India vs. China: Which is the best role
model for the developing world?
Friday,
October 29, 2010
China
is the Michael Jordan of emerging economies. Just as every up-and-coming
basketball hopeful wanted to “be like Mike,” every up-and-coming
poor nation wants to “be like China.” And why not? China has
boasted an incredible record of alleviating poverty, building industry,
creating jobs, and translating economic power into political power. The rise of
China has made the West doubt the continued validity of its cherished
principles of democratic, fee-market capitalism. Instead, some believe that
China's state-heavy, semi-market economy -- or “state capitalism”
-- is better suited to the demands of the modern world. The old
“Washington Consensus,” based on a devotion to free markets and
free enterprise, is being replaced by the “Beijing Consensus.”
But
is China's Beijing Consensus really the winning formula for poor nations? Larry
Summers, Obama's assistant on economic policy, raised the idea in a recent speech
that India's political-economic model, which he labeled the “Mumbai
Consensus,” may in the end win the day:
And
perhaps – perhaps – in 2040, the discussion will be less about the
Washington Consensus or the Beijing Consensus, than about the Mumbai Consensus
– a third way not based on ideas of laissez-faire capitalism that have
proven obsolete or ideas of authoritarian capitalism that ultimately will prove
not to be enduringly successful. Instead, a Mumbai Consensus based on the idea
of a democratic developmental state, driven not by a mercantilist emphasis on exports,
but a people-centered emphasis on growing levels of consumptions and a widening
middle class.
So
what's a better model for the developing world – the Mumbai Consensus or
the Beijing Consensus?
In
the inevitable comparisons between the world's two largest countries and two
fastest-growing economies, India usually ends up on the losing end. India's
economic growth has consistently trailed China's, and India hasn't
eradicated poverty as quickly as China, even when adjusting
for the fact that India started its pro-growth reforms a dozen years after
China. That's led to a potentially
dangerous level of frustration among India's poor. India has
struggled to compete with China in large-scale, export-oriented manufacturing,
and doesn't attract as much foreign investment as China. The fractured
government in India acts more slowly than China's to implement policy or build
much-needed infrastructure. Just compare Beijing's ultra-organized 2008
Olympics to New Delhi's
embarrassing 2010 Commonwealth Games.
But
at the same time, India's economic system has some often ignored advantages
over China's:
More
balanced growth. Whenever
economists talk about China, they focus on the need to “rebalance.”
That means China is too dependent on exports and investment for its growth, and
needs to increase the role of private consumption to make its growth more
balanced. India
is already where China wants to be. Consumer spending
plays a much bigger role in India's economy than in China's.
Thus India doesn't have to implement policies that distort the global economy
(like China does with its currency regime). India, in fact, buys more from the
rest of the world than it sells. India's growth is thus less susceptible to
shocks from the international economy.

More
rational companies and banks. Under
China's “state capitalism,” the state-owned banking system and big
companies can easily fall victim to government mandates and policy priorities,
leading to problems like asset bubbles, excess capacity and a weakened
financial system. India's companies are more focused on profitability than
China's (as you can see from this chart).
Historically India's banks tend to have lower levels of bad loans, and though
China's nonperforming loan ratio has improved dramatically in recent
years, serious concerns remain that the big government-sponsored credit
boom of 2009, aimed at boosting growth during the Great Recession, could eat
into Chinese banks' balance sheets in coming years. The private sector in
India also has a lower level of debt. According to data kindly provided to me
by Fitch, bank credit to the private sector in China reached 148% of GDP in
2009 compared to only 54% in India. I admit I'm making a sweeping generalization
here -- China does have its share of smart companies, from industrial giants
like Geely to start-ups like Tencent. But I think it's fair to argue that
India's corporate and banking sectors are more professional and healthier than
China's.
Democracy. Few things annoy me more than having to sit through mindless
praise of China's authoritarian political system, especially from Westerners
who don't live under one. Many businessmen believe that authoritarianism in
China has been a necessary factor behind the economy's rapid growth. But India proves that
countries don't need dictators to create rapid development and gains in human
welfare. India's raucous democracy has been able to
produce one of the world's best records of economic growth over the past two
decades – and preserve people's civil liberties in the process. I'm
certain to get comments on this post complaining that India doesn't have a true
democracy, that it's all corrupt and unjust. But people do vote and governments
do change in India, and that means the vote of the average person does count.
Perhaps the convoluted nature of India's democratic policymaking is one reason
why the economy doesn't grow as quickly as China's. But would you sacrifice
human rights for the sake of an extra percentage point or two of GDP growth? (I
wouldn't.)
This
isn't to say that India doesn't have problems that need fixing. Its state-owned
enterprises are a mess and badly need privatization. Policymakers need to find
way of spreading India's growth miracle to parts of the nation still relatively
untouched. But at the same time, it is hard to argue that the Mumbai Consensus
isn't a serious rival to the Beijing Consensus.
In the inevitable comparisons that economists and businesspeople
make between Asia's two rising giants, China and India, China nearly always
comes out on top.
The
Chinese economy historically outpaces India's by just about every measure.
China's fast-acting government implements new policies with blinding speed,
making India's fractured political system appear sluggish and chaotic.
Beijing's shiny new airport and wide freeways are models of modern development,
contrasting sharply with the sagging infrastructure of New Delhi and Mumbai.
And as the global economy emerges from the Great Recession, India once again
seems to be playing second fiddle. Pundits around the world laud China's
leadership for its well-devised economic policies during the crisis, which were
so effective in restarting economic growth that they helped lift the entire
Asian region out of the downturn. Now, however, India may finally have one up
on its high-octane rival. Though India still can't compete on top-line economic
growth — the World Bank projects India's gross domestic product (GDP)
will increase 6.4% in 2009, far short of the 8.7% that China
announced
in mid-January – India's economy looks to be rebounding from the downturn
in better shape than China's. India doesn't appear to be facing the same degree
of potential dangers and downside risks as China, which means policymakers in
New Delhi might have a much easier task in maintaining the economy's momentum
than their Chinese counterparts. "The way I see it is that the growth in
India is much more sustainable" than the growth in China, says Jim Walker,
an economist at Hong Kong–based research firm Asianomics.
India's
edge is due to the different stimulus programs adopted by the two countries to
support growth during the downturn. China implemented what Walker calls
"the biggest stimulus program in global history." On top of
government outlays for new infrastructure and tax breaks, Beijing most
significantly counted on massive credit growth to spur the economy. The amount
of new loans made in 2009 nearly doubled from the year before to $1.4 trillion –
representing almost 30% of GDP. The stimulus plan worked wonders, holding up
growth even as China's exports dropped 16% in 2009.
But now
China is facing the consequences of its largesse. Fears are rising that
Beijing's easy-money policies have fueled a potential property-price bubble.
According to government data, average real estate prices in Chinese cities
jumped 7.8% in December from a year earlier — the fastest increase in 18
months. The credit boom has also sparked worries about the nation's banking system.
Many economists expect the large surge in credit to lead to a growing number of
nonperforming loans (NPLs). In a November report, UBS economist Wang Tao
calculates that if 20% of all new lending in 2009 and 10% of the amount in 2010
goes bad over the next three to five years, the total amount of NPLs from
China's stimulus program would reach $400 billion, or roughly 8% of GDP. Though
Wang notes that the total is small compared with the level of NPLs that Chinese
banks carried in the past, she still calls the sum "staggering."
Policymakers in Beijing are clearly concerned. Since December, they have
introduced a series of steps to cool down the housing market and restrict
access to credit by, for example, reintroducing taxes on certain property transactions
and raising the required level of cash that banks have to keep on hand in an
effort to reduce new lending.
India,
meanwhile, isn't experiencing nearly the same degree of fallout from its
recession-fighting methods. The government used the same tools as every other
to support growth when the financial crisis hit – cutting interest rates,
offering tax breaks and increasing fiscal spending – but the scale was
smaller than in China. Goldman Sachs estimates that India's government stimulus
will total $36 billion this fiscal year, or only 3% of GDP. By comparison,
China's two-year, $585 billion package is roughly twice as large, at about 6%
of GDP per year. Most important, India managed to achieve its substantial
growth without putting its banking sector at risk. In fact, India's banks have
remained quite conservative through the downturn, especially compared with
Chinese lenders. Growth of credit, for example, was actually lower in 2009 than
in 2008. As a result, economists see continued strength in India's banks. A
January report by economic-research outfit Centennial Asia Advisors noted that
based on available data, "there was no sign that domestic banks'
nonperforming assets were deteriorating materially." Nor do analysts
harbor the same concerns that India's monetary policies are sending prices of
Indian real estate to bubble levels. "India's growth, though less stellar,
does have the reassuring factor that the [risks of] asset price bubbles are
less," says Rajat Nag, managing director general of the Asian Development
Bank in Manila.
India
maintained robust growth without Beijing's hefty stimulus in part because it is
less exposed to the international economy. China's exports represented 35% of
GDP compared with only 24% for India in 2008. Thus India was afforded more
protection from the worst effects of the financial crisis in the West, while
China's government needed to be much more active to replace lost exports to the
U.S. More significantly, though, India's domestic economy provides greater
cushion from external shocks than China's. Private domestic consumption
accounts for 57% of GDP in India compared with only 35% in China. India's
confident consumer didn't let the economy down. Passenger car sales in India in
December jumped 40% from a year earlier. "What we see [in India] is a
fundamental domestic demand story that doesn't stall in the time of a global
downturn," says Asianomics' Walker.
The
Indian economy is not immune to risks. The government has to contend with a
yawning budget deficit, and last year's weak monsoon rains will likely undercut
agricultural production and soften rural consumer spending. But rapid growth is
expected to continue. The World Bank forecasts India's economy will surge 7.6%
in 2010 and 8% in 2011, not far behind the 9% rate it predicts for China for
each of those years. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, when speaking about
his country's more plodding pace of economic policymaking, has said that
"slow and steady will win the race." The Great Recession appears to
have proved him right.