to the Arab-European Nexus of 200 UK Muslim citizens with their
native linkage to Pakistan, hired by some agency in the UK and sent to Pakistan
to get training in the camps of Harkat Ul Ansaar (HUA) and joined the HUA's
contingent in Bosnia with full complicity of the British and American
intelligence agencies. These intelligence agencies had masterminded the Arab
Nexus, a large corps of jihadi personal of Arab origin to mix up with Afghan
Mujahideen in their war against the Soviet troops.
Maulvi Masood Azhar met there a number of ‘jehadi’ persons some belonging to
Jamiat Ulma E Hind (JUH) and some to Arab Nexus where they planned the Hijack of
Indian plane and made their future agenda to be implemented in Pakistan. On 24th
December 1999, an Indian aircraft flight IC 814 carrying 174 passengers and 18
crew (Kathmandu-Delhi) was hijacked on its way to New Delhi at about 1730 Hours
IST. It landed at Amritsar and was refused fuel and ultimately landed at the
Kabul airport. Three arrested jehadi persons Masood Azhar, Omar Sheikh and
Mushtaq Ahmed Zargar had been handed over to the Taliban militia at Kandahar.
The five hijackers had left the aircraft and had been taken to an undisclosed
location by the Taliban. The three released operatives found their ways to
Pakistan as per their plans.
On 11th September 2001, the tragic incidence of the World Trade Center took
place followed by the announcement of President Bush to start a long-term global
war against terror to bring the perpetrators to justice. It was the time for
India to inform the US about the involvement of Pakistan in the attack. It is
said that Prime Minister Vajpayee personally presented a copy of the cheque to
President Bush which was given by the then ISI chief Gen Mehmud to one of the
terrorists of the 9/11 attack Atta Muhammad. In this way, India played a key
role in providing the US authorities the HOT information about Pakistan as the
funding source for the September 11 attacks. The Times of India first reported
on October 10, 2001 that India told the US that some $100,000 had been wired to
the leader of the hijackers, Atta Muhammad, by British-born terrorist Omar
John S Pistole, deputy assistant director of the FBI’s counter-terrorism
division confirmed about the information, however, did not specify how those
accounts in Pakistan were funded, how the funds found their way to Omar Sheikh
and how the copy of the cheque reached to the Indian Prime Minister. Nobody
knows about the secrets behind the mystery but everybody knows about the
immediate acceptance by the Pakistani government of the 7 point US agenda to
role back Islamism, Talibanism and terrorism from Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Indian authorities also told the US that the trail led back from Omar Sheikh
to the then Chief of ISI, Lt Gen Mahmud Ahmad who was subsequently forced to
retire by Pakistan resident Pervez Musharraf. The Indian authorities provided
the FBI with the details, including Omar Sheikh’s mobile numbers.
Later the same Omer Sheikh was found guilty in the murder of the Wall Street
Journal reporter Daniel Pearl. The case was highlighted around the globe and
once again became the cause of considerable embarrassment for Pakistan. Maulvi
Masood Azhar established Jaish E Mohammad (JEM) and remained involved in the
activities of sectarian and religious terrorism including the attacks on the
churches in Pakistan.
Another example of ‘international intelligence cooperation’ is the information
of the suicidal attack against Gen Pervez Musharraf. Very recently, the former
Indian Defense Minister George Fernandes has said that India was aware of an
assassination attempt on Pakistani President three years ago. He said that he
had warned Islamabad two days before the attack in December 2003. The
above-mentioned examples simply highlight the scope and canvass of different
intelligence agencies in masterminding intelligence and counter intelligence
We are living in the post cold war era when the super power has nothing to do
with the Pakistani abilities of running or winning a war. Knowingly or
unknowingly, Pakistan can be pushed back to the post 9/11position by the
‘international cooperation of intelligence’. It is for the broader interests of
especially the 2 countries and generally the South Asian Region to establish the
long-term socio-economical relations and peace treaties to ensure better living
conditions and better education and medical facilities for the inhabitants of
the region. Otherwise the intelligence attacks and counter attacks will give the
international players the opportunities to implement their global agenda which
is nothing but the ‘Bandar Bant’.
But to achieve this development objective, the military establishment in
Pakistan will have to accept its role in the barracks and the major cut downs in
the heaviest defense budget to make the civilians’ lives easier. Magar billi ke
gale mein ghanti kon bandhe ga?
The Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party has printed and re-printed a
number of books to be sold and distributed amongst the workers,
peasants, students, intelligentsia, and all other progressive
sections in Pakistan. This is a very small attempt on our behalf to
fill the vacuum that arose due to the lack of theoretical work in
the communist movement of Pakistan.
The titles of the books with their prices are listed below.
The African Collection(collection of articles and speeches by
leading Marxists and anti-imperialists in the african anti-colonial
Documents of the South African Communist Party.
Documents of the African National Congress.
The African Dream: Diaries of the Revolutionary war in the congo by
Ernesto `Che' Guevara.
The African communist: the struggle of the south african communist
party PKR. 100
Africa on the new road by Pyotr Manchkha PKR. 50
Contemporary Marxist works
Political Economy by John Eaton PKR. 200
Trotskyism or Leninism? By Harpal Brar PKR. 300
The Class Character of the Soviet Union by Sam Marcy PKR. 50
Leninism: the Science of Revolution PKR. 50
Why Imperialism impedes Human Progress, and How? PKR. 150
Expanding Empire PKR. 50
Marxist-Leninist Philosophy: the theory of revolutionary practice by
V. Podosetnik PKR. 50
The ever-lasting significance of Marx's capital by V. Vygodsky PKR. 50
Marxism: it's roots and essence by Theodore Oizerman PKR. 50
The world of capital: Mechanisms of crisis PKR. 130
Contemporary Trotskyism: it's anti-revolutionary nature by M.
Basmanov PKR. 150
Marxism and the emancipation of women by Ella Rule PKR. 300
Islam and captalism by Maxime Rodinson PKR. 150
Political economy: a textbook PKR. 250
Fidel and religion PKR. 200
Guerrilla warfare by Ernesto `Che' Guevara PKR. 200
Reminisces of the Cuban revolutionary war `Che' Guevara PKR. 300
Collected works of Che Guevara
To speak the truth by Fidel Castro and Che Guevara PKR. 250
Che Guevara: Bolivian diaries PKR. 300
On imperialist globalization by Fidel Castro PKR 150
Socialism and man in Cuba by Che Guevara PKR. 50
Cuba for beginners by Rius PKR. 75
Democratic people's republic of Korea (DPRK)
The struggle of the Korean people against U.S imperialism ( 1840-
1969) PKR. 50
Marx and Engels on India. PKR. 300
Why I am an atheist by Bhagat Singh. PKR. 30
Selected Works of Bhagat Singh. PKR. 150
Critique of Gandhism (The Debacle of Gandhism by Evelyn Roy, On non-violence
and the Masses by M.N Roy and To Young Political workers by Bhagat Singh)
On the National Question: CPI documents uptill 1947 PKR. 150
V.I Lenin-Furthur readings
What is to be done? PKR. 100
Where to begin PKR. 100
the Heritage we renounce PKR. 100
State and revolution PKR. 150
Imperialism, the Highest stage of capitalism PKR. 150
Lenin: against Revisionism PKR. 300
The rights of nations to self-determination PKR. 100
The alliance of the working class and peasantry PKR. 75
Left wing communism: an infantile disorder PKR. 75
Materialism and empiro-criticism PKR. 100
The collapse of the second international PKR. 75
J.V Stalin-furthur readings
Trotskyism or Leninism? PKR. 60
Marxism and the national question PKR. 150
The agrarian question PKR. 200
Marxism and the problems of linguistics PKR . 75
Anarchism or socialism PKR. 40
Our disagreements PKR. 50
Foundations of Leninism PKR. 150
Problems of Leninism PKR. 300
On the opposition PKR.300
Mastering Bolshevism PKR. 50
Collected Works of Stalin. Volume 1-14 PKR. 250/volume
Hugo Chavez and the Bolivarian Revolution by Richard Gott PKR. 130
To speak the truth by Fidel Castro and Che Guevara PKR. 250
Episodes of the Cuban Revolutionary War by Che Guevara PKR. 300
Chile: from Allende to Pinochet (1970-1973) PKR. 75
Mao Tse-Tung-Furthur readings
Quotations from chairman Mao (Little Red Book) PKR. 50
Guerrilla Warfare PKR. 150
On protracted war PKR. 150
selected works of Mao Tse Tung Vol. I -IX PKR. 250/volume
selected military writings of Mao Tse Tung PKR. 300
On Practice PKR. 75
Marx and Engles- Furthur readings
Value, Price and profit by K. Marx PKR. 75
Orgin of the family, by F. Engels PKR. 100
Ludwig Feurbach by K. Marx and F. Engels PKR. 100
the peasant question in France and Germany PKR. 100
Anti-Duhring by F. Engels PKR. 200
Capital vol. I PKR. 500
Critique of the Gotha programme PKR. 100
Dialectics of nature PKR. 200
Marxism for beginners
Three sources and three component parts of Marxism by V.I Lenin
PKR . 50
Karl Marx by V.I Lenin PKR. 75
Principles of Communism by F. Engels PKR. 50
Socialism: Utopian and Scientific by F. Engels PKR. 50
Manifesto of the Communist party(Communist manifesto) by K. Marx and
F. Engels PKR. 50
The part played by labor in the transition from ape to man by F.
Engels PKR. 50
Wage Labor and capital by K. Marx PKR. 50
Dialectical and historical materialism by J.V Stalin PKR.50
Marxism for beginners by Taimur Rahman PKR. 75
Principles of communism by Dennis McKinsey PKR. 50
Beliefs of communism by Dennis McKinsey PKR.50
Relevance of Marxism by Dennis McKinsey PKR. 70
Marxism for beginners by Rius PKR. 75
Lenin for Beginners by Rius PKR. 75
Mao for beginners by Rius PKR. 75
Marxism: its roots and essence PKR. 150
Study guide for Marxism PKR. 150
Problems and prospects of revolution in Nepal PKR. 100
Some important documents of the CPN(Maoist) PKR. 100
People's Republic of China
Red Star over China by Edgar Snow PKR. 200
Collected articles and speeches of Chou En-Lai PKR. 100
Collected articles and speeches of Lin Biao PKR. 150
New women in new China PKR. 50
The union of soviet socialist republics
Another View of Stalin by Ludo Martens PKR. 200
Ten Days that Shook the World by John Reed PKR. 300
Collected articles by Dennis McKinsey on the Soviet Union
The Class character of the Soviet Union by Sam Marcy PKR. 50
How socialist economic foundations were built in the Soviet Union by
Yuri Klimov PKR. 75
Public health in the Soviet Union by N.A. Vinogradov PKR. 50
USSR: the velvet counter-revolution by Ludo Martens PKR. 150
Soviet Democracy by Pat Sloan PKR. 160
The Gov. & Politics of the Soviet Union by Leonard Schapiro
Perestroika by Harpal Brar PKR. 170
The collapse of the Soviet Union PKR. 170
Musa se Marx Tak (From Moses to Marx) by Sibte Hassan PKR. 125
Marxism kya Hai (What is Marxism) PKR. 75
Communist Manifesto (Urdu) PKR. 50
Communist manifesto (Punjabi) PKR. 50
Thesis on Feurbach (Urdu)
Wage labor and capital (Urdu)
Eighteenth brumaire of louis Bonaparte (urdu)
Wages, price and profit (Urdu)
Critique of the
Gotha programme (Urdu)
Civil war in France (Urdu)
Dialectics of nature (Urdu)
Ludwig feurbach and the end of classical german philosophy (Urdu)
Orgin of the family, private property and the state
Peasant question in france and germany (Urdu)
Where to begin (Urdu)
Three sources and three component parts of Marxism (Urdu) PKR. 50
Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism (Urdu) PKR. 150
Left wing communism: an infantile disorder PKR. 100
State and revolution PKR. 100
Che Guevara: Bolivian diaries (Urdu) PKR. 200
Marxsi Falsafaa by Sajjad Zaheer PKR. 30
Muntakhib tasaneef of Lenin PKR. 50
MAA by Maxim Gorky PKR. 250
The prices are set in order to recover the cost so that we retain
the financial position to print more books in future. We will be
pleased to take orders from the members of this email list.
For more information contact:
The idea of “New city of international standards”
Recently federal government has made a contract with UAE based construction
firm regarding construction of a new city of international standard on the
threshold of port Qasim. It is planned that the new city of international
standards will be built on the twin islands of Bundar and Buddo, located close
to the port Qasim and the design of the proposed city will be prepared on the
pattern of that of Dubai. The estimated cost of the mega project has been put at
Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum strongly condemns this decision of construction the
new city of the Karachi coast line. Opposing this devilish plan, Pakistan
Fisherfolk Forum is of the view that it would put colossal negative impact on
the lives and livelihood of local fishing communities, that is, this project is
totally anti-human and illegitimate in its essence. PFF has invariably rejected
any development process which is done at the expense of live and livelihood of
The construction of the new city would result in poverty and hunger among 8
million fisherfolk historically inhabitations of coast and traditionally earning
their livelihood at Karachi coast.
Besides the destruction of basic and traditional source of livelihood of the
poor fishing communities, it would render the entire marine ecological system
terribly unsustainable. Hundreds of fishing grounds would be annihilated. The
unemployment ratio among poor fisherfolk will dramatically increase. Mangroves
forests, which are already being rapidly destroyed, will suffer more due
construction of new city.
With the passage of time new and more investors will surge into the areas and
will invest and earn at the cost of lives of poor people.
Ironically the federal government has done contract on its own without
informing the Sindh government. This has recently been expressed by chief
minister of Sindh Mr. Ghullam Arbab Rahim. He opined that neither he has been
informed nor he has got any update about it.
PFF condemns this decision which is sheer violation of human rights and
dignity and appeals national, international, media, social, human rights and
development experts to immediately intervene into the matter and save the lives
and livelihood of the poor people of these islands.
PFF has vowed to initiate an intense campaign against it in case government is
still stick to it within considering its blatant losses.
AGRICULTURE AND PAKISTAN
Agriculture is the oldest occupation of human being. When human came out of
caves and jungle, Agriculture became his occupation. Food and dress are his
basic needs. Caves and jungle could not overcome his needs; he left them for
civilized life. He preferred agriculture his occupation and proceeded toward
plain. Obviously he was bound to start living in plain. Villages, towns and
cities came into being. Water is another survival factor for him and his
animals, so all the villages, towns and cities are near the rivers or streams.
First of all he used his fingers as a tools (technology) for agriculture, When
his need increased he made his tools from stones and the productions increased.
After that he used copper and lastly he succeeded in making iron tools which
brought revolution in his economical, social and political life. The agriculture
production was increased, as ompare to cave and jungle. the life became more
civilized and social. He was developed in every sphere of life. On surface of
earth different civilizations came into being.
The ancient Babli (Firaat and Dajla) River Nile Egyptian civilization, River
Ganga and Jammu India old civilization, Munju Daro and Harappa civilization and
great Ghandharah civilization were all agricultural civilization. The remains of
those civilizations not left only to put light on history of particular era but
also help us to know their economical political and social development growth.
Today, when we see the agricultural development of thousands of years old
sub-continent, we are astonished to see them on the peak. The moderns’ men
astonish to see the agricultural implements of Ghandhara art in Takht Bai,
Charsaddah and Swat. Thousand of years before, the occupation of the people of
that era were agricultural. The Ghandhara art was developed so much, when we see
them in our museums, we are bound to believe the greatness of Ghandhara art. Our
aim and purpose of revealing the short history of that era was that if
agricultural could be developed in thousand of years of old era, then, why can
not be developed in the most technological advance period of today, provided we
put our best efforts. We cannot only develop in agricultural but can become self
sufficient in food products.
Right from Mughal period, landlord system was administered rather implemented
fully. The king used to award the large pieces of lands to the nobles. With this
the lords used to become and entertain as uncrown-kings. The peasants and
growers used to be their subjects. A large portion of land production used to go
to the lords, nobles and counts for their luxurious life. After Mughal Empire,
the British occupied India (sub-continent). They kept continue the same land
lord system. They made it stronger and powerful. In return they were bound
conditionally to be loyal to British Empire. And were to stand against and crush
those Indian peoples raised their heads against British Imperialism. They were
practically bound to suppress any freedom moments and fighters. In addition they
were duty bound to collect revenues for the British Empires. The British
government awarded the loyal landlords with titles of Roybahadar, Khan Bahadar
Chaudhary and Sardar. Some of them were empowered to be honourary Magistrates.
They entertained their judiciary power and use to punish the people by using
their hujras as their coats. Those lords use to be their guards and the
defenders of the British empires. In return the British government uses to
honour their demands and looked after them.
We got political freedom and Pakistan came into being but nothing has been done
for economic freedom. Economically we are facing the same old land lordship in
half colony system. Pakistan is an agricultural country. It possesses precious
natural resources. On the day of freedom, it should have been announced. The
land might have been divided among non-owners and agricultural laborers. As in
Indian it has been done. If India could do it why not we? With that the economic
foundation of landlord ship might have been ended. As a result, the political
oppressive power would have been ended. Right democratic system might have been
existed particularly in agricultural development and normally in every sphere of
life we would have used our own sources for the development of our country and
would have made national agricultural policy with an industrial policy based on
agricultural. We should have developed our agricultural implements (tools). We
should adopt our own technology based on such an agricultural science in our
country. In this way we should have developed our own agricultural scientific
Ideology concerning agricultural production and to accustom the most modern
basic agricultural science and technology based on our own country and nation.
But unfortunately, right from the beginning the landlords, capitalists and
bureaucracy (civil and military) depended on foreign aids and capitalist on
agricultural policy. The ruling groups used to provide security to the interest
of imperialists by mixing foreign economy with their own country economy.
They got loans on interest from developed countries especially from America.
Actually, they kept their own country as a bond in the hands of America.
Pakistan is an agriculture country. Its development depends on agriculture
development. That is why the developed country and America hit their first blow
on the backbone (agriculture) of our country in order to paralyze the
development. During Ayub Khan Green Revolution, agriculture experts (CIA Agents)
were called. Instead solving the agriculture problems of Pakistan they worked
for the security of foreign capital. They put our agricultural policy on such
line and implemented in such away that our agricultural economy was dominated
and made it depended on foreign aids. The interest of the capitalist countries
are always based on that the agricultural of the under developed countries must
remain undeveloped and paralyzed. It is real fact that no country can be
developed without agricultural development.
In our agricultural field instead of adopting our own agricultural scientific
policies on our own research and experiments, the foreign agricultural
scientific and technological policies are implemented. Without any critical
points of view, thousands of experts were sent for training to such country,
which was the most advanced and well-developed as compare to our country. Their
developed science and technology was mostly not implement able in an under
developed country. Those experts came back with Ph.D. degrees. But they learned
agricultural education in those well-developed countries, which are
unimplementable in these poor and under developed country. At the time of
purchasing technology they did not think over whether that costly technology was
suitable for the poor peasants, farmers and growers will be able to purchase it
or not? But the bureaucrats and ministers were busy and are still busy in
purchasing and getting their commission in millions of dollars. Landlords,
wadheras and sardars and khawanineens can purchase such technology. But the rest
of people rather grass root level people are unable to purchase and so we can
not achieve our required progress in field of agricultural.
In all provinces there are research centers. Experiment are carried out on every
important and required crops, But until now, no beneficial results have been to
the peasants and growers effectively. How ever vast agricultural workers are
exist throughout the country to convey the most modern technology to farmers.
But they have not provided with the required facilities to work effectively: for
example a furnished office and vehicle etc. If there are some vehicles or
other facilities, they are in the use of bureaucrats, ministers and advisers.
For example, the vehicles provided for the use of agricultural research and
development department, they are in use of agricultural minister and bureaucrats
attached to the department. If a few vehicles are left with them, then there are
insufficient funds for fuel. In this way, as a routine a lot of budget is
provided to the agriculture department is being spent on the luxurious life of
bureaucrat and ministers. Obviously the agricultural department workers are
unable to convey the modern agricultural technology to
To the farmers of the country
These are the reasons; our farmers are unaware and are unable to use the right
seed to the existing cultivation in time, the required preparation of forms and
the use of a fertilizer, the spray against insect in time. Obviously, our yield
per unite must be very low as a result, economically would go down and down.
Agricultural credit scheme was introduced for provide loan from the banks and
awareness to the farmers. It was for the purpose to provide loans to the grower
in time and the agricultural credit officer who should be agricultural expert.
For the purpose that he would provide the farmers the agricultural education
required to them in the fields and forms. But unfortunately, these loans were
given to the wadheras in Sind, Chuadrys in Punjab, Khwaneens in Sarhad and
Sardars Mirs in Baluchistan. The source full and politician were exempted to
refund the billions of rupees or other wise did not refund back to the bank up
till now. Even those loans were awarded to the non-agriculturists as to
businessmen. A common grower either could not get this loan due to complication
or if in case succeeded to get it, he got it late because he spent most of his
time in its complication. The period of that inputs for which he tries to get
loan is passed away in loan became useless and the loan is being spent on his
At present, there are three agricultural universities and several agricultural
colleges are functioning. Thousands acres of land for research purpose is
available with thousands of professors with in these universities and colleges.
But practically they are lacking behind in the required achievements. If these
professors work on the research based upon their own country soil and weather as
will as on different crops definitely a beneficial results might have been
achieved, and might have been arranged to reach to the farmers and growers. The
courses of the agriculture students should be based upon the light on those
researches and experiments. In this way the courses must be according to the
country’s economy as will, as the agriculture recommendations must be
administered in easy and local languages in order to convey the researches and
Suggestions and Methodology for Developments
As we have mentioned above that there are three agricultural universities and
several colleges in the country and in every province there are several centers
for field assistants. There are thousand of professors belong to different
branches of agricultural. Every year thousand of agricultural graduates come out
after specialization in different agricultural branch. For every crop there are
hundreds of research centers. In these Institutions, thousands of scientists are
working to convey the results of their researches to the growers and farmers.
There is vast agricultural department in every province of our country. To
prepare and develop agricultural implements and tools. The departments of
agricultural engineers are existing and there are several animal departments for
reproduction and animal husbandries in the country.
With every bank there is one agricultural credit officer and agricultural bank
is entirely for the agricultural services. In these banks there are thousand of
agricultural graduates working there. There are thousands of agricultural
scientists working in different tobacco research farms and in some other
companies for different purposes.
Keeping in view the above mentioned facts it is finally suggested that if we
convey as soon as possible the power full advises/suggestions based on the
collective researches and experiments on different crops carried out by the
aforesaid scientists, researches and workers in the agricultural departments.
There is no reasons why we can not increase yields per unite of our every crop
by using modern technology in time.
Before cultivation of every crop we should make sure the following factors based
on union council level.
1. Availability of sufficient quantity of crops.
2. Availability of fertilizer required for those crops.
3. Cultivation of every crop in time.
4. Preparation of land/farm according to the recommended way.
5. Removal of unnecessary plants/grass according to the recommended way.
6. Availability of agricultural medicine and its use in time.
7. Surety/assurance to provide loans to the growers/farmers for the purchase
of recommended inputs in time.
8. Completion of full requirements in process of the growth of every crop in
9. Storage of every crop accordingly.
10. Arrangement for markets based on the growers and farmers benefits and for
the surplus production if is more than the requirement of the country then
arrangement must be done for the provision of exporting facilities.
These are a few required messages which the agricultural specialist are to
convey to the farmers and growers as it is very much clear that most of our
farmers/growers are illiterate. So we are to arrange discussion method in order
to educate them about new agricultural technology. These discussions must be in
their mother tongue particularly and in a democratic manner more over, one
should avoid the bureaucratic style during dealing with them. And also avoid
showing the expression of having more knowledge than they have.
As it is very much clear that we are lacking infrastructure (insufficient roads
schools and hospitals in our country site).We should also work for awareness to
educate the formers about their rights. They should know the funds, their
members of union council, provincial and national assembly’s members get from
government treasury for the development and to be spent on roads to market to
facilitate them to convey their products to the markets easily. They should
spend these funds on buildings of schools and hospitals so that they and their
children get education and to be healthy.
Though in all provinces of all Pakistan there are sufficient differences in the
field of industrial development. But in the agricultural field the development
is also brutal and this inequality reached to its peak and injustice. The
industrial development in Sarhad and Baluchistan is equal to nothing. But in
Sind except Karachi and some other cities, no reasonable development has been
done. Let us analyze it statistically. Agricultural is the backbone of Pakistan
economy. 60 to 70 % populations is attached to the agricultural. 30 to 40%
productions are achieved through the agriculture. If we analyze per individual
w.e.f. 1940 to 1970 is as following.
In Punjab it was decreased from 104.2 to 47.24points. In Baluchistan it was
decreased from 62.13 to 49.56 points. In Sind it was increased from 97.42
to101points. The reason was the fertile land occupied by Punjabis and refugees.
Basically there was no change in Sind under cultivation land of Punjab and Sind
is more than other Provinces e-g the fertile land in Punjab is 57.5%, In Sind
28.4%. In Baluchistan and in Sarhad it is 6.6%. More over the under water land
of Punjab was72% In Sind 57 In Sarhad 38% and Baluchistan 21% of the total under
water land of Pakistan the Cash crop used to be cultivated more in Punjab and
Sind. There were more chances of development of the cash crops in Sind and
Punjab but the chances were wasted due to existing of land lord ship and trible
system in Sarhad and Baluchistan as it was during British imperialism. It can be
said that no reasonable changes have been brought till now. If we analyze
statistically, the four provinces of Pakistan that will be such as, the total
land of Sind, and Baluchistan and Sarhad are 57%. More than 40% from 1940 to
1970 only 32 % of chemical fertilizer was used in these provinces, the tractor
were 17% and the tubewell 19% in these provinces. However the requirements of
foresaid were more than Punjab because of natural weather/season, natural
condition and a geographical formation of these provinces.
Due to backwardness and agricultural technology, the formation of ancient land
property system the production of these three provinces is 34%. Before partition
and after 20 years the division of the river Sind and of its branches was as
such that Punjab 20%, Sind 15%, Sarhad 4% and Baluchistan was not included in
that water division. Ayub Khan the president of Pakistan divided the land of
Giddoo Sakkar and Kotri among the military and civil bureaucrat on the name of
Green revolution. Under a new agricultural policy, most of them were Punjabis or
refugees and military. The poor farmers were made refuge forcibly. In Patfidir
(Baluchistan) the same policy was repeated. In view of above mentioned facts the
question can not arise for the equal agricultural development in the provinces.
If we analyzed the agricultural internationally, according to the World Bank
report 600 hundred million people would pass their lives in a state of
starvation. Till 2000 A.D the people of under developed countries are thinking
and suffering in a wrong view about their own social, about nature and abroad
world to the extreme level hopelessly. Most of poor farmers have owned the
remains of their biological and their past social cultural. The power full human
critics could not affect them. The cultural of Pakistani farmers/peasants are
the same as they were before human history. Only the modern science and
technology can compete and fight against that cultural. Adult education is to be
provided in their mother tongue. The beneficial technology must be conveyed
based on researches and experiments on every crop. So that they increase their
yield per unit and become up economically, politically awarded and socially
Farther more, the land is not only important to produce food but important for
providing employment too. The wastage of land is the wastage of employment and
more over the increasing number of agricultural labors, the agricultural
mechanization and increasing population affect the increase of families to the
dangerous point, even they would be unable to survive and their lives would be
insecure. It can be its tenacity can only be decreased by agricultural
reformation. In this country so called reformations are brought into practice
but were failed badly. In agricultural reformation, all farmers’ agricultural
workers peasants should also participate actively and in organized manner. Then,
the cooperative system must be introduced in the country. So that every man
lives on the earth must have approach to the land and enjoy the fruit full
benefit of it. The second reformation should be to invest the grass root level
farmers So that production s increased and they should not be compelled to work
for others as labor. The 3rd reformation should be that these people must have
approach to those atoms that they have the right to obtain for example they are
to enjoy and entertain the government made schemes as micro credit, agricultural
loans and free experts advises. The 4th is to control over the agricultural
mechanization. This mechanization must be abolished and labor intensive method
must be owned in the cooperative system the mechanization is not un beneficial
because every one gets its profit.
Finally a few most important suggestions for the completion of our efforts are
as follow: -
1. The grass root level farmers have the rights of liberty to pass their lives
according to their will and wishes to use their characteristics freely.
2. In agricultural economics activities should follow the human dignity and
humanity instead of personal benefits.
3. Active participation in the political, economic social life of farmers must
4. In agricultural and its adjacent and connected industries the big and large
technology must be abolished and introduce and develop labour intensive
5. End to landlord ship, its economy and politics in the field of agricultural,
freedom to complete political, economical and social participation of the grass
root level farmers. To end every type of inequalities among the provinces in the
field of agricultural and to make sure that all nations in federation in
Pakistan must develop economically, politically and socially.
God helps those who help themselves.
Prof. Munawar Khan
President Ghulam Kashtkar N.W.F.P Pakistan
Phone 0938 - 539462
Postal address: - Hujra Prof. Munawar Khan village and post office Manki
Distt Swabi N.W.F.P Pakistan
CORRUPTION IN PAKISTAN
Corruption in the sense of Government, civil and military servants, and
Public officials and politicians of Pakistan pocketing public funds or taking
bribes from local and foreign individuals, governments and businessmen, getting
expensive land at discounted rates, and surrendering barren land in lieu of
scores of millions in bank loans, is too well known and documented by in-country
and international agencies, to be worthy of any unusual notice. After all, the
country has had the dubious distinction of being on the top of the list of
corrupt countries several times. But the factors underlying the problem have not
been adequately dealt with or analyzed.
Bribery is as old as human history. In all societies, greasing the palm
has been the accepted method of facilitation of all activities. It has been
variously and euphemistically named tribute, nazar (presentation), facilitation
fee etc. What distinguished it from a gift was the element of coercion. Vassals
paid it to overlords, aristocrats to the king, traders to state officials,
lawbreakers to policemen, and litigants to judiciary officials.
In India under the British rule, it became an art form. It was generally called
“Income from above” implying divine favor; it was most prevalent among the
police, minor court officials, and revenue services. . In most instances
salaries were grossly inadequate and had to be supplemented. Senior civil and
police servants, judges, teachers and physicians were immune to the practice,
not only because they were well paid, but also they deemed it beneath their
dignity/honor etc. New selectees to senior civil services, if not wealthy in
their own right, (impecunious but outstanding students were sponsored, by among
others prospective fathers in law, and sent to England to compete in the
examinations) were kept as guests in their supervisor’s homes till such time as
they were able to afford to live on their own and resist temptation.
But corruption in any form was stigmatized and looked down upon by the
majority of people.
Highly educated persons led Indian independence movement, majority among
them were university graduates, and top ranks were full of individuals who had
gone to England for higher education. They were, by and large, men and women of
high moral integrity. Professionals, lawyers, educationists, social workers etc
dominated Indian national congress. Muslim league on the other hand, except for
Mr. Jinnah, who was heads and shoulders above all others in the party and a few
middle rank leaders, was led by landlords- usually the progeny of men who had
supported the British against their compatriots, in the 1857 war of
Independence/Partition saw wide spread devastation, with influx of
destitute refugees into both countries, India and Pakistan. Pakistan being much
smaller was overwhelmed and nearly succumbed to the onslaught. But corruption
was kept at the pre-independence level. Leaders from Jinnah down were patently
honest in the fiduciary sense. Top leadership boasted of men of high probity in
every sense, most notably Jinnah and Liaquat, the first Prime Minister. Some of
them like Liaquat, altruistically, did not even take advantage of the legal
facility of claiming the property of Hindus and Sikhs left in Pakistan, in lieu
of the property they had they had to abandon in India.
The rulers that followed Jinnah and Liaquat, though corrupt in the
Political sense, were fiscally upright. Ghulam Muhammad, who became Governor
General following Liaquat’s assassination, violated the constitution but did not
amass any wealth. Nazimuddin who followed Liaquat was weak and let his ministers
and bureaucrats get away with intrigues, but no financial scandals were
associated with his term in office. Iskander Mirza, defense secretary in the
early days of Pakistan, aided and abetted Ghulam Muhammad’s grab for power, but
after being exiled by Ayub Khan, had to work as a manager of an Indian
restaurant in England. H.S. Suhrawardy, scion of a wealthy family, an
outstanding lawyer, who commanded fabulous amounts of money as his fee, died a
relatively poor man. Senior civil servants lived with in their means. Affluent
fathers won’t consider army officers, as suitable candidates for their daughter’
hand, as they had no prospects. Generals, if not wealthy in their own right
lived a modest post retirement life.
Ayub Khan, conspiring with landlord/ politicians of the then West, now
all Pakistan, not only subverted the newly emerging political process, a
constitution had been passed and elections were due in a few weeks, but after a
breather of two to three years, ushered in an era of corruption at an
unprecedented scale He may arguably be regarded as the pioneer of large-scale
and pervasive corruption in Pakistan. He used his son Gohar Ayub, a lowly
officer in Pakistan Army, as his agent general. Gohar was awarded highly
lucrative licenses for manufacturing plants, imports, trades and industries. He
lived the life of a veritable mafia don. Ayub’s father was a non commissioned
officer in the British Army (Subedar). The family did not have any land
holdings. Now they are among the richest families in Pakistan. Ayub also
violated the sanctity of the contractual obligation of the government by
conducting a vendetta against the fiscally honest civil servants of immigrant
origin, dismissing them wholesale without due process of law.
The dam that had kept men in authority honest had been breached. The
cracks widened under pressure of erosion of values. From policemen on the beat
to highest ranks, from legal clerks to judges, from minor revenue officials to
senior administrators, from storekeepers to high-ranking engineers, all
Government departments were immersed in the morass of the moral decadence.
Customs, police and revenue/income tax departments were in the forefront. Army
officers would have to be super human, and they were not, to resist the
temptation. But they were novices, only a few had access to the ruling Junta.
Ayub, perhaps constrained by his British training, had not inducted them into
the ranks of civil service. They were by and large left out and resented it.
Ayub was weakened by the charge that he had given away on the
negotiation table what the Jawans had won on the battlefield, and that he had
left East Pakistan at the mercy of India. Incidentally both charges are of
doubtful authenticity. In any event, he could no longer control the civil
unrest and the movement against suppression of freedom of speech spearheaded by
students, ironically provoked by his tactless celebration of the decade of
development. He had to give in to the pressure of Army officers and violating
his own tailor made constitution, handed in the reins of power to the Army
chief, Yahya Khan, an alcoholic and a debauch. Yahya also conducted a vendetta
against civil servants. He wanted to go down in history as the person who
restored rule of law and representative government in the country. The firm
belief that it would be a divided house underlay the optimism of the ruling
Junta. But the cabal had miscalculated, and was let down by circumstances
beyond their control. They organized the first national elections. A cyclone hit
East Pakistan and Bhashani, the main rival to Awami League the dominant party in
the East, withdrew from elections when his demand for a postponement of polls
was turned down. Awami League won 159 out of 161 seats assigned to the East and
over all majority in the whole house of 310. The party would divert public funds
to social services, creation of jobs, and had plans to tax landlord’s income
(Tax exempt to this day in Pakistan). Non-feudal parties in West Pakistan also
supported them. They could muster two third majority in the parliament to frame
a constitution of their choice.
Not prepared to take the risk of waiting and attempting to subvert the
new government, and at the behest of feudal lords represented by Bhutto, the
Army launched a reign of terror in East Pakistan, plunging it into a veritable
blood bath resulting in secession of East Pakistan and emergence of the
independent state of Bangladesh.
Bhutto in NY for the Security Council meeting, called on Nixon and
Kissinger after Pakistan army had surrendered to India and obtained their
blessings to take over in Pakistan. On return to the country, he drove straight
from the airport to President house and emerged a few hours later flying the
Presidential and Chief Martial Law flags on his car. He was a closet fascist and
conducted his own personal vendetta against all manners of people, civil
servants, politicians and businessmen. He managed to humiliate and exile several
senior Army officers and after a suitable interval appointed Tikka Khan, better
known as the butcher of Dacca, to the post of the Army chief. Tikka kept tabs on
Army headquarters. On his retirement, Bhutto gave the job to the master
hypocrite and bigot Zia Ul Haq, who was abjectly servile, calling Bhutto Sir
even after overthrowing and imprisoning him.
Corruption rose to higher levels in Bhutto’s time. The hither to
un-blemished ranks of education and postal workers also joined in. Once Foreign
Service was highly coveted and the brightest entrants into civil service chose
it as a career. Now number one choice was police, followed by administrative
services, customs, Income Tax etc.
Bhutto, fought on too many fronts, subjugating the Army, civil
services, industrialists and businessmen. The mixture became too rich, when in
his megalomania-he had been lionized by Muslim heads of state- he took on. Henry
Kissinger, brazenly denying that Pakistan was developing an atomic bomb. The
inevitable happened. Army, supported by all opposition political parties and
foreign interests overthrew him. He was imprisoned and hanged after palpably
irregular court proceedings.
Zia Ul Haq introduced army officers from generals to mid-level
ranks into civilian jobs. His loud protestations and proclamation of Islamic
law/justice/government not withstanding, he let the military Governors of
provinces rake in the armament and drug money on unprecedented scale. The take
was so colossal, that a big feudal lord Nawab of Hoti offered to exchange his
enormous land-holdings for a month’s income of Governor Lt General Fazle Haq.
They controlled the traffic/territory as Mafia did in the U.S.A, except that the
dons had to cover their tracks and indulge in money laundering. These Governors
owned the territory and were law unto themselves. Gang warfare in Pakistan owes
its birth to them.
Zia had plunged Pakistan into the proxy war against Soviet occupation
of Afghanistan. Money and materiel poured in. Army was the conduit and didn’t
hesitate to sell, even as advanced equipment as Stinger missiles, to the highest
bidder. At one time Americans became suspicious, and sent an audit team. Before
they could arrive, an ammunition dump was set to fire covering all illicit
sales. Soviets gave Afghans the chemical technology of refining raw opium into
heroin. Pakistan became the drug trafficking highway. Soviets also gave assault
rifles (Klashnikov) to all and sundry in Afghanistan. Afghan, astute businessmen
as they are, did not see any sense in using the rifles to fight each other and
sold most of them to arm dealers. Soon Chinese and Pakistan version of the guns
came on the market. Prior to Zia Ul Haq, the word heroin was taken for heroine-
an eminent cinema actress like Noor Jehan or Rekha. At the end of his rule there
were over a million heroin addicts, now estimated at five millions. Klashnikov
could be rented for a few dollars an hour.
To go back to the roots of corruption, society had been destabilized by
partition. In pre-independence days, money did matter, but lineage and heredity
counted for more. One bankrupt ruler of a minor estate disdainfully rejected the
offer of marriage for his daughter from an ICS officer, as beneath his station
in life. Academics, poets, writers, Sufis, preachers and teachers, impecunious
all, were put on a pedestal The Nizam of Hyderabad, had inadvertently insulted a
poet Jigar Muradabadi. HEH came off the dais and begged the poet to come back.
The poet did not relent. Money men would not dare take a seat in front of
pauperized heads of old families when presenting themselves to ask for payment
of at least interest on the loan the latter owed. Now no one knew who their
neighbors were. Wealth was the only criterion of status and respect. Expatriate
money had further wrecked the precarious social norms. New, easy and enormous
amount of loot put paid to all social order.
Now teachers would not let students pass their examinations unless
tutored privately and postmen won’t deliver mail unless tipped. An education
department beurocrat was incensed at not being told by his physician, that his
daughter was appearing in an examination, he supervised. The daughter could have
done him the favor of asking for any score she desired. Customs official
proclaimed that they earned tens of millions for the Government and had the
right to keep a million or two in their pockets. Bribery had become respectable.
Prospective mothers in law preferred a peon in Income Tax department to a
physician to wed their daughters. I built a hospital in Pakistan and we were on
the panel of several nationalized industries. We had to pay 20% of the bill as
kick back. One enterprising accounts executive offered to approve bills with out
the hassle of treating patients, if we split the take fifty, fifty!!
Finally Zia committed the same mistake, took on powers too big for
him and went down in a blaze, not of glory, but that of an airplane crash.
The civilian interregnum between Zia and the current helmsman could
not stem the tide of corruption, even if they wanted to. They, of course did
not, and let the civil servants, army and feudal lords to do their worst, as
long as they too were allowed to do the same. They reminded one of an
advertisement on British TV in the sixties, “I am here for the beer.” We are all
too familiar with English palaces of Benazir, London West end apartments of
Nawaz Shareef (equivalent of upper east side in Manhattan) and Swiss bank
accounts of both. A California based Pakistani news magazine, Pakistan link,
published a list of Pakistani U.S $ billionaires. Besides Benazir and Nawaz,
four Generals and two civil servants graced the list. Even allowing for
journalistic hyper bole, though credence is lent to the figures by the real
estate owned by Government ministers, Generals and Civil Servants in Europe and
North America, these were stupendous amounts of money for people of a country
whose citizens make, on the average, less than $100.00 a month. Further, the
civilian Government continued the infiltration of Army officers into civilian
jobs. Nawaz handed over WAPDA to the army.
Nawaz Shareef finally grew too big for his britches. He had “over
whelming” mandate, was deemed harmless by international power brokers, had
managed to oust an Admiral, literally hound a Supreme court Chief justice out of
office, and force an Army chief to resign. He had appointed an “Immigrant” to
the top job in the Army, expecting that the man with no base of ethnic support
in the ranks would be easy to control. They all, brilliant or stupid, make the
same mistake. I am paraphrasing lord Acton. Power befuddles and absolute power
befuddles absolutely. Bhutto had banked on the apparent “simplicity” and low
caliber of Zia. Nawaz was deceived by Musharraf’s status as an outsider. Both
overlooked the strong and traditional cohesion of Pakistan’s army hierarchy and
the ambience of Army culture – compounded of British heritage and Punjab/ Pathan
chauvinism. A highly cultured Army physician, once ruefully told me that when a
junior physician, a personal friend, demurred at reporting to the Emergency room
immediately, calling him yaar (a common term for a close friend), he lost his
temper, shouted that he was not a bloody yaar, and ordered the thoroughly cowed
junior to come at once.
Musharraf must be a better political strategist (or should I say,
as a US citizen stragerist) than a military one. He provoked a clash on ice
bound kargil heights. Indian Army, caught napping, lost several thousand
soldiers. Indian government thoroughly incensed, massed their troops on the
border and threatened to attack Pakistan. Nawaz was told of the “victory” after
the fact. He had initially attempted to bask in Army’s presumed glory. The
Indian threat of all out war frightened him out of the little wits he had. With
tail between his legs, he flew to Washington DC to plead with Clinton to get him
out of the mess. Clinton put the prestige of the US president’s office on line
and persuaded the Indian Prime Minister to agree to agree to a cease-fire.
Army cried foul. Their holy warriors had shed their blood in vain.
Islam’s good name had been besmirched. Defeat had been snatched out of the jaws
of victory etc. The hapless Nawaz, trying desperately to retrieve lost ground,
tried to find a replacement for Musharraf. Musharraf, master tactician too,
confronted Nawaz, who denied all and appointed him to the office of Chief of
Joint staff in addition to army chief’s office. The generals closed their ranks;
Nawaz could only persuade the Army’s intelligence chief, a clansman, very
powerful but no divisions under his command, to agree to step in. Musharraf
scheduled to visit Sri Lanka on a good will trip, knew all the machinations, and
before leaving retired or transferred into non-strategic jobs the few generals
of less than certain loyalty.
Nawaz, blissfully unaware of the steps taken by Musharraf,
appointed the intelligence chief to the top job. Then the drama, worthy of a
latter day Machiavelli, was played out. The new chief was politely turned away
from Army headquarters, on the plea that only the outgoing chief could handover
the charge. The appointment was announced on national TV, but the army soon
seized the TV station, and religious music was played instead of scheduled
programs. Musharraf’s plane was not allowed to land in Karachi. Trucks had been
placed on the runway. The local army commander, on hand to receive Musharraf,
had to drive several miles to get soldiers to take over control tower and remove
the trucks. The poor man didn’t have a cell phone or access to a regular phone
to call his soldiers. The plane had been ordered to go to India. Musharraf
reportedly exclaimed “ over my dead “body”. No one, but absolutely no one on
the plane, thought of two other Airports in Karachi, under control of Armed
forces, and quite capable of handling Musharraf’s flight. These Airports were,
incidentally, used by civilian flights decades ago, when the Civil Airport
runway was not large enough to cope with large airplanes.
Musharraf landed and after conferring with armed forces officers
made the usual patriotic and pious noises, consolidated his rule, promised
elections, easily co-opted erstwhile followers of BB and Nawaz into the
government, all in short order. His generals had already arrested the PM and the
Chief of the Army staff designate. Astute man that he is, he got the government
a large amount of money in exchange for Nawaz’s life. He initially sang secular
songs but soon saw the light. It was only befitting that Musharraf outdo
previous military dictators. He inducted lower rank army officers into civilian
jobs as well. At one time, an army captain presided over a police station along
with the usual police inspector and a major sat besides a district officer etc.
The cancer had spread all over the body.
With its usual hypocrisy, the community of world leaders shunned
Musharraf. Clinton won’t even give him the time of the day. The poor man had to
go to Clinton’s table at a party, introduce himself and get himself photographed
with the great man. Pakistan was thrown out of the British common wealth, which,
to give the devil his due, Bhutto had openly spurned, and walked out of.
Come 9/11 and after an initial mating ritual, Musharraf having
declared Pakistan open territory for “coalition forces” became darling of the
west. He even offered the services of his soldiers, but Pakistan army, since at
least 1971 have not been a danger to any one except the civilian s of the
country. He even managed to retrieve his secular colors and tried to leash
religious fanatics. He was lionized in London and Washington DC and granted the
much coveted sojourn at Camp David. To my utter surprise and horror Indians,
Government and public, legatees of the self-respect of Gandhi and Nehru,
denizens of the largest democracy, with unfettered freedom of expression,
protested vehemently. Why was Musharraf accorded the rank of a favorite poodle
and their man was not! They have, however, been adequately compensated. Bush
signed a nuclear agreement with India and openly relegated Pakistan to a
By contrast, a recent story we heard was tepid and insipid.
Musharraf, visiting New York, to attend General Assembly session was feted at a
$1000.00 per person enactment of a play, whose producers had obtained an
injunction against the show from a Pakistan High Court. A redoubtable member of
the Association of Pakistan Physician of North America organized the event. He,
in typical oriental potentate style, sent limos to his friends to attend the
show. It was a working day and one shouldn’t expect the friends of high and
mighty drive to Manhattan, find a parking place and go back home in time to
sleep and work the next day. They must envy the Pakistani work ethic, where one
could ignore work with impurity.
Contempt of court is an antiquated and quaint term in Pakistani
context. Remember Zia packed the Supreme Court to get guilty verdict against
Bhutto. All the dictators proclaimed an ordinance, legal framework order, which
the high judiciary have to sign on to, or lose their job. Majority held on to
their jobs. A legal Machiavelli has been advising military rulers since Ayub’s
time, legitimizing abrogation of constitution under the law of necessity. He is
not the only one to blame. The Supreme Court blessed the first dismissal of
lawfully constituted Government as far back as 1954. Benazir Bhutto used to
treat the chief justice of supreme court- her own appointee so shabbily that the
poor man had to remonstrate with her when told by Benazir that she had given him
the job. “Madam” you appointed me chief justice and not a domestic servant. One
cannot, in good conscience, blame Musharraf and all Pakistanis in the audience,
for ignoring as inconsequential a document, as a high court order.
Now Pakistani social workers, reformers and do-gooders have caught on to the
NGO game. All kinds of issues are catered to, from victims of sexual crimes,
Honor killings, barter of women, gender discrimination, wife abuse, prisoner
abuse, flesh trade, violation of civil rights, to desertification and
illiteracy. The parliament in Pakistan has also been Ngoised. They were given 14
million dollars to improve their function. Nearly all NGO funding comes from
the good old USA. The NGOs are naturally beholden to donors and take care to
eulogize America. Thus not only a comprador class has been created, but the
class camouflages itself in reformist garb. It is, hitherto date, the most
insidious and effective invention to subvert the struggle for human, civil and
economic rights of the common man.
That nearly all-poor third countries have the same problem, is not a ground
for complacence, but does help in understanding and to some extent in finding a
solution of the problem. That the richest country in the world, the USA is awash
in scandals- Enron, Abramoff, Tom Delay, assorted members of the congress to
name but a few of the recent ones- does not immunize us from the depths of
despondency, and is no excuse for giving up the struggle. The task of revamping
Pakistani society` is stupendous. It is difficult even to decide where to start.
Pakistan started with a nearly insuperable handicap. It was a disorganized and
disrupted society. On paper it was supposed to get one fourth of the total
assets of undivided India. In practice, it got much less. Its territory was much
less developed. Most of industries, most of skilled and educated person, and
most of the administrative personnel in the region had been non-Muslims. KE
Medical in Lahore had only two Muslim professors. NED Engineering College in
Karachi had no Muslim professors. They left for India. Teachers, administrators
and technical persons migrated from India, but could not do much in a country
bereft of infrastructure. Immovable assets were also largely located in India.
The government took on, was enticed into, or had the moral obligation to,
depending on your point of view, wage a war in Kashmir at a time it could ill
afford to. The government of India used the conflict to with hold funds from the
government of Pakistan. If the Nizam of Hyderabad had done helped out with a
donation of a billion rupees, Patel and other right wing congress politicians
would had seen their dream of the collapse of Pakistan come through.
The insecurity engendered by total chaos attendant upon partition, break down
of administration and bleak economic prospects, compounded by evils of the
feudal system, the underpinning of religion, and the knee jerk reaction of doing
opposite of what India did, drove Pakistan into the arms of the neo-imperialist
Signing the “mutual” defense treaties, Baghdad pact, Seato, and later Cento etc,
which did little to strengthen Pakistan, and embroiled the country into
anti-soviet policies, were stark failures of foreign policy. Khruchev threatened
to pulverize Peshawar as the U2 spy planes were supposed to take off from the
city. In post 1965 war Kosygin badgered Ayub Khan to accept terms he was not
inclined to. In 1971 the Soviet Union openly sided with India. Our treaty
partners remained impartial and neutral.
On the domestic front, the government did little to promote industry, create
jobs, fund education or provide social services. Major part of budget was wasted
on defense and loan servicing, latter a euphemism for interest proscribed by
Islam. Political institutions were not developed either, resulting in alienation
of East Pakistan, Sindh, NWFP and Baluchistan, roughly in that order. The role
played by the feudal lords, Mullahs, bureaucrats and the armed forces stunting
the stunted growth of the country are beyond the scope of this paper, but the
end result has been, persistent poverty, population explosion, lack of
industrial development, illiteracy, poor health care, in efficient services,
deteriorating infra structure, flight of capital, virtual breakdown of law and
order, ethnic and linguistic conflict, and loss of confidence in future of the
state. Cosmetic measures of passing laws, appointing commissions, holding
seminars and conferences and launching five and ten-year plans will not do. The
social structure has to be overhauled. The whole basis of foreign and domestic
policies has to be changed. Pakistan would under no conceivable circumstances be
able to wrest control of Kashmir from with force of arms. The campaign should be
restricted to making pious noises. An all out war between atomic powers, small
though they be, is not a practical proposition. We should down size our armed
forces to perhaps a quarter of what they are. That should be sufficient for any
contingency. The country should restrict its war on “terror” activities to
stabilization measures in side its borders. Retrenchment of armed forces will
more compensate for loss of aid accruing from the so-called anti-terrorist
stance. Abolition of the feudal system, provincial autonomy, induction of
representative government, sanitization of administrative and security services,
family planning, promotion of industry, reclamation of agricultural land, living
wage to workers and uninhibited trade union organization, development of basic
health care, raising standard of educational standards should be taken in hand.
This will inculcate love of the country. People will work hard and honestly as
they develop confidence in the future of the country in whose fortune they will
have a stake. Expatriate capital will flow back as it once did, before Nawaz
Sharif, acting in bad faith if not illegally, changed US dollars into Rupees.
How this radical change can come about, what agency will mediate it, and what
political dispensation will be able to even take first steps is also another
Robert Upshur "Bob" Woodward (born March 26, 1943) is one of the best-known
journalists in the United States, thanks largely to his work in helping uncover
the Watergate scandal that led to President Richard Nixon's resignation, in a
historic partnership with Carl Bernstein, while working as a reporter for The
Washington Post. He has written twelve best-selling nonfiction books and has
twice contributed reporting to efforts that collectively earned the Post and its
National Reporting staff a Pulitzer Prize.
Bob Woodward: State of Denial
Mike Wallace interviews Bob Woodward about his new book, "State Of Denial." The
book reports the White House has not been honest about the Iraq war.
Bob Woodward: Bush Misleads On Iraq Tells 60 Minutes About His Book 'State Of
CBS) President Bush's former chief of staff, Andy Card, said the Bush presidency
will be judged by three things: “Iraq, Iraq, Iraq.” Bob Woodward, of Watergate
fame, has just completed his third book on the Bush presidency, “State of
Woodward spent more than two years, interviewed more than 200 people including
most of the top officials in the administration and came to a damning
conclusion. He tells Mike Wallace that for the last three years the White house
has not been honest with the American
"It is the oldest story in the coverage of government: the failure to tell the
truth," Woodward charges.
Asked to explain what he means that the Bush administration has not told the
truth about Iraq, Woodward says, "I think probably the prominent, most prominent
example is the level of violence."
Not just the growing sectarian violence — Sunnis against Shias that gets
reported every day — but attacks on U.S., Iraqi and allied forces. Woodward says
that’s the most important measure of violence in Iraq, and he unearthed a graph,
classified secret, that shows those attacks have increased dramatically over the
last three years.
"Getting to the point now where there are eight, 900 attacks a week," he says.
"That’s more than 100 a day—that is four an hour. Attacking our forces."
Woodward says the government had kept this trend secret for years before finally
declassifying the graph just three weeks ago. And Woodward accuses President
Bush and the Pentagon of making false claims of progress in Iraq – claims,
contradicted by facts that are being kept secret.
For example, Woodward says an intelligence report classified secret from the
Joint Chiefs of Staff concluded in large print that "THE SUNNI ARAB INSURGENCY
IS GAINING STRENGTH AND INCREASING CAPACITY, DESPITE POLITICAL PROGRESS."
And “INSURGENTS RETAIN THE CAPABILITIES TO…INCREASE THE LEVEL OF VIOLENCE
THROUGH NEXT YEAR.”
But just two days later a public defense department report said just the
opposite. “Violent action, will begin to wane in early 2007,” the report said.
What does Woodward make of that?
"The truth is that the assessment by intelligence experts is that next year,
2007, is going to get worse and, in public, you have the president and you have
the Pentagon [saying], 'Oh, no, things are going to get better,'" he tells
Wallace. "Now there’s public, and then there’s private. But what did they do
with the private? They stamp it secret. No one is supposed to know," says
"Why is that secret? The insurgents know what they’re doing. They know the level
of violence and how effective they are. Who doesn’t know? The American public,"
"President Bush says over and over as Iraqi forces stand up, U.S. forces will
stand down. The number of Iraqis in uniform today I understand is up to
300,000?" Wallace asks.
"They’ve stood up from essentially zero to 300,000. This is the military and the
police," Woodward replies.
"But, U.S. forces are not standing down. The attacks keep coming," Wallace
"They’ve stood up and up and up and we haven’t stood down, and it’s worse,"
The Essence of Tragedy’ Bob Woodward on Bush, Rumsfeld and the mismanagement of
By Jon Meacham Newsweek Updated: 9:56 a.m. ET Oct. 2, 2006
Oct. 2, 2006 - On the publication of “State of Denial,” Bob Woodward spoke with
NEWSWEEK’s Jon Meacham about the new book, the perils of wartime leadership, and
the lessons of history. Excerpts:
NEWSWEEK: What surprised you the most in reporting the new book?
Bob Woodward: That there’s a theme that goes back to the beginning, and theme is
the element of denial. It runs not just from after the invasion to today, but it
began prewar. There were people telling [Defense Secretary Donald] Rumsfeld in
December 2002, four
months before the war, that ‘you’re going to lose the election for George Bush
if you don’t get the postwar fixed because it’s screwed up now.’ So the warnings
were emphatic and very, very specific and well before the war.
You have watched many of the people involved in the Bush administration for
decades—Dick Cheney, Rumsfeld, Colin Powell, Henry Kissinger. What do you think
was in their minds as the past few years unfolded? There is a lot of idealism
driving this. It may be mismanaged; as I have always said in my books on Bush
[“Bush at War” and “Plan of Attack”], it may turn out to be a triumph or a total
catastrophe, or something in between, but idealism is driving it. I think one of
the lessons is the limits of idealism and that
idealism is insufficient to the task of managing a war. Managing a war is so
much like anything else—you have to think about the tenth bounce, and figure out
how to look around corners, and have alternative strategies. But idealism is
such a central element of George W. Bush’s character. In the first book, I said
he had these grandiose ideas that he is going to fix things, that he is going to
change not just the Middle East but the world, end tyranny, and it is sobering
to see that something could seem to go so far off the
tracks that we could now be at the point that we are in Iraq. But it should be
noted that in Watergate and other situations, there probably wasn’t any
In other words, you think this is being driven by the right motives, but is
being poorly executed, which is, in a way, the essence of tragedy. Yes, poor
execution can be the essence of tragedy.
Enlightened Musharraf And Bigoted Masses
By Rehman Faiz
03 October, 2006
Religious minorities are awfully discriminated in Pakistan and a wave of religious extremism is all embracing across the land that is evident by the repeated acts of violence, discrimination and extremism against the people belonging to
religious minorities. The year 2005 proved to be the worst period as far as the incidents of violence against religious minorities are concerned. According to various reports prepared by the renowned Human Rights organizations, during the year 2005, the country’s record for the rights of religious communities had been the worst in a period of the last 5 years.
While analysing the situation we can take this condition as a reaction to Musharraf’s decision of being partner in the war against terror. In February this year when the protests against the Danish cartoons exploded in violence for the first time, it was difficult in any conversation to avoid an angry discourse on blasphemy. And that was a point to really understanding the psychological backing of religious sentiments in Pakistani national identity.
Why the Pervez government couldn’t really implent its agenda of the ‘enlightened moderation’?
A simple analysis reveals that days after the
dramatic if bloodless coup that brought him to power in 1999, the general posed for the cameras in a Hello-style shoot on the lawns of his Rawalpindi home. Cradling his Pekinese dogs Dot and Buddy, and making the right noises about democracy, the army chief cut a reassuring figure for the West. Six years on, Gen Pervez Musharraf proved simply to be another army Genral in Pakistan who is doing anthing to prolong his regime as an army ruler. Musharraf's relationship with America in the "war on terror" is his lifeline (billions of dollars in aid have flowed from it) and the backbone of his prolonged regime. He has suited America's interests but caught on the tightrope of meeting their demands while trying to cope with the religious right, he is politically paralysed and has taken Pakistan nowhere.
When President Musharraf seized power in 1999, he enjoyed popular support at home but was rejected abroad. Following six years of his rule, the General gained the approval
of the international community while he lost much of his domestic backing. Because the objectives of his two main allies – the religious groups and the United States – are impossible to reconcile, any move to please one of them signifies putting the other at a disadvantage. The alliance forged between Islamabad and Washington led to an increase in anti-American sentiment in Pakistan, of which the domestic religious groups are the principal beneficiaries.
By exaggerating the threat posed to his regime by Islamic extremist movements, Musharraf succeeded in presenting himself as the best suited man to hold the country together. While he has tried his best to maintain the equilibrium between the requests of religious groups and those of the Western world, the General’s policies are based on the suppression of other domestic political forces. Hence, it is only by excluding those parties from the political arena constituting a real threat to his regime that President
Musharraf is able to remain in power. Therefore, the balancing act the General is performing between the Mullahs and the United States is itself a result of the manipulation of the political scene in Pakistan.
What has been ignored during maintaining the fine balance between the western interests and the demands of the religious extremists is the issue of minorities’ rights.
Until the past year, the minority Christian community continued to be subject to extremist and mob violence. In November 2005, a mob of over 1,500 persons, incited by local Muslim clerics on the basis of a false accusation of blasphemy against a local Christian man, set fire to and destroyed several churches, schools, and homes of Christian families in the town of Sangla Hill, in the province of Punjab. In January 2006, the blasphemy charge was dropped. In February 2006, in the furor that erupted in Pakistan after the publication of highly controversial cartoons in the Danish press,
mobs threatened Christian communities in a number of areas in Pakistan. In the town of Sukkur, in Sindh province, a crowd of Muslims burned down two churches, an attack that was triggered in part by rumors that a Christian man committed blasphemy. Provincial authorities ordered an investigation into the incident and reportedly a number of people have been arrested.
Ahmadis, who number between 3 and 4 million in Pakistan, are prevented by law from engaging in the full practice of their faith. Pakistan’s constitution declares members of the Ahmadi religious community to be “non-Muslims,” despite their insistence to the contrary. Barred by law from “posing” as Muslims, Ahmadis may not call their places of worship “mosques,” worship in non-Ahmadi mosques or public prayer rooms which are otherwise open to all Muslims, perform the Muslim call to prayer, use the traditional Islamic greeting in public, publicly quote from the Quran, or display the basic affirmation of the
Muslim faith. It is also illegal for Ahmadis to preach in public, to seek converts, or to produce, publish, and disseminate their religious materials. In August 2005, Pakistani authorities banned 16 Ahmadi-run publications in the Punjab province. Most of those Ahmadis have been arrested—two persons were arrested as a result of the previously mentioned action in the Punjab—and imprisoned for terms of up to three years for all of the above acts, and they are reportedly subject to ill treatment from prison authorities and fellow prisoners.
Because they are required to register to vote as non-Muslims, a policy that was reaffirmed by Pakistani government officials in February 2004, Ahmadis who refuse to disavow their claim to being Muslims are effectively disenfranchised. The one potentially positive development, the December 2004 abolition of the religion column in Pakistani passports, which, among other advances, enabled Ahmadis to participate in the hajj, was
derailed in March 2005, when members of a government ministerial committee restored the column, reportedly in response to pressure from militant religious parties. There is no indication that the current government intends to institute any reforms to the anti-Ahmadi laws. In this way the Ahmadi case is unique in the history of the civilized world in terms of freedom of religious _expression and practice. This is the only community in the world which has been forced to hide its faith and identity by law.
Although the law states that adequate provisions shall be made for minorities to profess and practice their religions freely yet the system limits freedom of religion. Islam is the state religion, and the constitution requires that laws be consistent with Islam. All citizens are subjected to certain provisions of Shari'a, such as the blasphemy laws. Reprisals and threats of reprisals against suspected converts from Islam occurred. Members of religious minorities are
subjected to violence and harassment, and police at times refuse to prevent such actions or charge persons who commit them. The president and the prime minister must be Muslim. The prime minister, federal ministers, and ministers of state, as well as elected members of the senate ansd national assembly (including non-Muslims), must take an oath to "strive to preserve the Islamic ideology, which is the basis for the creation of Pakistan"
From May 2005 till now, below are given the hints of the main incidents took place against religious minorities in Pakistan by the religious extremists.
1) A mob set ablaze a temple of Hindu and destructed housing locality of minority communities. The incident followed a dubious allegation of desecration of the Holy Quran, leveled against Yousaf Masih (60), in June 2005 at Nowshera, a district of North West Frontier Province.
2) The police raided the Catholic Sisters' bookshop (Daughters of St. Paul) at Karachi in June 2005, for allegedly issuing literature or materials which hurts the feelings or belief of other religion. Daughters of St. Paul (the nuns) has been selling CDs, videos and Christian literature and offering faith-enriching material about Christian religion and moral teachings at Karachi since 1948.
3) In September 2005, the buses bringing the pilgrims (Christians) were stopped by armed men at Mariamabad and the passengers were robbed of their cash and valuables. The next day dozens of police cadets were found present in the compound reserved for the fair. They reportedly harassed people by unlawful body search and forced individuals to give bribe to them. An annual pilgrimage is held
at this village named after Mother Mary, at district Nankana Sahib since 1949, to pay homage to her.
4) Mr. Chaman Lal and his wife Krishna, a Hindu couple, was charged under blasphemy laws, for allegedly desecrating the Holy Quran. Their house was attacked and destroyed by an Islamic group in September 2005, at Swabi, a district of North West Frontier Province. They lost their property and were forced to migrate to another place.
5) Several houses of Christian minority were destroyed and looted by the Islamic zealots at Lahore, after a blasphemy allegation against a Christian, Younis Masih, in September 2005.
6) Eight Ahmadis were killed and 14 others
wounded at Mandi Bahauddin near Lahore in October 2005, by unknown gunmen in motorbikes while the Ahmadis were reciting prayers in their place of worship.
7) A mob attacked and destroyed 3 Churches (Catholic, Salvation Army and United Presbyterian), a Sisters' Convent, St. Anthony's School building, a girl's Hostel, a dispensary and a Pastor's house at Sangla Hills on 12 November 2005. About 450 Christian families living in Sangla Hills left their homes. The incident took place after an alleged desecration of Holy Quran by Yousaf Masih, a Christian. The allegations were motivated for settling scores regarding some money dispute between the accusers and the accused and had nothing to do with the alleged desecration.
8) A Catholic Church was attacked at Kawanlit,
district Sialkot on 3 February 2006. The furniture, windows and religious books were destroyed. There was a dispute between local Christians and Muslims on a piece of land. The court issued the orders in favor of the Christians and upon return from the Court's judgment, the Church was attacked by the local Muslims. In this attack two elderly women were badly injured. 70-year old Ms. Veero suffered multiple fractures on both legs.
9) On 15 February 2006, St. Michael's Convent School, Elizabeth Girls High School and Edward Boys College were attacked and damaged by the religious zealots during protests at Peshawar, capital of North West Frontier Province. 3 mission hospitals at Peshawar, Bannu and Mardan, were also pelted with stones.
10) On 18 February 2006, an
award winning Christian singer Mr. A Nayyar was stopped by a few young men in the midnight in an apparent robbery bid. When they recognized him, he was beaten, humiliated and asked to recite Kalama-Tayyaba (Islamic proclamation of faith).
11) On 19 February, a mob attacked St. Mary's Church, St. Xavier's Church and St. Mary's School at Sukkar (built in 1889). They stole valuable articles and set the Churches and vehicles on fire, damaged a school hall and totally destroyed a pastor's house. The attacks resulted from an abuse of blasphemy laws as Mr. Irfan, a Muslim convert, tried to implicate his Christian father-in-law, Mr. Saleem, in burning a copy of Holy Quran. After the investigation, Mr. Irfan, who set the ploy, confessed that he was blameworthy instead of his Christian father-in-law. Mr. Irfan is in police custody.
12) Some unidentified men set fire to a Church in Sargodha on 28 Febuary. The fire damaged the main entrance of the church.
13) on 24th June, during an attack on Ahmadiyya community in Jhandu Sahi (Sialkot District) a mob of extremist Muslims set two shops and 3 homes on fire with looting, torture and humiliation of the whole Ahmadiyya population in the town.
14) On 9th September 2006, a mob of religious extremists raided the center of Ahmadiyya community at Chenab Nagar (old Rabwa) including the offices and library, picked up Qasim Ahmad and Abdus Sattar and took them to the police station. Police locked them up without any bail until now.
The human rights groups in Pakistan have organized the fact finding missions to make the realistic reports, have sent those reports to the higher authorities including the president Gen Pervez Musharraf and have repeatedly sent reminders to seek justice but hardly any appeal resulted in a reply or action by the government. Still the human rights organizations in Pakistan hope that a fine day will come when the religious communities and groups would be given their fundamental rights as the equal Pakistani citizens.
Rehman Faiz is the President of Amnesty International Pakistan and lives in Lahore. He can be reached at: rehmanfaiz2003@...
You have proven what an ass bounded people Westerns are! War means killing and
devastation. Either you don't come out to fight and act as American bitch or
realize the ground realities about the war that mother lose their children.
We have never seen a message that is condemning this whole preplanned war on
terrorism. Many innocent people are killed by western troops and I mean
innocent. It has been proved that FBI was involved in this complete episode and
still your soilders are at war? Great! WOW
We all Muslims around the world get happy when there is NEWS that a western
solider is being killed. Mushearraf is an American mistress that is all I would
say about him. One may write anything about him it doesn't matter.
He, his fellow Aziz and Pakistan Army forms the most corrupt government ever.
They all work for USA. They have destroyed the economy and further damage the
country's reputation. Simply paving the path for USA.
But as far as killing of 5 Canadian solider, I agree with Musshi you are cry
babies. It really hurt when some one from you is killed especially when he has
not committed any crime. If you wanna blame someone blame America and Israel for
all this non sense! Hopefully more will be killed. Good LUCK!
Following is the brief report of the SDPI's seminar on "War, Terror and Human Rihgts" .
ISLAMABAD: (October 03, 2006) While highlighting the severe human rights violations and conduct of war on terror, the speakers called upon the Pakistani government to apply constitutional and legal safeguards, honor its international humanitarian commitments while fighting the war on terror in addition to facilitating a free and fair trial of those arrested and accused and to allow them to exercise their fundamental legal rights.
While speaking at a seminar on “War, Terror and Human Rights”, organized by Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) on Monday, Pollyanna Truscott, Campaign Coordinator, War On Terror, Amnesty International, Angelika Pathak, Researcher, Pakistan Team, Amnesty International and Aimal Khan, Advocacy Coordinator, SDPI discussed different aspects of human rights situation in the context of war on terror.
Pollyanna Truscott, Campaign Coordinator, War on Terror, Amnesty International, said that since September 9/11 there has been backlash against human rights in the name of war on terror and the US and other world governments have used this slogan for human rights violations, abductions, retentions, torture etc. She briefed that it was the priority of Amnesty International to confront this US-led dirty war on terror with some of the defined areas of work such as torture/inhuman treatment, abductions, detention and unlawful transfer of detainees to other countries. Referring some of the leaked secret US documents, she lamented that those documents showed no limit to prohibit the violation against detainees who were mentally and physically tortured and were prohibited to contact lawyers, courts and families. According to her, US government even had been encouraging other governments to introduce draconian laws to subjugate the persons with poor evidences. Regarding diplomatic assurance for the prevention of torture, she said those were worthless and discriminatory. She further said the US government had been enormously transferring people abroad, which often became victim of torture to extract information. While giving some instances, she raised her serious concerns over the practice, methods and patterns of transfer of persons from one country to another. She said that since 9/11, more that 2 million people have been displaced, seventy thousand people have been detained by the US in different parts of the world and yet the number of secret retentions was to be known. She strongly condemned the inhuman, harsh and unjust treatment of detainees by the US and its supported regimes since it caused sever stress not only to detainees but also to their families as well. She said that Guantanamobay was a symbol of injustice and abuse. She declared recently introduced US Military Commission Act 2006 a “stamp for human rights abuses”. She however, regretted that governments across the globe have not been successful to give their due attention to the Millennium Development Goals because of their increased focus on this dirty war on terror.
Angelika Pathak, Researcher, Pakistan Team, Amnesty International said since 9/11 there was a increase in enforce disappearances in Pakistan particularly in Balochistan and Sindh. She said these indiscriminate disappearances included men, women and children and Pakistani and non-Pakistanis. According to her observation these unlawful and arbitrary disappearances have been carried out on very slim, inaccurate and unreliable evidences. She further argued that those untrialed and unlawfully detainees were subjected to whole range of abuses some of them included torture, beaten and hung up with sealing etc. she said the such actions of the government caused dismay, fear, anger, and economic hardships not only to the detainees but also to their families. She further revealed that 750 Pakistanis were detained in Guantanamobay and majority of them were arrested in Pakistan and were transferred to US. She said those persons had lost their belief in criminal justice of the country. She however demanded that government should end the arbitrary detentions and enforced disappearances, unlawful transfer of detainees to other countries by passing legal safeguards.
Aimal Khan Advocacy Coordinator, SDPI maintained his focus in discussing the human rights violations particularly in the context of military operations in Waziristan during so-called war on terror. He said that on many accounts our region was one of the main arenas in the war on terror. According to him, the War on terror was unleashed after Sept 11, 2001 terrorists attacks in the USA and was now being fought in a both conventional and unconventional ways in this region.
He said that the human rights record of Pakistan had never been remained an ideal one but after the 9/11 when Pakistan joined the war on terror, and launched military operations in the country to nab and flush out the A-Qaeda and Taliban remnants the situation got worse. The human rights situation further deteriorated due to the special constitutional status of FATA, which treated the tribesmen as second-rate citizens of Pakistan. Aimal Khan cited collective responsibility, economic blockade, fines, demolition of houses, suspension of salaries and privileges of the respective tribe as traditional tools of coercion in the tribal areas. He also gave various examples of human rights violations in FATA in the conduct of war. He said that there are two types of terrorism- done by the state and as well as non-state actors. In all its forms, whether state or non-state terrorism led to grave human rights violations. To further elaborate his point, he added that by-passing, violating the established and internationally recognized human rights and civil liberties, on whatsoever sacred cause or justification they have tantamount to terrorism.
Dr. Saba Gul Khattak, Executive Director of SDPI chaired the seminar. She raised her concerns over the conduct of war on terror as it has been increasingly disturbing proportions with increasing killings, disappearances and displacement etc. According to her, situation in tribal areas of Pakistan was very important when the war on terror came to Pakistan context. She however made it clear that it was not only violence being perpetuated but also the biotic relationship between practice and discourse revealed that the discourse was basically reinvention of colonial era.
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