This looks like a pretty detailed political map of all parts of
Somaliland and Somalia!

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9f/Somalia_map_states_regions_di\
stricts.png
"Political Situation in Somalia
  January 26th 2009"

I noticed it, because of the this week updated Esperanto version of
the wikipedia page on Somalia.

http://eo.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somalio

which seems to have a fair assessment of the situation.

Thanks Jim,

Jeff C.


On Thursday, June 12, 2008, 12:05:02 AM, Jim Jim wrote:
> --- In awdal@yahoogroups.com, Jeff Chan <awdal@...> wrote:
>>
>> Group owner, please ban this spammer.

> Done.


> ------------------------------------

> Yahoo! Groups Links




--
Jeff Chan
mailto:awdal@...
http://www.jeffchan.com/

--- In awdal@yahoogroups.com, Jeff Chan <awdal@...> wrote:
>
> Group owner, please ban this spammer.

Done.

Group owner, please ban this spammer.



On Tuesday, April 15, 2008, 6:53:13 AM, epaden29 epaden29 wrote:

> FYI

> If you have not heard already, there is finally a great book for Black
> people who love and want to learn music.  It's called the "African
> American Guide Music Instruction Guide for Piano"
> <http://www.tagteammarketing.com/theone>  .  This wonderful book is a
> self-teaching music instruction book for piano, voice, music composition
> and music history written by a sister who is fast becoming a legend in
> the industry - Darshell Dubose-Smith.

> This sister is amzing.  I got a chance to meet her and she is so down to
> earth.  She is such a pleasure to be around.  Her vision for music and
> her ability to teach is incredible.  She is on a misson to empower Black
> Community through music.  I used to be really into to music when I was
> younger, but never got back into because I thought it would be too hard
> or too much of a struggle finding someone willing to teach me. With is
> book, I can finally take that step.

> She is in such high demand, this book has been the answer for so many
> people just like me.   If you or someone you know  has a passion for
> mucic and wants to learn, grab a copy of her book while she still has
> them in stock.

> I was able to get more info about her book by going to
> www.tagteammarketing.com/theone
> <http://www.tagteammarketing.com/theone>
> and clicking on 'BUY BLACK TODAY' and then going to the 'Book' category.

> Much Love,
> Erroll Paden
> 404-969-4585

>   [P_MusicGuideForPiano]

>   <http://www.tagteammarketing.com/theone>



> [Non-text portions of this message have been removed]


> ------------------------------------

> Yahoo! Groups Links




--
Jeff Chan
mailto:awdal@...
http://www.jeffchan.com/

Hi Erroll,

If you took what you wrote and changed all instances of "Black" to
"White" and "African" to "European", how would it then read to you?  How
would you feel about someone who had written it that way?

-=Steve=-


--
Stephen H. Foerster
http://hiresteve.com
http://wikieducator.org

FYI

If you have not heard already, there is finally a great book for Black
people who love and want to learn music.  It's called the "African
American Guide Music Instruction Guide for Piano"
<http://www.tagteammarketing.com/theone>  .  This wonderful book is a
self-teaching music instruction book for piano, voice, music composition
and music history written by a sister who is fast becoming a legend in
the industry - Darshell Dubose-Smith.

This sister is amzing.  I got a chance to meet her and she is so down to
earth.  She is such a pleasure to be around.  Her vision for music and
her ability to teach is incredible.  She is on a misson to empower Black
Community through music.  I used to be really into to music when I was
younger, but never got back into because I thought it would be too hard
or too much of a struggle finding someone willing to teach me.   With is
book, I can finally take that step.

She is in such high demand, this book has been the answer for so many
people just like me.   If you or someone you know  has a passion for
mucic and wants to learn, grab a copy of her book while she still has
them in stock.

I was able to get more info about her book by going to
www.tagteammarketing.com/theone <http://www.tagteammarketing.com/theone>
and clicking on 'BUY BLACK TODAY' and then going to the 'Book' category.

Much Love,
Erroll Paden
404-969-4585

   [P_MusicGuideForPiano]

   <http://www.tagteammarketing.com/theone>



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

The Black Marriage – What Are Your Thoughts?



There has been quite a bit of discussion about this topic heating up all
over the country.  What are your thoughts on the matter of The Black
Marriage?



No matter if you are single, married or divorced, click on this link and
share your thoughts:



https://www.surveymonkey.com/s.aspx?sm=64viRO7EEKy7bddmC6sUXw_3d_3d
<https://www.surveymonkey.com/s.aspx?sm=64viRO7EEKy7bddmC6sUXw_3d_3d>



   [Black Marriage Photo_1]

   [Black Marriage Photo_2]

   [Black Marriage Photo_3]





[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

FYI

If you have not heard already, the Black Business Network just launched
recently.

They are looking for Black-owned businesses in several different
categories that want to have their products and services sold by a
growing army of Black sellers called the TAG TEAM Movement.

One Black-owned business called Ebony Secret Miracle Skin Conditioner
did over $40,000 in sales in their first month as a result of being a
part of the Black Business Network.  Another Black-owned business called
Sanctuary Cupboard (a bath and body company) turned a household hobby
into over $35,000 in sales as a result of being a member of the Black
Business Network.

If you know of any Black-owned businesses that fit the categories below,
send them to join the Black Business Network at
www.tagteammarketing.com/theone <http://www.tagteammarketing.com/theone>
and click on `JOIN'.



Much Love,
Erroll Paden
404-969-4585

-------------------------------------



The Black Business Network is The Black Business Network is an
organization dedicated to helping Black-owned businesses succeed using a
variety of tools.  Firstly, businesses are supported through Black
business training; printed, online and video advertising; exciting live
events and income generating vending opportunities.  Secondly, the
Network will actually SELL the products of the business members through
the live Buy Black Today events and the online mega-store to Black
consumers all over the world.  Thirdly, select Network members have
access is a growing international team of Marketers in the TAG TEAM
Movement that actively sell the products and services offered by members
of the Black Business Network to Black consumers.  So far, more than a
half million dollar of Black money has been recycled back into the hands
of Black businesses in the Network.



   [H_BlackBusinessNetwork]



   [D_MovementFlow]



BLACK BUISNESSES WANTED



1.     Hand Bags, Shoes and Wallets

2.     Black Cosmetics (Make-up)

3.     Groceries

4.     Tailor (Clothing), Shoe Repair

5.     Dry Cleaner (Pick-up & Delivery)

6.     Handyman (or woman)

7.     Mechanic

8.     Car Detailer

9.     Massage Therapist

10.   Hair Stylist (Braiding & Natural Hair)

11.   Shampoo & Conditioner

12.   Children's toys and books

13.   Children's clothes

14.   Baker

15.   Home furnishing (Afrocentric)

16.   Black Artwork

17.   Men's clothing

18.   Printer (books, businesses cards, stationary, etc.)

19.   Food (Baked goods, deserts, caterers, etc.)

20.   Soap

21.   Candle maker

22.   Nail Technician (especially eyebrows)



And Much, Much more…






[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

FYI-

It's about time Black People come together for something.



I heard that positive Black People from all over the world are joining
the TAG TEAM Movement before it officially launches in January 2008.

You can join the TAG TEAM Movement online for FREE by clicking on
http://www.BlackBusinessNetwork.com/theone
<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone>

Ep.

   [Banner_TheMovementLaunching]





[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

Somalia: Shifting Policy or a Face-saving Gimmick
Abukar Arman

By all standards, the situation unfolding in Somalia is horrifically
grim, and according to the UN, it is the worst crisis in Africa;
worse than the crisis in Darfur that outraged the world's conscience
in an unprecedented way.

However, unlike Darfur , Washington has a role in the creation of
this massive humanitarian crisis and therefore must have a role in
rectifying it.

As Washington was claiming to care about winning the "hearts and
minds of the Muslim world" in order to curb the ubiquitous Anti-
Americanism around the world, it was stubbornly pursuing that same
ill-tempered foreign policy that considers all"Islamists"--
euphemistically understood as all Muslims who believe that their
religion is a comprehensive way of life-- potential enemies; that
same policy that has proven miserable failure everywhere it was
implemented.

As a result, creepily emerging in the past few months was the
nightmare scenario that many analysts warned against as John Bolton,
the US Ambassador to the UN, in his last days, aggressively pushed
for resolutions that would ultimately pave the way for Ethiopia to
invade its neighboring Somalia under the pretext of a preemptive war
to protect its national security and contain "the spread of
terrorism".

And as the mainstream media can no longer disregard the magnitude of
the human suffering in that part of the world, graphic pictures of
the grisly effects of a callously ignored preventable violence and
starvation are making their way to the living rooms of millions of
household- an ominous reminiscence of early 1990s.

Civilians fleeing Mogadishu 's brutal violence have reached one
million in number- half of the city's population. These civilians are
mainly women and children. And because they cannot cross over to
neighboring countries for safe haven since the boarders have been
closed for almost a year, they became IDPs (Internally Displaced
People). These separate IDPs are deprived of food as almost all aid
agencies have pulled out when they found the continuous harassment by
the Transition Federal Government (TFG) and the Ethiopian occupation
forces unbearable. As a result, "malnutrition rates (is) now reaching
20% among the under 5, way over the UN emergency thresholds".

Pope Benedict XVI urged global intervention to help end the violence
and starvation.
"I am anxiously following developments and I call on those who have
political responsibilities on the local and international levels to
seek peaceful solutions that can bring relief to these people," said
the Pontiff. A week earlier, the European Union passed a resolution
that "strongly condemns the serious violations of human rights
committed by all parties to the conflict" and called for "an
independent panel to investigate war crimes and human rights
violations".

Accordingly, these turn of events have compelled Washington to dash
for public relations damage control.

The State Department issued a written statement urging all parties in
the Somali conflict to "ensure unfettered delivery of humanitarian
aid to those affected," and added that the United States will "remain
committed to resolving the ongoing political and humanitarian crisis
in Somalia," something that Washington has given adequate lip-service
in the past as it stayed on course, following the same foreign policy
blueprint.

However, in an interview with Voice of America , Assistant Secretary
of State for African Affairs, Jendayi Frazer, stunned Washington 's
critics by asserting that "the surge in violence in Mogadishu is
shared by political extremists as well as forces of the country's
transitional government and the Ethiopian troops…". She also added
that
"…it is time for Somali moderates to come forward and work to end
chronic violence".

Is this a declaration of policy change? Or perhaps another preemptive
strike aimed to create the impression of positive change that would
in turn create media echo effect that would shape a favorable public
opinion?

Unfortunately, the statement, while it may have raised curiosity in
certain circles, rings a bit hollow to those who have been following
closely Washington's deadly enterprise in Somalia.

If the statement, especially the phrase "Somali moderates", is a
euphemism for those who would blindly embark on Washington 's
haphazard engagement in Somalia (by proxy or otherwise),
disenchantment will inevitably ensue. Why? You guessed it:
Washington 's credibility-deficient foreign policy with its
unenviable track record, especially in the Islamic world.

However, if Dr. Frazer's statement, which was unique in tone and
aspiration, was a genuine attempt to indicate Washington's paradigm
shift; that it finally came to the realization that the US long-term
strategic interest in the region and that of Ethiopia are running in
a collision course, then the State Department ought to recognize that
it needs to do some plowing before it can harvest any thing.

Washington 's image has been steadily eroding since spring 2006
when `Operation Dung beetle,' a CIA covert operation that financed
some of the most brutal warlords to hound after the Islamic courts
became public news. This subsequently led to the June 2006 popular
uprising that firmly established the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and
chased the despised warlords out of Mogadishu .

The courts ruled for 6 months that is described as the most peaceful
period that war-torn Somalia has known since the civil war erupted in
1991. Washington viewed this as a threat and ill-advisedly opted to
support the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia which, in due course, led
to the humanitarian and political mayhem at hand.

There are various reports indicating that the courts had a radical
element, but this element was at the fringes of the decision-making
process. It was the much broader moderate base within the ICU that
had the popular support. And it was clearly this latter group that
made `reaching out to the international community with an olive
branch' its first priority, and agreed to hold face-to-face talks
with the TFG until the provocatively expanding Ethiopian military
presence has disrupted the process, causing the political rhetoric to
heat up, thus setting the stage for the radical element to step to
the front and aggressively make its first deadly move.

Despite that ill-starred backdrop, Washington still has a chance to
rectify its wrongs and play a constructive role in helping stop the
brutal bloodletting in Somalia by pulling the plug on the Ethiopian
occupation and initiating through the UN Security Council a
resolution that would replace them with UN forces instead of the
mirage of the African Union forces. Similar points was argued by
Sadia Ali Aden , president of the Somali Diaspora Network (a group
that this author is associated with), in an on-line debate hosted by
the Council on Foreign Relations a few months ago.

"By no means is Washington 's record immaculate. However, the two
nations direly need each other to save one another" said Ms. Aden.

Abukar Arman is a human rights and anti-war activist. Mr. Arman is a
council member of the Central Ohio Interfaith Association. He writes
for the Global Politician about Islam and related issues.

FYI-

It's about time Black People come together for something.



I heard that positive Black People from all over the world are joining
the TAG TEAM Movement before it officially launches in January 2008.

You can join the TAG TEAM Movement online for FREE by clicking on
http://www.BlackBusinessNetwork.com/theone
<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone>

Ep.

   [Banner_TheMovementLaunching]



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

Kenya's fate tied to that of Somalia

Story by SAMUEL MAKINDA
Publication Date: 11/20/2007
THE DEEPENING POLITICAL instability in Somalia is a culmination of
the rivalries, power struggles and personal antagonisms that have
been building up in the past year or so.

The strain between President Abdul Yusuf and Prime Minister Ali
Mohamed Ghedi, which resulted in the latter's resignation, is
unfortunate because it is likely to reverse the little progress
achieved so far, and make an already very bad situation much worse.

As some observers of Somali politics had predicted, the political
alliance that was constructed in Nairobi after more than two years of
negotiations would not last long unless the key personalities were
completely satisfied that the arrangement was working as intended.

The Transitional Federal Government (TFG), which was agreed to by
about 2,000 Somalis from across the country, was meant to usher in a
new era, but this was not to be.

The first test of solidarity among the TFG members came in June 2006
when the Union of Islamic Courts, a coalition of 11 different groups,
took Mogadishu and established their own rule.

Sections of the Western Press, and some Western governments,
immediately claimed that this was an al-Qaeda-dominated
administration. The Union of Islamic Courts may have had radical
Islamists, but they were outnumbered by those who were primarily
concerned with a functioning government in Mogadishu.

Although their six-month government was not recognised by any African
state except Sudan, it enabled Somalia to enjoy normal life for the
first time in 15 years.

The TFG, which was impotent at the time, maintained its unity in the
hope that the international community would intervene and re-install
it in office.

THE TFG PRAYERS WERE ANSWERED on Christmas Eve in 2006 when Ethiopia,
encouraged by the USA, invaded Somalia, defeated the Union of Islamic
Courts, and handed nominal power to the TFG. Ethiopian Prime Minister
Meles Zenawi promised to withdraw his troops within weeks, but they
are still there.

Ethiopia's continued occupation of Somalia has prevented the
Islamists from re-establishing their rule, but it has also presented
a major test for the solidarity of the TFG.

Many Somalis cannot tolerate the Ethiopian presence for any extended
period, something which Kenya, the African Union, the United Nations
and most diplomats in Nairobi know.

As if anticipating what is happening in Mogadishu now, Kenyan Foreign
Minister Raphael Tuju devoted his entire speech at the UN General
Assembly on September 26 to insecurity in Somalia. It was an
excellent speech in which he cajoled the rest of the world to
participate in establishing peace in Somalia.

Said Mr Tuju: "All of us as an international community should
appreciate that the Somali phenomenon, with no government in place,
is a danger, not just to the neighbouring countries, but to the whole
world".

To illustrate his claim, Mr Tuju cited various cases of piracy off
the Somali coast, which had affected people from different countries.

While it is true that instability in Somalia is a problem for the
whole of Africa and the rest of the world, no other country has felt
its impact more than Kenya.

Therefore, it is important that at a time like this the Kenya
government should take leadership by proposing options for repairing
the damage.

Prof Makinda is Chair: Security, Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism
Studies, School of Social Sciences and Humanities, Murdoch
University, Australia.


Write to the author

Emergency Somalia Subject to a history of colonial intervention, Somalia
is once again in the crosshairs, writes Ramzy Baroud
<http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2007/871/_re01.htm>  Click to view caption
<http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2007/871/_re01.htm>   A Somali man wades
through flood waters as he leaves the village of Wargedow some 30km west
of Mogadishu
The people of Somalia are enduring yet another round of suffering as
Ethiopian forces wreak havoc in the capital, Mogadishu. Apparently in
response to an attack on one of its units and the dragging of a
soldier's mutilated body through the city's streets, an Ethiopian mortar
reportedly exploded in Mogadishu's Bakara market on 9 November, killing
eight civilians. A number of Somalis were also found dead the following
day, some believed to have been rounded up by Ethiopian forces the night
before.

Nearly 50 civilians have reportedly been killed and 100 wounded in the
two-day fighting spree between those loyal to the Islamic Courts Union
and government forces and their Ethiopian allies. A report issued by
Human Rights Watch chastised both Ethiopian troops and "insurgents" for
the bloodletting. Peter Takirambudde, the watchdog's Africa director,
was quoted as saying "The international community should condemn these
attacks and hold combatants accountable for violations of humanitarian
law -- including mutilating captured combatants and executing
detainees."

Of course, one cannot realistically expect constructive involvement by
the international community. Various members of this "community" have
already played a destructive role in Somalia's 16-year-old civil war
that fragmented a nation that had long struggled to achieve a sense of
sovereignty and national cohesion.

To dismiss the war in Somalia as yet another protracted conflict between
warlords and insurgents would be unjust because the country's history
has consistently been marred by colonial greed and unwarranted foreign
interventions. These gave rise to various proxy governments, militias
and local middlemen, working in the interests of those obsessed with the
geopolitical importance of the Horn of Africa.

Colonial powers came to appreciate the strategic location of Somalia
after the Berlin Conference, which initiated the "Scramble for Africa".
The arrival of Britain, France and Italy into Somali lands began in the
late 19th century and quickly the area disintegrated into British
Somaliland and Italian Somaliland. Both countries sought to expand their
control, enlisting locals to fight the very wars aimed at their own
subjugation.

World War II brought immense devastation to the Somali people who, out
of desperation, coercion or promises of post-war independence, fought on
behalf of the warring European powers. Somalia was mandated by the UN as
an Italian protectorate in 1949 and achieved independence a decade later
in 1960. However, the colonial powers never fully conceded their
interests in the country and the Cold War actually invited new players
to the scene, including the United States, the Soviet Union and Cuba.

One residue of the colonial legacy involved the Ogaden province of
Somalia, which the British Empire had granted to the Ethiopian
government. The region became the stage of two major wars between
Ethiopia and Somalia between 1964 and 1977. Many Somalis still regard
Ethiopia as an occupying power and view the policies of Addis Ababa as a
continuation of the country's history of foreign intervention.

The civil war of 1991, largely a result of foreign intervention, clan
and tribal loyalties, and lack of internal cohesion, further disfigured
Somalia. As stranded civilians became deprived of aid, Somalia was hit
by a devastating famine that yielded a humanitarian disaster. The famine
served as a pretext for foreign intervention, this time as part of
international "humanitarian" missions, starting in December 1992, which
also included US troops. The endeavour came to a tragic end in October
1993 when more than 1,000 Somalis and 18 US troops were killed in
Mogadishu. Following a hurried US withdrawal, the mainstream media
rationalised that the West could not help those who refuse to help
themselves; another disfiguration of the fact that the interest of the
Somali people was hardly ever a concern for these colonial
philanthropists. Since then, the importance of Somalia was relegated in
international news media into just another mindless conflict with no
rational context and no end in sight. The truth, however, is that
colonial interest in the Horn of Africa has never waned.

The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 provided an impetus for US
involvement in the strategic region; only one month after the attacks,
Paul Wolfowitz met with various power players in Ethiopia and Somalia,
alleging that Al-Qaeda terrorists might be using Ras Kamboni and other
Somali territories as escape routes. A year later, the US established
the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) to "monitor"
developments and to train local militaries in "counterterrorism".

The US contingent was hardly neutral in the ongoing conflict.
Reportedly, US troops were involved in aiding Ethiopian forces that
entered Somalia in December 2006, citing efforts to track down Al-Qaeda
suspects. The Ethiopian occupation was justified as a response to a call
by Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (TFG), whose legitimacy is
questioned. The TFG, seen largely as a pro-Ethiopian entity, had been
rapidly losing its control over parts of Somalia to the Islamic Courts
Union (ICU) which came to prominence in January 2006, taking over the
capital and eventually bringing long-sought stability to much of the
country. ICU attempts to engage the US and other Western powers in
dialogue failed as a US-backed Ethiopia moved into Somalia in December
2006. On 7 January 2007, the US directly entered the conflict, launching
air strikes using AC-130 gunships. Civilian causalities were reported,
but the US refused to accept responsibility for them.

The last intervention devastated the country's chances of unity. It now
stands divided between the transitional government, Ethiopia (both
backed by the UN, the US and the African Union) and the ICU (allegedly
backed by Eritrea and some Arab Gulf governments). Recently, the UN
ruled out any chances for an international peacekeeping force, and the
few African countries who promised troops are yet to deliver, with the
exception of Uganda.

This situation leaves Somalia once more at the mercy of foreign powers
and self-serving internal forces, foreshadowing yet more bloodshed. Our
informed support is essential now because the Somali people have
suffered enough. Their plight is urgent and it deserves a much deeper
understanding, alongside immediate action.



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

FYI-

It's about time there is something just for us.  A friend of mine used
this and faded her stretch marks.  Another brother used it and handled
his acne and razor bumps within a week.  I heard it even handles eczema
on children and adults.

I was able to get more information when I went to www.EbonySecret.com
<http://www.ebonysecret.com/>  and used Member Referral ID#: M10008

Pass this info on to anyone you know who has been suffering.

-Ep.

------------------------

   [Ebony Secret Flyer - Ebony Secret Info Side_v2]





[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

SOMALIA: CIVIL WAR, INTERVENTION AND WITHDRAWAL 1990 - 1995
(July 1995)
By Gérard Prunier - WRITENET (UK)

1. A NATION IN SEARCH OF A STATE (1885 - 1992)1

1.1 The Peculiar Nature of Somali Society

Somalia is not a 'country' like any other. And in many ways, it is
neither 'African' nor 'Arab', although it is located on the African
continent and has often been considered 'Arab' in some ways. In 1974,
Somalia joined the Arab League of which it is still formally a member.
The Somali people, or the Somali nation, is an unquestionable
reality. But the Somali state is a much more ambiguous notion which has
for the time being receded into the gray zone of a legal abstraction,
probably for a good many years to come. This situation is all the more
puzzling since at the time of its independence in 1960 Somalia was
described as one of the few mono-ethnic states in
Africa, one with a common language, a common culture and a single
religion, Islam. While this was probably an exaggeration, it was
substantially true2. In any case, the challenge to the existence of the
Somali state did not come from the non-Somali people of the South, but
from the very core of the mainstream Somali-speaking society, that is
the very society which had hitherto been described as one of the most
homogeneous on the continent. This phenomenon obviously begs for an
explanation. And the explanation is not too complicated, since it lies
in the very nature of Somali society itself.

Somali society, like many nomadic societies of arid and semi-arid lands,
is largely a product of its geographical and climatic environment. The
land is very dry and it generally does not permit sedentary agriculture,
except in the South, between the Juba and Wabi Shebelle rivers. Hence
the social differences between 'pure' Somali and the Southern Peoples.
As a result, people move, with their herds of camels, goats and sheep,
forever in search of good pastures and water. Such a world is not
conducive to any form of economic surplus or economic accumulation.
Without economic accumulation, there are no possibilities of permanent
settlements, of cities and of the distinct political structures we have
called 'the state'. In such societies, politics are diffused throughout
the whole social body and not separated, specialised so to speak, in a
'state' form, since people are forever moving. And since their movements
imply frequent frictions in the competition over the control of pastures
and wells, several
consequences arise:

Firstly - blood ties are the only connections a man is sure of. One's
kin group makes the only tangible social reality which explains the
enormous, overpowering importance of genealogy and the lineage system.

Secondly - armed conflicts between roving groups, usually representing
distinct kinship groups, are frequent.

Thirdly - since the 'state' per se does not exist, some sort of
mechanism has to be found so that the conflicts do not degenerate to the
point where they would be threatening the very survival of the kin
groups. The only basis for such a mechanism is the lineage system
itself. In Somali, these group-conflict rules are called xeer3, and
their supporting genealogical network jiffo.

Nomadic groups move and they fight. After a while the groups stop, meet
and hold a shir (palaver), they agree on compensation and the payment of
blood-price (mag). They may remain at peace for some time or ally with
another kin-based related segment against other enemies. And life goes
on. It is that 'classical' society we find so well
described in the works of Professor Lewis4.

1.2 The Colonial Inheritance (1885 - 1960)

During so-called 'scramble for Africa' of the nineteenth century, this
lineage-segmented but culturally homogeneous population was arbitrarily
divided into five distinct colonial units:

Côte Française des Somalis - colonized by France, this is today the
Republic of Djibouti, independent since 1977.

British Somaliland - colonized by Great Britain, it became independent
in June 1960 and joined three days later with Somalia Italiana to create
the Somali Republic as it existed between 1960 and 1990.

The Ogaden - conquered by Ethiopia between 1887 and 1895, it became an
integral part of the Ethiopian Empire. It is now the so-called 'Region
Five' of present day Ethiopia.

Somalia Italiana - colonized by Italy. After Italy's defeat in 1941, it
was under a British military administration until 1948 when the United
Nations gave back a quasi-colonial mandate to Rome over its former
colony. The territory was then ruled between 1948 and 1960 by the
Amministrazione Fiduciaria Italiana (AFIS) before becoming independent
in June 1960 and immediately being joined by the      northern British
Somaliland territory to form the Somali Republic, which lasted until
1990.

The Northern Frontier District - colonised by the British as the
northeastern corner of Kenya's Crown Colony. In 1963, at the time of
Kenya's independence, the new government in Nairobi refused the local
Somali demands for detachment from the new state and reunion with the
Somali Republic.5.

This five-fold division became a sort of obsession for the Somali
people, especially since the Somali had been generally 'united' in one
form or another between 1936 and 19486. Later, this dream of unity
became a mainstay of the Somali independence movement7. After two of the
five Somali 'parts' had indeed become united in 1960, regaining the
other three became a national goal which had precedence over any other.
This almost obsessive driving force led to refusal of the Somali
Republic to sign the 1963 OAU charter which stated as one of its guiding
principles the respect of the borders inherited from colonization8. It
also had a rather disastrous political effect.

The Somali people, as shown above, had been an essentially stateless
society. Their vision of unity led them to rush unquestioningly forward
into independence without a thought as to how their government was going
to be organised. The state  was thus both a foreign and an unquestioned
entity. It was perceived as being two completely
heterogeneous things - a direct continuation of the colonial state, and,
at the same time, a tool for the 'reconquest' of the lost Somali
territories.

Neither of these two functions of the state were obvious. Even the first
one was much more ambiguous than in most post-colonial African
countries. The post-colonial state was heir to two completely different
colonial traditions: the British administration in the
North, which had barely imposed itself on its Somali subjects and had
for the most part left the traditional customs of xeer untouched, and
the Italian fascist colonial rule in the South whose extremely
authoritarian philosophy had led to the nearly complete destruction of
indigenous forms of political and social control9.

Initially, this duality of political traditions was completely
overlooked in the 'unitary' enthusiasm of independence. This did not
last long. As early as 1961, Northern military officers tried to carry
out a military coup d'état in the former British Somaliland
with the aim of breaking away from the recently achieved union. And the
unravelling of the Somali Republic down to its present fragmented state
could later be traced to the guerrilla war initiated by the Northern
(misleadingly called) Somali National Movement (SNM) which fought its
way to independence between 1981 and 1991.

'Somali-ness' was perceived in the 1940s and 1950s as a quasi-mystical
quality which would enable the Somali people to override the
difficulties both of creating a modern state in a Muslim stateless
nomadic society and of creating that state from two distinct and almost
totally antagonistic European traditions. This led to a constant
emphasis on the role of the state as a tool for the 'reunification' of
all Somali territories under one government. Obsessed with this national
aim, the Somali people gave scant
regard to their domestic politics, an oversight which was to prove
costly.

1.3 Post-Independence Politics (1960 - 1978)

The regime adopted for the unified Somali Republic of 1960 was a
parliamentary democracy. It lasted from June 1960 to October 1969 in a
constant state of confusion. There were up to 60 political parties, all
expressions of the various clans and sub-clans. But as soon as the
elections were over, they all rallied to the dominant Somali Youth
League (SYL), the nationalist party which had been nurtured by the
British Military Administration between 1941 and 1948. Since the SYL was
the only 'national' party with a support that was relatively broadly
based across the clans, the various other parties which were in fact
clan-based interest groups, rallied to the SYL
dominated government in order to be able to 'benefit' from the state.
Thus the country lived both with a myriad of parties and a de-facto
single party. This system led to massive corruption and a strong
disenchantment on the part of the public towards its
government. In October 1969, a group of 'progressive officers' in the
Nasserian tradition took power in a bloodless coup d'etat.

The new government had all the trappings of the then fashionable
'socialist' military regimes: a single party, a single trade union, a
strongly controlled press, close ties with the USSR, and mass
organizations for women, youth and 'workers'. Given the emphasis on the
'reunification of the Somali people', it also had an aggressive foreign
policy and spent a massive share of its budget on military expenses.
Since the regime's potential foes (Ethiopia, Kenya and France) were all,
in the Cold War context of the time, close American allies, Somalia
entered into very close relations with the
USSR and the government declared itself to be an adherent of 'scientific
socialism' to please its new Soviet friends. 'Progressive' foreign
intellectuals duly tried to discover the social and economic basis for a
'road to socialism' in this nomadic culture10 and
Mogadishu received massive military help from the Eastern Bloc.

In some ways, the regime did try to foster national unity across the
clans. The introduction of the written Somali language in 1970, a near
prohibition of the mention of clans (all Somali were jaale to each
other, i.e. 'comrade' and asking a person's clan affiliation was an
offence which could lead to prosecution) and a programme of
road-building designed to link together the various areas of the
country, all contributed to a form of national unity. But the monolithic
vision of the state derived from the communist model was also in many
practical ways a carbon-copy of the fascist colonial state which had
ruled Southern Somalia for so long11. This, and the general preference
given to Southerners in the administration, tended to antagonise the
British-trained northern elite.

Ever mindful of the need to flatter public opinion on the question of
Somali unity, General Siad Barre supported the various movements which
were challenging the ruling powers holding sway over Somali-populated
areas outside the country. In Kenya, the shifta movement of the 1960s
was slowly dying out. But Mogadishu helped the nationalist movement in
Djibouti12 in the hope that the small territory could be united
with Somalia if independence came. And it supported the Western Somali
Liberation Front (WSLF) in the Ogaden province of Ethiopia. With the
beginning of the Ethiopian revolution (1974), Addis-Ababa's hold over
the Ogaden weakened noticeably as Ethiopian army units converged on the
capital to take part in the revolution. This encouraged the WLSF to step
up its guerrilla operations, and in 1977, regular Somali
troops invaded the area. This precipitated one of the most sudden and
violent re-alignments of the Cold War: the Ethiopian revolutionary
leadership called for help from Moscow and Soviet authorities quickly
decided to change sides. In the middle of the battle the USSR dispatched
a massive contingent of troops and armour to the Ethiopian side, backed
by a large Cuban expeditionary corps (15,000 men) and by
military technicians from various Eastern Bloc countries, mainly South
Yemen and East Germany. Within a few months they rolled back the Somali
invasion and won the war (1978).

This defeat was to have tremendous consequences for the apparently
totalitarian state built by Siad Barre and his military establishment.
It revealed its basic weakness (absence of a cultural and social base)
and its complete dependence on the Army and the ideology of a 'Greater
Somalia'. Both these last two entities were now in a rout, the Army
physically (thousands of soldiers fleeing in disarray from the advancing
Soviet-Ethiopian forces) and the myth of 'Greater Somalia' symbolically.
Deprived of any foreign support13, and faced with a combined military,
economic, ideological and political crisis, the Siad Barre régime was
going to revert to the only political resource
it had left, the clan system.

1.4 The Politics of State Disintegration (1978 - 1990)

In the spring of 1978, as the Somali army fell back in defeat, a group
of Majerteen officers tried to stage a coup d'état and to overthrow the
now weakened Siad Barre dictatorship. The coup d'état failed and was
drowned in blood. Not only were the coup-makers shot, but the whole clan
was made responsible for what had happened:
for about a year, the Northeastern area of the country, home to the
Majerteen (who had occupied a prominent place in the 'democratic' system
of the years 1960-1969), was subjected to looting, rape and murder. Siad
Barre now felt them to be a global threat to
his power. Many young men of the clan fled to Ethiopia where one of the
leaders of the coup d'état, Colonel Yussuf Abdullahi, organised an
opposition guerrilla front, the Somali Salvation Democratic Front
(SSDF). Due both to the Cold War context and to the traditional
Somali-Ethiopian rivalry, the SSDF received support from President
Mengistu and his communist allies.

It was then that in order to counter what had now become a clan-based
political threat, President Siad Barre resorted to clan-based answers.
His régime, which in its 'socialist' heyday had prided itself on a
unitary anti-clan ideological position now began to systematically use a
clan system of political patronage in order to strengthen itself.
If we keep in mind the deeply clan-based nature of Somali traditional
society and the lack of any form of 'national' foundations for state
structures, this was a dangerous game to play in the long run, even if
short term benefits could be alluring.

In order to counter the Majerteen threat, President Siad Barre relied
mainly on three clans: the small Marehan, his father's clan, the large
Ogadeen clan (his mother's clan) whose members lived mostly in the
Ethiopian Ogaden province, and the medium-sized northern clan of the
Dolbahante. The patronage system thus constituted was nicknamed MOD
(short for Marehan-Ogadeen-Dolbahante) and soon MOD civil servants,
superior officers and businessmen began to occupy the top ranks of
Somali society. Since all three clans belonged to the same clan-family
(the Darod), this tended to alienate not only the Majerteen, but also
members of the other large clan families, especially the northern Issaq,
who make up about 80 per cent of the population of the former British
Somaliland, and the centrally-located Hawiye.

Although President Siad Barre was careful to keep a few token Issaq and
Hawiye in a handful of lucrative positions, he was also careful about
excluding them from political or military positions of importance. The
Issaq, particularly, were in a difficult position
vis-à-vis the régime. The 1978 defeat had caused large numbers of
Ogadeen Somali to flee the advancing Ethiopian armies sent to reconquer
the Ogaden province. Later, further communist-inspired policies of
compulsory settlement and villagization forced new waves of refugees
over the border. It was very difficult to accommodate these refugees
since the country had only limited means14. But the Somali regime
quickly realised that they could in fact become an economic resource,
and exploiting the support available through the international community
became a national policy.

Meanwhile, the actual fate of the refugees became the object of a
political tug of war. President Siad Barre, with his dislike for the
Issaq, organised Ogadeni settlements in the North. Since the Ogadeen
were considered to be supporters of the régime, they were systematically
armed and a number of them became militiamen in charge of 'keeping
order' in the former British colony. Given the differences of education
and lifestyle between the newcomers and the urbanised residents of a
number of northern Somali towns, tensions developed. The Issaq had
traditionally been very adventurous. Most of the Somali expatriates in
the Arab petromonarchies were Issaq and their
remittances supported a fairly prosperous economy in the North. In the
rural areas, armed clashes multiplied (especially in the Hawd border
area) between Issaq pastoralists and their Ogadeen rivals who felt they
had the backing of the government. These clashes quickly degenerated as
the government tried to play a double game: if the Ogadeen won, the
government would treat the military confrontation as a 'law enforcement
problem' and pretend to be agents of a neutral entity called 'the Somali
Republic'; if they lost, they would pretend that the problem was
traditional fighting between nomad groups and try to extricate
themselves from it by paying the customary mag (blood money) of the xeer
system. As a result, both the 'modern' legitimacy of the state and the
'traditional' legitimacy of the clan-based xeer were undermined, opening
the door to a cynical form of anomic gun rule which was later to become
prevalent throughout the Somali space15. One result of the alienation of
the Issaq clans caused by these policies, was that Issaq exiles in Great
Britain in 1981 created the Somali National Movement (SNM), a guerrilla
front dedicated to the
overthrow of the Siad Barre dictatorship. In spite of its pro-western
liberal membership, SNM leaders soon moved to Ethiopia where they joined
the SSDF in challenging the régime through Ethiopian-supported armed
action. The two organizations, the SSDF and the SNM, remained separate
and mostly rival organizations, narrowly organised along clan lines and
competing for Ethiopian backing. Both, the SSDF and SNM,
denied this and pretended to have ambitions of 'national' reform. To
support this myth both included a few non-Majerteen or non-Issaq among
their official leadership, but the fighters themselves belonged to their
respective 'nucleus' clans and the real operational leaders were chosen
exclusively along clan lines. Thus, from the beginning, the
opposition to a clan-based regime was itself clan-based.

The turning point in the armed opposition to the dictatorship of Mohamed
Siad Barre came in 1988. In that year, after suffering a major defeat in
the war against the Eritrean independence movement at the battle of
Afabet, Ethiopian dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam decided to make peace
with Somalia in order to free his troops, which were
still involved in the aftermath of the conflict with Mogadishu in the
East, although the war had ended in 1978 without any sort of formal
peace agreement being signed. As part of an eventual peace agreement
between the two régimes, both agreed to stop supporting the other's
opposition.

The SSDF had disintegrated since 1985 due to internal strife caused by
Colonel Yussuf Abdullahi's violent authoritarianism. But the SNM was
very much in battle order. When it realized that 'peace' between
Mogadishu and Addis-Ababa would mean an end to its activities, it
launched a desperate all-or-nothing offensive against the major towns of
northern Somalia, briefly taking Hargeisa and Burao. The  counter-attack
by government troops was extremely violent. Hargeisa, which lies in a
valley at the foot of high hills was shelled with heavy artillery and
bombarded day and night from the air16. There were thousands of civilian
casualties and a massive stream of refugees towards Ethiopia. The SNM
fought stubbornly on and the war reached a
high pitch of intensity. Given the clan-support system of the regime,
the Dolbahante and Gaddabursi clans in the North were encouraged to
organise their own militias to support the 'national' army. Since the
SNM was not a 'national' guerrilla front but 'the armed expression of
the Issaq people'17, the government's counter-guerrilla policy in
fact generated increasing levels of clan strife.

Non-MOD elements of the 'national' army began to have strong
reservations about the northern war and Hawiye officers started to
desert. In the South, sensing that the regime was weakening, the Hawiye
clan had started to organise its own dissident movement, the United
Somali Congress (USC) by late 1989. Since this movement was
short of military capacity it 'recalled' a former hero of the 1977-78
war, General Mohamed Farah Aydeed, from his position as Somali
Ambassador to India. General Aydeed answered his clansmen's call and
went to Ethiopia to help organise the armed wing of the USC, thus
spreading the war to the provinces of Galgudud and Hiran.

By 1990, the Ogadeen, fearing that they might go down with the regime,
also decided to create their own 'opposition' front, the Somali
Patriotic Movement (SPM), which started to operate against what was left
of the 'national' army in the southern provinces of Bay and Lower Juba.

Towards the end of 1990, the government did not control more than 10 or
15 per cent of the 'national' territory and doom was in the air18. The
rest of the country was in the hands of a variety of clan-based
political movements, the SNM in the Northwest, a revived SSDF in the
Northeast, the USC in the Centre and the SPM in the South. In
January 1991, several irregular units of these various movements
converged on the capital which quickly fell into their hands. On 27
January 1991, former dictator Mohamed Siad Barre fled in a tank, taking
with him the gold and foreign currency reserves of the Central Bank,
worth an estimated US$ 27 million. A new era was about
to start.

1.5 The Disappearance of the State (1991)

The violent takeover of the capital was due to the fact that it had not
been possible to negotiate any political solution during the dying days
of the dictatorship. Efforts had been made in that direction, though,
and they were to leave consequences behind. In the spring of 1990, a
group of politicians had published a manifesto, calling for
President Siad Barre to resign and for a national conference to be
convened. Their call had gone unheeded - in fact several had been
detained by the sinking regime, thereby preventing any last chance of an
orderly transition of power. The initiative had at any rate been rather
ambiguous: on the one hand, it attracted moderates who rightly feared
the consequences of an armed takeover of Mogadishu, but, on the other
hand, it also attracted members of the Siad Barre régime who were trying
to secure their own survival. Since both Italy and Egypt had supported
to the very end the idea of a 'reconciliation conference ' in Cairo, the
Manifesto group had gathered around itself a
number of 'moderates' or 'survivors' who were looking for a way out.
They rapidly found common ground in late 1990 with the Rome branch of
the USC. Since early 1989, the USC had been split between an 'external'
branch based in Italy and an 'internal' branch based in Ethiopia. The
'internal' branch was under the control of General Mohamed Farah Aydeed
and was the only one which was physically involved in the fighting
against the Siad Barre regime. In October 1990, the 'internal' USC, the
SPM and the SNM had signed an agreement not to negotiate with the régime
and not to act to create a new political leadership without consulting
each other. But in the confusion following the fall of the dictatorship,
a leader of the 'external' USC who was also a Manifesto signatory, Ali
Mahdi Mohamed, was proclaimed 'president' by his close associates. Ali
Mahdi was a relatively unknown figure, owner of one of Mogadishu's best
hotels and married to one of the former President's advisers on public
health
matters. He was surrounded by several veterans of the former régime,
such as the long-serving Finance Minister Mohamed Sheikh Osman and Ahmed
Jilow, a former head of the Secret Police. General Aydeed, the SPM and
the SNM refused to accept the 'election' of Ali Mahdi, and the civil war
among the victors started almost immediately after the fall of General
Siad Barre (29 January 1991). It was to last for over 18 months and
eventually lead to foreign intervention.

--- End forwarded message ---

It has been quite here. Let me get your thoughts here on this one...


Puntland leadership becomes rudderless ship
Written by Liban Ahmad

Both Puntland and Somaliland administrations face challenges in the
aftermath of the Laas Caanood incident.

October 25, 2007: The news is a massive blow to the Puntland
administration that has financially backed the Transitional Federal
Government of Somalia, whose President   and Prime Minister are now
locked in a messy power struggle that has put the very existence of
TFG  at risk.

Three years ago Puntland and Somaliland forces clashed in Adhi
Caddeeye, roughly 30km from Laas Caanood. At the time Puntland had an
interim president in the person of Mohamed Abdi Haashi, former vice
president of Puntland under President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed.

Three months after the clashes Puntland held presidential election in
which the current president, Adde Muuse, defeated Mohamed Abdi  Hashi.

Muuse inherited the Puntland-Somaliland military stand-off in Adhi
Caddeeye. He told the BBC Somali Service in an interview that he would
consider the will of the people of Sool. A very confident and
pragmatic stance compared with Somaliland's colonial border based
argument.

But this stance led to political stagnation that made it easier for
Transitional Federal Government to rely on Puntland's meagre resources
that could benefit Puntland regions where a large number of internally
displaced people live.

Infighting and mismanagement had affected the administrative machinery
in Puntland. It led to sacking of Interior minister Mohamed Abdi
Haabsade, one of Puntland co-founders, who was on a peace-making
mission in Buuhoodle.

Mr Haabsade was speaker of Somaliland for a couple of years until he
fell out with the former Somaliland president, the late Mohamed Haji
Ibrahim Igal.

Haabsade's sacking fuelled speculation as to how Puntland will be able
to protect community cohesion against the stratagems of feuding Sool
politicians in Puntland administration.

In short, Puntland leaders have forgotten that Puntland is a delicate
political partnership that cannot survive without the input of
impartial traditional leaders.

Neither Garoowe nor Hargeisa will reap the long term political,
adverse side affects of the current turmoil in Sool. It is the people
of Sool who will face the music by themselves until credible
politicians emerge to complement the work of traditional leaders.

The five year Puntland/Somaliland logjam shows that it is easy for a
disaffected group to use Somaliland or Puntland administrations to
score political gains without long term political objectives. It's
this type of mindset that's become a major liability of people of Sool
who have done their best to transform Sool into a booming region.

Like Puntland, Somaliland is now on a shakier position as far as Sool
is concerned.

Credible Sool politicians who can liaise and work with all groups in
Sool are in short supply in Somaliland.

Politicians and functionaries that Somaliland administration has
appointed seldom made contacts with people in Laas Caanood and other
parts previously under Puntland administration for fear of harassment.

Many people in Sool have blamed Puntland for not solving the military
stand-off. Proponents of such view seem to have ignored the fact that
successive Puntland administrations looked on military confrontation
with Somaliland as counterproductive to their pro-union stance.

President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed would find it hard to come across as a
President of Federal Somalia while an enclave he once ruled, and which
partly propelled him to the political scene, pursues hostile policies
against a neighbouring administration.

Puntland Development Research Center has played a major role in
strengthening peace treaty in Mudug region signed by the late General
Aideed and President  Ahmed in 1993.

Similar peace-making and peace enhancing initiatives were not
envisioned either by PDRC and Somaliland Academy for Peace and
Development to address the Sool issue.

Both Puntland and Somaliland administrations face challenges in the
aftermath of Laas Caanood incident. "No doubt Somaliland has scored a
major victory, and clearly has an edge, as pointed out by foreign
observers, such as The Economist.

But based on previous experience things could change quickly.
Therefore, Somaliland should not take anything for granted,"
editorialised the Somaliland Times.

Another challenge for Somaliland has got to do with political
unpreparedness of Sool military leaders (now part of Somaliland
forces) to diffuse the tension that may turn into bloody skirmishes
between people still loyal to Puntland administration  and
Pro-Somaliland people in Laas Caanood.

Source: Business Daily News, Kenya

Water problems in Somalia: a photo-essay   Anna Husarska
<http://www.opendemocracy.net/user/506373>

The effects of war, poverty and displacement make the daily lives of
Somalian women acutely difficult. Anna Husarska of the International
Rescue Committee reports in words and images.
9 - 10 - 2007

   [child searching for water]

A thirsty child sucks futilely on a dry tap in Somalia's Mudug province

***

In 2007 the climate has been particularly harsh in Somalia: first, the
heavy rains in neighboring Ethiopia caused flooding in central Somalia.
But the rainy season itself was a disappointment, and water shortages
<http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/EMAE-77GSRR?OpenDocument>
made it impossible to replenish the reservoirs. Cereal production this
year is at 30% of the average for the last decade.

   [http://www.opendemocracy.net/files/somalia/0641.jpg]

Clashes between Islamist-led insurgents and Ethiopian-backed government
forces forced many Somalis to flee their homes. Between February and
early October 2007, 12,000 inhabitants of Mogadishu displaced by the
violence arrived in the Galkayo area 480 kilometres to the north,
putting an extra strain on water supplies.

In a radius of 17 kilometres these taps are the only source of water.
Everyday residents and nomads come here with their livestock. They don't
expect much - merely to fill the five-litre blue jerry-can, or if they
have a larger family, a yellow jerry-can of 10 litres. This is roughly
the equivalent of water needed to flush a toilet once or twice in an
industrial nation.

   [http://www.opendemocracy.net/files/somalia/0637.jpg]

This is the above-surface part of a borehole - a shaft 113 metres deep
that was drilled by a Somali non-governmental organisation in 2001 and
then rehabilitated in 2004 by the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC
<http://www.icrc.org/Web/Eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/somalia?OpenDocument>
). Now the water-table is much too low to assure steady supply, so the
generator operates only for three minutes per hour - any longer and the
pump would burn out.

To drill such a borehole costs some $70,000, so it is important to train
a local team to maintain the generator and make all the necessary
repairs.

   [http://www.opendemocracy.net/files/somalia/0616.jpg]

This woman, having shown up at 6am, had not yet filled her blue
five-litre jerry-can by midday. The borehole is owned collectively: the
eight-member management committee imposes a charge for all water,
whether it is used for humans or livestock.

The money pays for petrol to run the generator and the purchase or local
fabrication of replacement parts. Now the water-table has dropped, and
the output has fallen from 15,000 litres per hour to 400 litres per
hour, barely enough for two grown-up camels.

   [http://www.opendemocracy.net/files/somalia/0786.jpg]

The Mergaga camp for internally-displaced persons (IDPs), a few
kilometres north of Galkayo in central Somalia
<http://go.hrw.com/atlas/norm_htm/somalia.htm> , has several wells, but
all of them are dry or almost dry. It takes many drops of the yellow
jerry-can to pull up some water. Around 2,000 displaced people (from 400
families) live here, including those who fled recent unrest in Mogadishu
and those displaced by conflicts many years ago.

Women walk to the neighbouring village of Bedwayen and wash clothes for
local residents in what seems to be the only income-generating
occupation, if a dollar for a day's work can be called "income".

   [http://www.opendemocracy.net/files/somalia/0510.jpg]

Close to Washadda Geleyda, displaced persons camp on the border
separating Galkayo north (home to the Darod clan) and Galkayo south
(home to the Hawiye clan). A man is filling jerry-cans at a borehole; he
will sell the water in Galkayo north at a charge of 10 cents for 20
litres. While the price may seem low, the average per-capita income in
Somalia is $130 a year.

Although the administrative border is further south, it is really the
clan border <http://hornofafrica.ssrc.org/Hassan_Barnes/>  that
determines most things in this town of 80,000. There are two
administrations, two local councils and hardly any movement of
population between the two zones.

   [http://www.opendemocracy.net/files/somalia/0387.jpg]

In Lasanod, Puntland, the most reliable source of water, aside from
supply- trucks sent by some international non-governmental organisations
is a system of gutters and rain-pipes. Water is so precious
<http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74569>  that the
reservoirs are often carefully locked.

Puntland is a relatively
<http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74667>  safe part of
Somalia occupying roughly a quarter of the northeastern horn of the
country. Puntland is to Mogadishu, the capital suffering from
unprecedented levels of violence, what Kurdistan is to Baghdad; and
while the death-toll in Somali is not comparable to Iraq's, the type of
mayhem in the two countries is similar.

   [http://www.opendemocracy.net/files/somalia/0340.jpg]

A water-pump is the social centre in the neighbourhood. Now word is out
that it has been repaired and everyone is coming to fetch water. Because
of the complicated maintenance that pumps require, it is sometimes
thought preferable to have a simple bucket system that does not break
down.

This pump in Lasanod, Puntland, is in fact a sign of a relatively good
standard of living. In south-central Somalia, international humanitarian
organisations have arranged water-trucking and chlorination, but the
roadblocks where rogue elements extort money have seriously hampered
humanitarian efforts, as has piracy offshore.

   [http://www.opendemocracy.net/files/somalia/0486.jpg]

It is ironic that the main challenge for newly-arrived displaced
<http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74498>  persons is to
obtain water, while the only source of income for displaced women is
washing clothes and doing the dishes for permanent residents. Here a
woman who recently escaped from Mogadishu is using and reusing filthy
water; on this day she is unable to afford clean water.

Some displaced persons in her camp are victims of the December 2004
tsunami who lost their fishing boats-and came to towns inland hoping for
help. Their villages and communities were almost 5,000 kilometres from
the epicentre of the earthquake that caused the tsunami, and yet they
were not spared.

   [http://www.opendemocracy.net/files/somalia/0725.jpg]

The boy from the village of Gal Gorum in northern Somalia is hoping that
the hose will contain some water. Mortality statistics for children are
a telling indication of a problem: lack of food affects children over 2
years old. Younger ones usually die because of a lack of hygiene and
clean water, which is made more dangerous when their breast-feeding
mothers are malnourished
<http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/IRIN/1dd0f15779b5d28fafe032c26\
8732ac7.htm> .

After spending a whole day watching desperate people with empty
jerry-cans, exhausted camels and goats trailing behind and children
wondering why their cries of thirst are not answered - one cannot take
showers in the same way as before. Even if there are no connecting
pipelines between one's elegant plumbing amid white tiles and the dry
taps in a dusty desert, one cannot help feeling a bit guilty.
URL for this post:  http://www.opendemocracy.net/trackback/34726


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

Breaking into even smaller bits?

Oct 4th 2007 | NAIROBI
From The Economist print edition
Even the parts of Somalia that were steady are looking shaky again

A PECULIARITY of Somalia is that while the south of the country,
including its broken capital, Mogadishu, has burned, the north has
been stable. Now, to the horror of those trying to put Mogadishu back
together again, the north is beginning to crack too. Fighting broke
out this week between Somaliland, the northern strip that has been
virtually independent of the rest of the country for some 16 years,
and Puntland, a semi-autonomous territory in the north-east (see map).
Somaliland says it has driven Puntland forces out of Los Anod, a town
in the disputed Sool region, killing six Puntlanders and injuring or
capturing another 40-plus. Puntland says its soldiers have retaken the
town. Yet another war seems to be breaking out.

Sool is split between sub-clans backing either Somaliland or Puntland,
while some of them want autonomy for Sool itself. Somaliland, a former
British colony that was separate from the larger parts that were run
by Italy, declared independence in 1991 and has since sought
international recognition. Puntland's sense of identity is less
strong; it has seen itself as a building block for a future federal
Somalia.

But Puntland is losing its grip. The Sool dispute has been compounded
by the secession of much of the Sanaag region from Puntland, to form
yet another self-governing entity in the north. Drawing on its history
as a sultanate, Sanaag declared independence in July, renamed itself
Makhir, and chose Badhan as its capital. Tension between Makhir and
Puntland is high.

A still worse headache for Puntland is the departure of its strongman,
Abdullahi Yusuf, to become president of Somalia. He ran Puntland with
authority and ambition, grandiosely hoping to turn it into the Horn of
Africa's Dubai. When he went south, he took with him a lot of Puntland
troops, vehicles, weapons and ammunition. Their departure emboldened
other northerners with dreams of secession or autonomy, and may give
Somaliland the edge if the dispute over Sool leads to war.

Oil and gas add fuel to the ferment. Exploration rights in Puntland
have been sold several times over. Somalia's prickly prime minister,
Ali Mohamed Gedi, was furious when Mr Yusuf signed oil agreements
without telling him, including one with a Chinese company. Mr Gedi has
also refused to endorse exploration deals signed by Puntland's government.

Meanwhile, Mogadishu is getting worse again. Fewer children are going
to school. The city's markets are stagnant—quite the opposite of the
government's assertions that things are back to normal. Government
troops and the Ethiopian forces propping up Somalia's government are
still being attacked by bombs, grenades and snipers of the Islamist
militias ousted by Ethiopians early this year. The African Union
promised to send 8,000 peacekeepers and then hand authority to a UN
mission later this year. But several AU countries failed to honour
their pledges. Uganda is still the only African one to have sent
troops; with just 1,600 of them there, the UN is unlikely to come in
and take over.

The American administration and other Western governments still want
to back Somalia's transitional government until elections due in 2009.
A recent reconciliation conference in Mogadishu passed off without
rancour, itself something of a success, and was bolstered by the
apparent failure of a rival meeting, mainly of Somali Islamists, in
the Eritrean capital, Asmara.


http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=9914899

--- End forwarded message ---

Hey Champion!!

   [B_ErrollPaden]
    Erroll Paden
    Independent Marketer
    TAG TEAM Marketing Int'l, Inc.
    404-969-4585
    www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone
<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone>

This is just a quick reminder that the weekly Black Business Network
conference call is this Thursday night from 8pm – 9pm Eastern
Standard Time.

You can join the Black Business Network Online for FREE by clicking on:
www.BlackBusinessNetwork.com/theone
<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone>

   [BBN - Group Shot]

     * Hear several members talk about their Black-owned businesses,
products and services.     * Hear all of the latest news, announcements
and success stories.     * Find out about the Black Business Network,
how you can get involved, and how you can help Black-owned businesses
succeed.

WHAT
Black Business Network Conference Call

WHEN
This Thursday Night
8pm to 9pm Eastern Standard Time

NUMBER
Dial (712) 432-1100, code 586281#

Listen to what you missed on lastweeks call by dialing (641) 715-3418,
with  code: 586281#

We look forward to your participation!
   [BBN - Logo]
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http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone
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[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

Realities and operating ground: experience from Northern Kenya
By: Abdulkadir Gumi Waasole

Northern Kenya People ( Borana-Oromos) has continued to be a
marginalized community where it has been ignored by politicians and
developers in the rest of the country. Previously known as the
Northern Frontier District, the North has been cut off from the rest
of the country as it is inaccessible. Many promises have come to
execute a Marshall Plan in Northern Kenya, but none been
implimented . the Kenya government should ensure that roads that
connect Northern Kenya with the rest of the country should be made
allowing the inhabitants to develop a sustainable livestock economy
such as that in Somaliland.disenfranchising Northern Kenya puts the
rest of the country at a security risk.A few months ago, President
Kibaki elevated the Isiolo Airport .from local airport to an
international one,We argues that the President is not investing in
developing the airport's infrastructure and that should not be only
verbal promise without doing work on it to boost the economy of
Northern Kenya.The report notes that Northern Kenya is known for its
insecurity and endemic cattle rustling and inter-tribal and -clan
clashes. These clashes encompass Moyale, Marsabit and Isiolo in
Northern Kenya and other North eastern Region (NFD).

Since these two provinces are neglected geographically, economically
and socially, the region is of little economic significance and to
make ends meet, the pastoralist communities there keep large herds of
cattle, goats, camels and donkeys. It is no surprise to hear people
from that region venturing south say that they are "going to Kenya".
People so neglected must, indeed, find it hard to comprehend that
they are part of this country. The livestock they keep has been their
main cause of misery due to drought and the resultant inadequacy of
water and grass. Depending on the location of the watering points
and /or grazing areas, indigenous communities give very difficult
conditions which may involve cash payments or payments in form of
animals for water or grass. This results into violent activities,
hence the intermittent skirmishes. Even though cattle rustling is a
cultural practice since time immemorial - and is one of the mother
cause of tribal and clan animosity -- political representation in
Parliament and local councils have also precipitated and perpetuated
skirmishes.

The principal causes of disputes over water and grazing rights,
territorial aggrandisement and hegemonism, through the desire for
political representation acquired a complicated and serious political
dimension. We note that the communities in Northern and North Eastern
Kenya see themselves as neglected and forgotten people, which in a
way has fostered and inspired general lawlessness in the region. It
recommends the Government take deliberate steps to open up the the
region for economic and social development so that the communities in
the region are not only developed economically and socially, but
also, made to feel wanted.

All in all, the government should:- invest in water resources in the
area in order to minimise undue competition of water during drought;
stamp out banditry which leads to tribal animosity by keeping the
Northern border under regular surveillance; improve marketing outlets
for livestock to reduce overstocking and minimise pressure on water
points and grazing areas and should improve communication especially
road and telecommunication. What makes the situation even more
serious is that the Isiolo-Moyale road was designed many years ago as
part of the Trans-African Highway supposed to traverse the continent
from south to north. Our neighbours, Tanzania to the south and
Ethiopia to the north, long ago completed their portions.

It is Kenya which has been extremely laggard in the project. That
probably reflects official thinking that development resources are
best employed where there will be immediate and visible returns. So
the trend has been to take these to areas which are already well-
endowed. The need to open up neglected areas has never featured much
as a development priority. Yet the benefits should be all too
obvious. Such projects provide hitherto neglected areas with vast new
opportunities.

Probably if the roads were better, the Judicial Commission could have
visited the area and listened to, and documented the plight of the
victims, as it did with other affected areas.

Northern Kenya population lives below the poverty line.
Infrastructure is very poor; people live on average 25 km. from water
sources and health clinics. The environment is extremely risky; last
year a livestock disease killed 60% of the herd. Research on health,
education and income sources is quite inadequate.

World Bank and IMF conditionality have focused on public sector
reforms (privatisation of parastatals, civil service reform, reform
of the judiciary); streamlining and prioritising public budgeting and
expenditure (improved monitoring systems, the development of a
realistic medium-term expenditure framework); and improved
accountability (providing information on public investments,
participation of the intended beneficiaries in all stages of the
project cycle).

Much of this hardly touches people in Northern Kenya, or seems
irrelevant to them. The government appears very distant. What people
see is cuts in much needed social spending, increased taxation and
many uncompleted donor projects. The winners from structural
adjustment appear to be trans national corporations and some local
businessmen (who have benefited from the lifting of price controls);
the losers are smallholders, the rural landless, female-headed
households, the urban poor and the pastoralists.

What is the role for Kenya Government in its policy toward these
people and land in its dialogue? the members of parliament should
make the voice of the poor heard, to monitor the implementation of
policy changes, to monitor public expenditure, and to influence the
design of micro policies. Perhaps most importantly: to run for
changing the face of northern kenya.

Ethiopian Aggression in Kenya border and killing of Kenyan citizens.

Very serious and ever increasing human right violation directed
against the Oromo -Boorana Population in Kenya. Devastating effects
of the Ethiopia Military action in northern Kenya border and its
impacts on the social-economical situation for the oppressed people
of northern Kenya under the pretext of hosting foreign rebels.The
Daily human right violation and killings of Innocent Kenyan Boorana
by Ethiopian security in northern Kenya towns and in Nairobi city.
This act of aggression against Boorana must be condemned by all peace
loving people of Kenya. It is very wonderful that foreign soldiers
and security agents from Ethiopia can enter into Kenya easily and
kill innocent Kenyan nationals. This has continued since colonial era
but still Kenya allows this evil continues to be done against its
people." The world need anger, the world often continues to allow
evil because it is not angry enough.....Bede Jarre.

Northern Kenya people love peace and stability for themselves and for
all Kenyans. Kenya is a beloved nation, the land of their birth,
while Northern kenya people are lucking democratic, political,
economical civil and citizenship rights.

Oromo-Boorana people occupy the northern Corridor; it is true that
Boorana are part of larger Oromo who are majority of Ethiopia Nation.
Boorana People of Kenya had a long suffering along Kenya-Ethiopia
Territory. Unheard daily massacres that even pen can't write all the
reports by human rights since 1990s.What is so wonderful and shocking
is that Kenya Government had took decision with Ethiopian Government
to get involved in Military action against Boorana People in Northern
kenya and secret killing of Boranas by Ethiopian Spies under the
pretex of supporting OLF. To add more injury on the heart of all
Boorana and to make the matter worse.

Ethiopian is known to the world that they it is turning all Horn of
Africa people in torn of fire and war. This military cooperation
brings bad name to the long-standing democratic and pro-peace stature
Kenya enjoys among its neighbors. It could leave an indelible scar
between our brotherly peoples. Kenya has also been known of its
neutral position on democracy and peace for it's and African people.

What still wonder me why Kenya shouldn't look at its future and
future of its people and nation. Why does Kenya allow foreign country
to changes its policy toward its citizen? Ethiopia is killing its
citizens daily and likewise like Kenya to share the blood shade of
innocent people. Logically speaking there is no time and place for
Northern Kenya people Boorana to host foreign Rebels. OLF is no
different from any other freedom fighters who were fighting for
independence of there country like SPLA of Southern Sudan and MAU MAU
of Kenya in colonial era, Kenya should understand that. The problem
of Northern Kenya may confirm that Ethiopia don't like peace for
whole Kenyan people. As they have manufactured tact's of beating one
tribe against others.

We wonder why only northern Kenya is a place of Disasters and
massacres. Is it only Northern Kenya where one tribe lives in
different border? The example of Maasai Kenya and Tanzania, Somali
Kenya and Somalia. Luo Kenya and Uganda and rest are living in peace.
We are grieved to say that insecurity, poverty in northern Kenya was
created by under-development, since colonial rules up to now. Kenya
should learn from its neighbors? Kenya should learn how many
Ethiopian refugees are in Kenya? How many of other nation? Do we like
to join the record of refugee producing countries in the world? Kenya
should remember the noble slogan of PEACE, LOVE and UNITY. Everyone
knows that the name of democracy is widely known in Kenya than other
African Countries, the current situation is evidence.

We can say similar things with regards to health, education,
communication, and transport. No body is happy about the state of
northern Kenya people and the developments. Boorana people everywhere
are furious and frustrated about future of there people there is deep
resentments for Ethiopian policies and involvements in Northern Kenya
in particular.

To proceed.

Article Source: http://www.afroarticles.com/article-dashboard

Hey Champion,

I don't know if you heard about this event that is going to be hitting
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to one of these events.


<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/MyAccount/Profiles/Personal/Display\
/Body.cfm?BBN_Member_ID=2>  [TheOne]
<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/MyAccount/Profiles/Personal/Display\
/Body.cfm?BBN_Member_ID=10>
Erroll E. Paden
Independent Marketer
TAG TEAM Marketing International, Inc.
Phone: 404-969-4585
www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone
<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone>

Check out what they have to say....

-----------------------------------------------


   <http://www.tagteammarketing.com/>  <http://www.tagteammarketing.com/>
My wife Debbie and I will be teaching a powerful seminar for Black
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If you want to know how we did it, come to one of our upcoming seminars
and we will teach you how to do the same in your company.

   [Delxino]
<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/MyAccount/Profiles/Personal/Display\
/Body.cfm?BBN_Member_ID=2>
Delxino Wilson de Briano
President, Co-Founder
TAG TEAM Marketing International, Inc.
www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone
<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone>





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(404) 969-4585 office
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   <mailto:erroll@...> Web:
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<http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/theone>

   [TAG TEAM Logo]  <http://www.tagteammarketing.com/>





[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

asalaamu alaykum
   I want to tell the members of this group to speak about the issues of Awdal
rather than speaking about another things , you have to think of how to develop
our marvellous region who is in the middle of the fires of enemies. Nowdays we
can see what  happens in the region we have to wake up of our long sleep and see
what  is the truth and try to fight all this obstacles. rather than speaking
about radicoulus things like what happens in mogadishu and kenya just try to
help your people and take their hand .

   your brother

   Adnan hasan
   Jordan university of sceince and technology
   Irbed, Jordan



---------------------------------
  Yahoo! Answers - Get better answers from someone who knows. Tryit now.

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

At Least 18 Die in South Somalia When Water Pump Fails
SOMALIA: August 24, 2007


MOGADISHU - At least 18 Somalis died this week after a generator-
powered well used by thousands of people in a semi-desert region
broke down, elders said on Thursday.


Some of the dead had drunk contaminated water after the electric-
powered pump bringing clean supplies from deep underground stopped
working. Others, left with no water at all, died of thirst.
"This is a disaster," Suldan Abdi Ali, an elder from Dif district,
said by telephone from the area which borders Kenya.

"At least 18 have died this week and hundreds have been forced to
trek to Afmadow, 180km (111 miles) from Dif, to look for water," he
told Reuters. "We need urgent help."

Abdirahman Haji Ahmed, another elder from Dif who is in the capital
Mogadishu for peace talks, also sounded the alarm.

"Pregnant women, children and the elderly ... cannot trek to drink
water," he said. "We request international aid agencies to help the
poor people."

Somalia has had no functioning central government since clan-based
warlords overthrew military ruler Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991,
plunging the Horn of Africa country into anarchy.

Thousands have died since then from war and periodic famines that
have ravaged the impoverished nation of 9 million people.



Story by Guled Mohamed

تحية طيبه وبعد








اليكم هذا الشرح لكل شىء عن شركة AGLOCO عشر دقائق فقط سوف
تستغرقهم فى قراءة هذه السطور.





مين يعلم الغيب ممكن العشر دقائق دول يغيروا مسار حياتك





كلها؛ ركز معايا واذا مافهمت الموضوع اقره تانى وتالت زى ماقلتلك قبل
كده الموضوع





ده ممكن يغير طريق حياتك باكلمها فركز معايا 3000 دولار فى الشهر مش
شوية وقابلين للزيادة


كمان وربنا يهديك الى مافيه الخير يلا ندخل لموضوعنا فات دقيقة من
العشر دقائق.


إضغط على هذا الرابط للتسجيل





http://www.agloco.com/r/BBFZ4658


هل سمعت عن صفقة استحواذ جوجل على يوتيوب؟


تلك الصفقة التي بلغت 1.65 بليون دولار وتناقلتها جميع وسائل الإعلام
المختلفة


لمن لا يعرف يوتيوب فهو موقع إلكتروني يتيح لأعضائه رفع ملفات فيديو
منكمبيوتراتهم الشخصية للانترنت ، يشاركوا بها أصدقائهم وبقية أعضاء الموقع، أنشء
الموقع في شهر فبراير من عام 2005 وشهد تنامياً ونجاحاً منقطعالنظير،حيث كان
لأعضاء الموقع الدور الأكبر في إشهاره و إنجاحه ، تلكالجهود التي صبت في جيوب
أصحاب الموقع ملايين الدولارات و لم ينل أعضاءالموقع منها شيئاً


أثنى مؤسس شركة مايكروسوفت Bill Gates و مؤسس شركة يوتيوب YouTube
تشادهيرلي على فكرة AGLOCO وقالا أن هذه الفكرة هي البوابة لمستقبل
الإنترنت


يجب أن نعمل ونعمل و نعمل لكي نزيد حجم شبكاتنا لكي نكون الرواد في هذا
المجال


هل تعلمون أن Google اشترت YouTube ب 1,65 بليون دولار بسبب
عدد المشتركين ولم يأخذ المشتركون شيئا منها؟


مع AGLOCO نحن المالكون .


الشركه تعرض عليك المساهمه فى انشائها مقابل الحصول على اسهم مليكه .
لوأنه عرض عليك ، المشاركة في إنشاء هذا الموقع في بداية نشأته ، مقابل أنتكون لك
حصة فيه ونسبة من أرباحه ، هل كنت لترفض ؟؟


تخيل لو أنك كنت تملك نسبة 1 من 1000000 فقط من ذلك الموقع وليس 1% ،
لكانت حصتك من تلك الصفقة تبلغ 1600000 دولار


طريقة الاشتراك





التفاصيل هامة جداااااا جداااااااااااااااااااا


اتفق بيل جيتث صاحب شركةمايكروسوفت مع شركه جوجل وايضا بدعم من يوتيوب
على فكره اجلوكو وقالواانها البوابه الى المستقبل واجلوكو هو موقع يعطى لاعضائه
مبلغ
من المالمقابل استخدام الانترنت


طبعا انت الان بتقول لماذا تدفع هذه الشركه هذه المبالغ لاعضائها ؟


الاجابه على السؤال هى ان الشركه تريد جمع اكبر عدد من الاعضاء
ومستخدمى الانترنت لكى تقوم شركات التسويقالعالميه وشركات البيع بالتجزئه عرض
اعلانات منتجاتهم فى اجلوكو والذى سوفيعود على الشركه بالكثير من المال واتفق بيل
جبيث وشركه جوجل على توزيع 90% من ارباح الشركه على اعضائها بالاضافة ان الهدف
الرئيسى من الحصول علىمبلغ شهرى هو تعويض مستخدم الانترنت عن المبالغ التى ينفقها
مقابل استخدامالانترنت (يعنى الشركة بتقول لك استخدم الانترنت و انا سوف ادفع
مقابلاستخدامك للانترنت)








طبعا انت الان تقول ان المبلغ الممكن الحصول عليه قليل جدا ؟


الاجابه على السؤال هو ان الشركات التى تقوم بتسويق منتجاتها فى اجلوكو
هى شركات عالميه تدفع الملاين بل المليارات لتسويق منتجاتها .








طبعا انت الان تقول هو ممكن كام يكسب العضو فى اجلوكو ؟


نتائج احصائيات الشركه تقول انه تم تحديد عددالمشتركين وهو حوالى مليون
مشترك ويصل ربح الاعضاء غير الناشطين الذينيتواجدون على الانترنت وقت قصير جداا من
5 دولار الى 15 دولار شهريابالاضافه الى 150 دولار اسهم ملكيه وتحصل على فائده
سنويه على هذه الاسهم وهذه الاسهم سوف تعرض فى بورصة لندن فى المستقبل القريب





طبعا انت بتقول طيب ممكن يكسب العضو النشيط كام ؟


الاجابه هو حسب جهد هذا العضو بمعنى لكى تكون عضو نشيط تقوم بدعوه ناس
للتسجيل عن طريقك فى اجلوكو


طبعا انت بتقول الشركه كيف تعرف ان هذا العضو قام بالتسجيل عن طريقى ؟


عند التسجل فى موقع الشركهوالتسجيل مجاناا تعطيك الشركه لينك اسمه
ريفريل لينك وهذا اللينك هو خاصبك تعطية لاصحابك وتجعلهم يسجلون عن طريقك .


طبعا انت بتقول كام ممكن اكسب من دعوه صديق للتسجيل عن طريقى ؟


تحصل على 30 دولار اسهم ملكيه على كل عضو يسجل عن طريقك


و تحصل على نسبه من ارباح هذا العضو الشهرية وهى حوالى 3% 4% 5%


طبعا انت بتقول هذه النسبه قليلة جدا ؟


الاجابه هى فى الحقيقه نسبه كبيره جداا وسوف اعطيك مثل


بافتراض انك قمت بدعوة 200 عضو جميعهم اعضاء غير ناشطين ارباحهم
الشهريه 10 دولار ونحصل على نسبه 4% من ارباحهم الشهرية


سوف تزيد ارباحك الشهرية 800 دولار





طبعا انت بتقول انا لا استطيع دعوة 200 عضو ؟


الاجابه نعم تستطيع وليس بمجهود كبير سوف اقول لك كيف نقوم بدعوتهم


قم بعمل بحث فى جوجل ب دليل المنتديات و ادخل على دليل المنتديات وقم
بالتسجيل فى المنتدى الذى تريد طرح الموضوع به وليكن هنا فى قسم الشركات الربحية
المجانية فى منتدى برامج نت


وبعد التسجيل قم بكتابه الموضوع وعرضه فى المنتدى باللينك الخاص بك
ريفريل لينك وسوف تحصل على 200 عضو فى اقل من اسبوعين بكل بساطة


طبعا انت بتقول ازى اعلانات الشركات هذه سوف تصل لى ؟





الاجابه هى ان شركة اجلوكو اصدرت برنامج فيوبار تقوم بتحميلة وتثبيته
على جهازك وهذا البرنامج يقوم بعرض منتجات الشركات


وبعد الانتهاء من تنصيب البرنامج يطلب من البرنامج ادخال بيانات دخولك
وهى التى سوف اشرحها اذا عجبك الموضوع


ويبداء عمل البرنامج ويقوم بعرض منتجات الشركات وتحصل على سهم واحد على
كلساعه تقوم بفتح البرنامج فيها بالاضافة الى مبلغ من المال تحصل عليه بصفة شهريه


طبعا انت بتسال هو انا لازم افتح الاعلانات الذى تظهر فى برنامج الفيوبار
؟


الاجابة لا وانت لك الحرية فى فتح هذه الاعلانات وهذا لا يؤثر على دخلك
الشهرى


ملحوظة هامه جدااااااااااااااااااااااااااااااا


واذا لم تقم بتحميل البرنامج سوف تقوم الشركه بالغاء حسابك .


كل ما عليك فعلة هو الاشتراك فى الشركة وتحميل الفيوبار .





فات دلوقتى تسع دقائق بس خلى بالك لسه دقيقة لك عندى الدقيقة تقدر
تاخدفيها القرار انك تكمل معانا او يكون الموضوع مش على مزاجك انتا وراحتك لكن ما
اظنش بعد ده كله ولسه حد عنده شك............


الشرح


شرح الاشتراك فى شركة AGLOCO











للتسجيل الرجاء الضغط على هذا الرابط





http://www.agloco.com/r/BBFZ4658


ملحوظةالموقع علية ضغط شديد جداا جداا لذلك حاول فتح الموقع للتسجيل
مرة اخرى اذا لم يفتح .


*بكدا اقدر اقولك الف مبروك للاشتراك فى كبرى شركات الربح العالمية .
دلوقتى انتا خلصت الاشتراك وفتحت حسابك كله تمام لسه حاجة واحدة كيفية تحميل
الفيوبار واستخدامه وحصدالاموال


الفيوبار


ما هو برنامج الفيوبار ؟


الفيوبار هو برنامج صغير الحجم ، عند تشغيله يظهر في أسفل شاشة
الكمبيوتروهو مثل التول بار الذي تقدمه العديد من الشركات مثل جوجل و ياهو و
غيرها،هذا البرنامج يتابع المواقع التي تزورها على الانترنت ومن ثم يظهر لك
إعلانات تتوافق مع ميولك ، أي إعلانات لمواقع تشابه المواقع التي تهتم بها


و تزورها دائماً ، أصحاب هذه الإعلانات يدفعون لأجلوكو مقابل عرض
إعلاناتهم ومن ثم تقوم أجلوكو بتوزيع هذه الأرباح على أعضائها وليس مطلوباً منك
كعضو أن تزور مواقع أصحاب تلك الإعلانات ، إلا إذا كنت راغبا ًفي ذلك من نفسك وهذا
البرنامج ليس مثل برامج التجسس التي تثبت في جهازك وأنت لا تدري وإنما هو برنامج
تقوم بتشغيله وإيقافه بنفسك وتستطيع إزالته بكل سهولة إذا أردت ذلك ، في الوقت
الحالي حددت أجلوكو خمس ساعات كحد أقصى في الشهر لكل عضو لمشاهدة الفيوبار ويحصل
العضو على سهم واحد عن كل ساعة مشاهدة يقوم بها بنفسه و كذلك ربع سهم عن كل ساعة
مشاهدة يقوم بها عضو فيفريقه.


تحميل الفيوبار


1_ادخل لحسابك للدخول إضغط هنا أو قم بنسخ الرابط ووضعه في المتصفح





https://www.agloco.com/web/guest/signin








طبعا تكتب رقم الإنتساب تبعك والرقم السري يا باشا








2_ اضغط على Alternate Download وبعدها Accept





3_بعد تحميل الفيوبار شغله على جهاز وافتحه





هذا هو الفيو بار على شاشة كمبيوترك:





*بكدا نكون انتهينا من شرح كل شى عن الشركة احب اذكر فى النهاية ببعض
الملاحظات :-





_انت مطالب باستخدام الفيوبار خمس ساعات فقط فى الشهر





_اذا الموضوع عجبك ابعت رابط الموضوع لاصدقائك حتى تعم المصلحة العامة
على الكل





_لو عاوز تستفسر عن اى شى ممكن تكتب رد تحت هذا الموضوع وانا جاهز للرد
على اى استفسار او تراسلنى على اميلى





_فى النهاية اتمنى ان يكون الشرح عجبكم واتمنى ايضا ان ترسل هذه
الموضوع لكل اصحابك

























________________________________________________________________________________\
____
Need a vacation? Get great deals
to amazing places on Yahoo! Travel.
http://travel.yahoo.com/

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

--- In DigAfrica@yahoogroups.com, "Chifu" <chifu2222@...> wrote:

From banks to crime, mobile revolution hits Africa
Thu 21 Jun 2007, 15:45 GMT
By Daniel Flynn DAKAR, June 21

  (Reuters) - From banking to education and even organised crime,
mobile phones are revolutionising the lives of ordinary Africans as
foreign phone companies scramble for a share of the world's fastest
growing market.

Having shunned Africa in the 1990s, the companies are now lured by
cheaper technology, stronger economic growth and the success of
pioneer firms such as South Africa's MTN <MTNJ.J>.

In the mid-'90s there were more phones in New York city than the
whole of Africa. This year, the African continent passed the
milestone of 200 million cellphone users -- just two years after
reaching 100 million.

Analysts predict the figures may nearly double again in five years as
Middle Eastern operators flush with cash like Celtel <TELE.KW> battle
European heavyweights such as France's Orange <FTE.PA> for a share in
the market.

Nigeria's former Communications Minister David Mark -- now president
of the country's Senate -- once quipped that the telephone was not
for the poor. But those days are long gone and the change for
millions of Africans has been dramatic.

"A cell phone is a source of pride, a status symbol ... for people
who used to be completely marginalised," said Solange Konan, manager
of a cocoa farmers' cooperative in Ivory Coast.

African farmers once faced long journeys, braving potholed roads and
bandits, to check export prices for their goods, but now they just
phone the port to ensure they get a fair price. "It is the greatest
invention of the century," Konan said.

For the four-fifths of Africans working in the informal sector,
mobiles allow small businessmen from electricians to carpenters to
stay in touch with clients and organise work.

"The mobile has really increased productivity in Africa," said Thecla
Mbongue, researcher at Informa Telecoms and Media.


SIGNALS IN THE BUSH

Mobiles outnumber fixed lines in Africa by more than 10 to one. But
with an estimated 63 percent of the continent's nearly 1 billion
people living in rural communities -- the highest rate in the world --
  mobile phone companies face major challenges.

"Our return on investment can be very, very low in rural areas," said
Beston Tshinsele, general manager of Celtel in Chad, one of Africa's
most sparsely populated nations.

Solar panels and cheap bio-fuels allow Celtel to overcome a lack of
power in the bush, while more powerful transmitters mean coverage is
being extended to the arid heart of Africa.

Cell phones are plugging gaps in other services. With banks scarce
outside cities, Kenya's Safaricom launched a project this year to
allow clients to transfer money using an SMS -- the recipient can
then collect cash from a supermarket or shop.

Many observers hope that mobiles can help achieve the United Nations'
objectives to halve poverty and achieve universal education by 2015
under its Millenium Development Goals (MDGs).

"Mobile technology can play a fundamental role in reaching the MDGs
in Africa," said Vitalis Olunga, regulatory affairs head at
Safaricom, partly owned by Britain's Vodaphone <VOD.L>.

But mobile phones also bring new opportunities for crime.

"Organised crime groups are moving away from dirty crimes, like drug
trafficking, into clean crimes, such as telecoms fraud," said Giles
Lucas of software specialists Basset Labs. Scams include gangs which
steal mobiles and then sell calls for cash, or which hijack lorries
carrying charge cards. Mafias may also penetrate the database of
phone companies and remove users from billing lists so they make free
calls.

"Fraud is on the upswing because new technologies provide greater
opportunities," said Lucas.

But he added: "If we eliminated all the stolen phones in Africa,
companies would be left with no clients."

--- End forwarded message ---

Wanted man in connection with Nairobi explosion surrenders



A man wanted by Kenyan police in connection with last Monday's
explosion in Nairobi that killed one person and injured 37 others
surrendered on Sunday, maintaining his innocence.

Mohammed Farah Hirsi, 41, surrendered to Kenya Anti-Terrorism Police
Unit and was immediately put into custody for questioning, Kenyan
police spokesman Eric Kiraithe told journalists in Nairobi.

Kiraithe who released the name and a photograph of Hirsi on Saturday
said they believed he could have information about the mysterious
explosion which threw the nation into panic.

"We have received the man who was produced here by his lawyer and he
said he is the person in the picture but we shall carry out our
confirmation later. He is in our custody," said Kiraithe.

Hirsi's lawyer Ahmednassir Abdillahi said his client only learnt from
the media that police wanted him over the blast but has denied any
involvement.

"Our client categorically denies any involvement in the heinous
criminal act and condemns the same," said Abdillahi.

"He has nothing to hide and is willing to give them all the
information they require as he is innocent in this matter," Abdillahi
said shortly before handing him to the police.

Sources said Hirsi, a Kenyan citizen from Mandera Central district in
northeast Kenya and a businessman in Eastleigh, one of Nairobi's
residential estates inhabited mostly by Somalis, was in his house all
along and presented himself to the police in the company of his
lawyer for fear of his life.

Hirsi was twice arrested and questioned over his nationality and the
police confiscated his passport last August.

The police have not yet established the motive for or the cause of
last Monday's blast outside a small restaurant near one of Nairobi's
oldest hotels, the Ambassador Hotel.

No one has claimed responsibility for the explosion.

The police spokesman said preliminary results of forensic examination
carried out on material lifted from the site have been received by
the investigators.

However, he said the information shall not be released until the
findings are confirmed after further investigation by local and
overseas laboratories.

Kiraithe said the exact identity of the deceased,who witnesses had
said was the bomber, has not been established.

"The identification of the sole fatality has not been ascertained
through his finger prints. Consequently it has become necessary to
make an appeal for assistance in his identification," Kiraithe said.

The mysterious explosion rocked downtown Nairobi on Monday morning,
causing panic along one of the busiest streets during the peak of the
morning rush. Chunks of glass were scattered across the sidewalk in
front of the busy bus stop.

Initial reports suggest a suicide bomber carried out the attack, but
this has not been confirmed by the police who have played down rumors
that blast was a terrorist attack.

The blast was close to the site of the 1998 U.S.embassy bombing which
killed more than 200 people and injured thousands of others.

Source: Xinhua

Thought this may be interesting to some people here:

http://www.lewrockwell.com/floyd/floyd70.html


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

Let Somalis decide their own fate'

     April 09 2007 at 10:31AM

Asmara - Somali Deputy Prime Minister Hussein Aidid has demanded the
withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from the country to allow the people
to decide their future.

"Ethiopian troops must leave from Somali territory to let the Somalis
decide their own fate," Aidid said in a brief interview broadcast on
Eritrean state-run EriTV late on Sunday.

Aidid expressed fears that Somalia, which recently suffered its worst
violence in the past 15 years, was becoming another Iraq, split
between warring factions and foreign forces.

Four days of heavy fighting that erupted late last month between
Ethiopian forces and a combination of local militia and remnants of a
defeated Islamist movement killed hundreds and forced thousands to
flee the capital Mogadishu.




Mogadishu has been the scene of intermittent battles since the
Ethiopia troops backed the weak interim government to oust the
Islamists late December.

Aidid was in Asmara for talks with President Issaias Afeworki, who
repeated warnings that foreign forces were complicating the situation
in Mogadishu, and that accusations that Islamist forces are
terrorists was wrong.

"As long as the Islamic faith facilitates the reconstitution and
unity of Somalia, why should it be a target?," Issaias said,
according to a statement on the information ministry's website.

"Those forces who seek to link the Islamic faith with terrorism are
the very ones who do not respect and understand the Islamic faith, as
well as aspire to put into effect their agenda of religious
politics."

Analysts have expressed fears that Ethiopia and Eritrea, still at
odds over their unresolved 1998-2000 border conflict, are fighting a
proxy war in Somalia.

I really have no idea how many Somalians approve of/disapprove of a
central government in Mogadishu.  I'd love to be able to talk to
someone in Somalia.  From what I read and see on news, Somalians are
fiercely independent and are willing to fight for their liberty.  If
any people do not want a Republic, I imagine it would the Somalis.
This is my hope, anyway.  I would be sad to think that America (or
even  Switzerland) is the most libertarian nation I'll live to see.

Yes, it would be extreme culture shock for me, and I hope I would not
be terribly insulting to Somalians.  How would I communicate?  Just
like moving to Switzerland or Netherlands, I'd need to find a
bi-lingual acquaintance to help me until I learned enough of the language.

At this point, I'm extremely interested in contacting Somalis who are
working towards small/no central government.  I would love to help get
cheap computer+networking technology to every citizen, as I believe
that is the best foundation for modern self-governance.

Gavin wrote:

<< Seriously guys, I'm DONE reading about the transgressions against
the people of Somalia--you've already convinced me.  I want to help.
So, besides sending someone cash, How Can I help?  I am willing to
consider moving to Somalia to aid their struggle to become an
an-cap/kritarchy. >>

First of all, is it really the case at this point that most people in
Awdal don't want a state?  Assuming there is, what exactly are you going
to do there?  You'll get off the plane with Western sensibilities,
accustomed to a developed world lifestyle, and not even speak the
language.  Then what?

I'm not trying to be a naysayer, and I do respect your enthusiasm for
liberty.  It's just that I've lived in the developing world (in the
Caribbean, which is a lot more developed than Awdal) and I repeatedly
saw North Americans and Europeans get off the plane all excitedly, only
to return home once they'd tired of the various inconveniences that go
along with such an environment.  And they spoke the language.

Food for thought.

-=Steve=-