Remember Jatindra Nath Das? |
| by Balbir K. Punj |
| On September 13, 1929, a youth from Bengal gave up his life in a prison of Lahore fasting for 63 days. He literally fasted unto death in Gandhian fashion though Mahatma Gandhi himself never touched that apogee despite undertaking 17 fasts unto death in his lifetime. Removing Savarkar's plaque, according to Mr Mani Shankar
Aiyar, "Is undoing an insult to Gandhiji", for Savarkar, despite being a revolutionary incarcerated in Cellular Jail, was a critic of Gandhian philosophy. Good enough: Forget Savarkar. But does any Congressman remember Jatindra Nath Das (1904-1929), who adopted the Gandhian instrument of fast unto death and adhered to it steadfastly unto his last? Of millions in the country who swore by Gandhism, Jatin Das alone walked till the end of path. A true Gandhian should say he achieved personal salvation through it. But is the Congress establishment led by an Italian born ready to 'beatify' him for his Gandhism while Savarkar was 'de-installed' for the lack of it? As proved by the
popular agitations against Simon Commission, the political fahrenheit of the country had shot up during 1927-28. For the Congress, time was propitious to launch its first mass movement since 'Non-Cooperation'. The Subhas Chandra Bose faction was in favour of capitalising on this occasion and make 'complete independence' the creed of the Congress. But Gandhiji, whose decisions were prompted by things like 'conscience' and 'inner voice', said he could not see any 'light' in it. In the 1928 Calcutta AICC, a faction piloted by Bose wanted to amend Congress's political creed from achievement of 'Dominion Status' to 'complete Independence'. But Gandhiites played a game of emotional blackmailing, saying that if AICC were to vote in favour of an amendment it would imply lack of faith in him and he
would retire from the Congress. The amendment was defeated by 973 to 1350 votes. The Congress actually changed its creed to 'complete Independence' or 'Purna Swaraj' at Lahore AICC in December 1929. It was only when Gandhi realised that turning the clock back would not be permanent, and sweeping forces inside Congress might get the better of the 'faith in him'. India's grand old party, which claims to be sole legatee of freedom movement, demanded complete Independence as late as in 1929. Revolutionaries like Aurobindo, Savarkar, Madan Lal Dingra, Rash Behari Bose were arguing and acting in favour of this goal since long. But, sadly, their names are hardly mentioned on the margins of freedom struggle. After Independence, for which the Congress leadership obsequiously accepted the term 'Transfer of Power', names of such pioneers of our freedom struggle were relegated to sidelines. An impression was assiduously created that it was Gandhi and his political charioteer Nehru alone who brought us independence. Not unreasonably, India's foremost historian Ramesh Chandra Mazumdar, invited by Ministry of I&B to write a official history of India's Freedom Movement, soon resigned, for he could not conform to 'official position' like showering encomia upon Aurengzeb or making the history of freedom movement a chronicle of Gandhi-Nehru camp. The year I929 was also when India's freedom movement was getting the better of Gandhi. In 1928, Lala Lajpat Rai, who had an
illustrious past in pre-Gandhian Congress, but like other Arya Samajists had become a Gandhian, succumbed to injuries from lathi charge at a Anti-Simon Commission rally in Lahore. The Bhagat Singh troika, in order to avenge Lalaji's death, shot down the guilty police officer Saunders in broad daylight. Bhagat Singh escaped from Lahore and resurfaced on April 8, 1929, with Batukeshwar Dutt at Delhi's Central Legislative Assembly, hurling two crude bombs and bundles of propaganda pamphlets. Within days of Bhagat Singh's arrest, police unearthed a house in Lahore used as a bomb making workshop. It followed a string of arrests like Sukhdev, Hansraj and Jaigopal; and further Shiv Verma, Rajguru, Vijay Singh and finally Jatin Das from Calcutta. This sensational event became popular as the Lahore Conspiracy Case that ultimately led to the execution of Bhagat Singh-Rajguru-Sukhdev on March 23, 1931. Gandhi had been criticised for not securing, nay not even trying to secure, the release of Bhagat Singh trio as part of Gandhi-Irwin Pact of Delhi, of March 5, 1931, which led to the release of many political prisoners. Bose ,who was privy to the incident wrote in The Indian Struggle: "Pressure was brought to bear upon Mahatma to try to save the lives of these men and it must be admitted that he did try his very best. On this occasion, I ventured the suggestion that he should, if necessary, break with the Viceroy on the question, because the execution was against the spirit, if
not letter, of the Delhi Pact. But the Mahatma, who did not want to identify himself with the revolutionary prisoners, would not go so far and it naturally made a great difference..." (p 226). But a year and half before Bhagat Singh trio, Lahore Conspiracy Case, claimed another victim viz Jatin Das. He laid down his life in a Lahore prison in Gandhian fashion. But Gandhi's attitude towards him was more cold and intriguing. Subhas Bose, who admired Jatin Das wrote, "Jatin Das was twenty-five at the time of his death. While a student he had joined the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1921 and had spent several years in prison. At the time of the Calcutta Congress in 1928 and after, he had taken a leading
part in organising and training volunteers..." (pp 179-80). Whether at Cellular Jail (where Savarkar stayed) or Mandalay (where Bose was incarcerated) British jailers treated extremist political prisoners as harshly as any murderer or robber. In June, arrestees of Lahore Conspiracy Case decided to go on hunger strike to protest against atrocities. Though Jatin Das did not initiate that hunger strike, nonetheless he stopped them from deserting. The hunger strike aroused intense agitation in the country, but little softened the heart of the British authorities. Bose chronicled subsequently, "As the days rolled by, one by one the hunger-strikers dropped off, but young Jatin was invincible. He never hesitated, never faltered for one small second but marched straight on towards
death and freedom. Every heart in the country melted but the heart of the bureaucracy did not. So Jatin died on September 13th. But he died a martyr's death. After his supreme sacrifice, the whole country gave him an ovation which few men in our recent history have received. As his body was removed from Lahore to Calcutta for cremation, people assembled in their thousands and tens of thousands at every station to pay their homage" (p 179). But what was the reaction of Gandhi, the champion of fasts unto death? It was a classic case of darkness below the lamp. Bose wrote, "In this connection, the attitude of the Mahatma was inexplicable. Evidently, the martyrdom of Jatin Das, which had stirred the heart of the country, did not make any impression on him. The pages of Young India
ordinarily filled with observations on all political events and also on topics like health, diet, etc., had nothing to say about the incident. A follower of Mahatma, who was also a close friend of the deceased, wrote to him inquiring as to why he had said nothing about the event. The Mahatma replied to the effect that he had purposely refrained from commenting, because if he had done so, he would have been forced to write something unfavourable" (p 180). In Jatin Das' centenary year, and the 75th anniversary of his death, will the apologists of Gandhism acknowledge their exclusivist outlook before they criticise Savarkar for his chauvinism? More on www.missionnetaji.org |
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