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#129 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Sun Apr 8, 2007 10:35 pm
Subject: Sunday, April 8, 2007
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   Sunday, April 8, 2007    




 
 
 

 
 
 
 

 
 
 CAG pulls up Jharkhand Police

The comptroller and auditor general (CAG) of India has pulled up Jharkhand Police for unlawful deployment of huge number of police forces as personal security guards to non-entitled persons like ex-ministers, ex-MPs, ex-MLAs, political workers and businessmen.

The CAG, in its latest report, has also assailed superintendents of police (SPs) of 11 districts including Ranchi, Jamshedpur, Dhanbad, Bokaro, Hazaribag, Deoghar, Lohardaga, Palamu and Koderma, for non-realizing the cost of deployment from these non-entitled persons.

The cost of deployment amounted to a whopping Rs. 4.51 crore. A total of 187 police personnel were deployed as personal
security guards in 11 districts in contravention of existing rules.

"The test check of records of office of SSP and SPs of 11 districts revealed that two ASI, seven havildars and 178 constables were deployed as personal security guards to ex-ministers, ex-MPs, ex-MLAs, ex-MLCs, political workers, businessmen and other non-entitled persons in between November 2000 and March 2005 without obtaining sanction of the district level committee constituted for the purpose," the CAG report said. 

The report further revealed that the SPs of 11 districts didn't take steps to recover the cost of deployment from these non-entitled persons.

Under the provisions of the Police Act, 1861, police force can be deployed by the superintendent of police (SP) as security guard to individuals on demand and on payment of cost in advance.


By an order issued in May 1995, the unified Bihar Government prescribed the designation of persons such as CM, ministers, MPs, MLAs and judges of High Court to whom guards in prescribed numbers were to be provided.
The order also prohibited deployment of bodyguards from Bihar Military Police (BMP) or Jharkhand Armed Police (JAP) under any circumstance.

"But, test check of records of the JAP, Deoghar, revealed that one JAP personnel was deputed as bodyguard to a non-entitled person (ex-MLA) in violation of government order in between November 2000 to March 2005. The cost of single deployment amounted to Rs. 4.50 lakh," the report said.

The CAG has also asked the state government to fix responsibility for violation of its orders and ensure recovery of the deployment costs.   

Further in March 2003, the Jharkhand Government prescribed guidelines and scales for providing bodyguards. It says the SP can provide police force as security guards to other than entitled persons for a period not exceeding one month on approval of district level committee and on payment of cost in advance.

"But in most of the cases, security guards were provided to non-entitled persons without approval of the committee and advance payment," the report said.

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Police-Naxals exchange fire in Garwah
 
GARWAH: Police Saturday claimed to have shot four extremists in a 2-hour encounter in the jungles of Nawadih in Jharkhand's Garwha district.

"The extremists took them away as they retreated from the encounter spot at Ramkanda outpost. There is no injury on the police side who were well positioned" Superintendent of Polic Mohammad Nehal told reporters here.

Police fired about 200 rounds while the ultras used some 250 bullets in the encounter, Nehal said adding the police arrested one Samlim wearing an extremist outfit uniform..

An SLR, which was looted from the police some time ago, and 54 live cartridges were recovered from the the encounter site, he said.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
CAG unhappy over elementary education in Jharkhand

Ranchi, April 9 (PTI): The number of 'out of school' children in Jharkhand was 3.66 lakh even after five years of the implementation of the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), the report of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India said.

With its present pace of implementation in Jharkhand, the SSA's objective of providing universal elementary education by 2010 was a distant possibility, the report ending March 2006 said.

The dropout rate of children from class one to eight in the state as a whole was 68.39 per cent as of September 2005, the report, which was placed in the just-concluded budget session of the assembly, said.

Pulling up the state government for its inability to utilise funds granted under SSA, the report rued the government could not utilise the grant in 2001-02 session while the utilisation in the next four years (2002/2006) was between 18.88 per cent and 60.16 per cent.

Stating that there was a shortage of 4,996 teachers in primary and upper primary schools, the report found the student-teacher ratio at 51:1 in 2004/05 as against the norms of 40:1.

The CAG also indicted the govenrment for urban bias in posting of teachers and shortfall in the training of untrained teachers, resulting in deployment of under-qualified teachers and untrained teachers affecting the quality of education.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Jharkhand to invest 151cr to upgrade sericulture production
 
To upgrade silk production in Jharkhand, Central Silk Board (CSB) and state industry department initiated a joint venture project of 'perspective plan for sericulture development' with an investment of Rs151 crore.

Jharkhand at the moment produces 100 tons of raw silk and targets to reach 350 tons within next six years.

Regions of West Singhbhum, Seraikela-Kharsawan and Santhal Pargana serve as breeding grounds for cocoon cultivators. The state produces tasar, mulberry and eri silk.

In this venture, government plans to undertake infrastructure development, plantation activities, training and value addition of raw silk projects in the current fiscal year.

Ranchi-based Central Tasar Research and Training Institute would help in the project by providing services of training, research and development and technology transfer to farmers.

At the moment sericulture is being done in plant species like arjuna, saal, asan and mulberry tree but the Government's focus would be on non-mulberry production of silk.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Dark road to temple - Streetlights not important to tourism department

Madhuban (Giridih): Tourism opportunities are aplenty in Jharkhand. But the state tourism department doesn't seem to be serious to cash in on them.

Religious sites and scenic beauty attracts a large number of pilgrims and tourists to the Parasnath hills and Madhuban throughout the year.

Two years ago, India Tourism Development Corporation (ITDC) installed at least 110 streetlights on the 5-km-long Madhuban Road that leads to Shikharji — a Jain temple located on the Parasnath hills. The arrangement cost the government about Rs 30 lakh.

To facilitate power supply, the state electricity board installed a 100-KVA transformer at Jharkhand Bhavan.

Even as everything was arranged, the street has plunged into darkness again. Thanks to the lackadaisical attitude of the state tourism department.

"The installation work was completed two years ago but the local officials were not interested in taking up the responsibility," said an ITDC official.

All the state tourism department needs to do is appointing a caretaker to look after the maintenance of lights and pay the power bill on time.

In September 2006, the ITDC handed over the responsibility to the tourism department. But the area remained lit up for only three months. The department didn't bother to clear the dues of the electricity department and the supply was discontinued.

"The department neither appointed a caretaker nor paid the three-month bill of Rs 38,000. On March 1, the supply has been snapped," said the sub-divisional officer (electricity) D.P. Bhagat.

The absence of a maintenance official has resulted in many lights going missing, possibly stolen, and getting damaged as well.

Despite efforts, officials of the state tourism department could not be contacted.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
IITs ask JEE candidates to mention OBC status
 
MUMBAI: The Supreme Court may have stayed the implementation of OBC quota in Central educational institutions, but HRD ministry is clearly in no mood to put off the decision this year. To pave the way for smooth implementation of OBC quota in this academic session itself, the seven IITs asked candidates at the joint entrance exam on Sunday to mention if they were from the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes or other backward classes.

The attendance sheet passed around before the exam required aspirants to mention if they belonged to the general category or any of the other three.

Usually, IITs ask only SC/ST students to list their caste category on the attendance sheet. The institutes then release separate merit lists for SC, ST and physically challenged students. The decision to mention the OBC category on the attendance sheet was finalised after a review ahead of this year's entrance exam.

After the top court's stay on the implementation of the OBC quota, IITs were unsure on how to proceed for the entrance test. With IIMs receiving last-minute faxes to freeze admissions till further notice on Friday, sources in IIT-Chennai said they didn't want to take any chances with data on OBC candidates.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Maoists kill two RPF personnel in Bihar
 

In a stepped up extremist activities, CPI (Maoist) gunned down two Railway Protection Force (RPF) personnel and injured three others between Ghorparan and Narganjo railway stations under Asansol railway division of Eastern railway on Sunday morning. They also looted two carbines, two SLRs and one 9 mm pistol from the policemen. However, no passenger was harmed by the extremists.

This is the second incident of Naxal attack in Bihar within a fortnight. Barely a few days ago, about 300 extremists stormed Righa police station and a bank in Sitamarhi district and killed a Special Auxiliary Police (SAP) jawan and wounded an assistant manager of the bank and a homeguard jawan.

Reports reaching the State police headquarters said that around 100 strong-armed squad of the CPI (Maoist), including women members, boarded Howrah-Mokama passenger (213 Up) in different groups at Simultala and Ghorparan railway stations. When the train left Ghorparan railway station at around 7.30 am, women activists entered a sleeper coach (83209) in which RPF personnel were also travelling. First they befriend them and after some time they threw chilly powder in their eyes.

The RPF jawans, said to be five in number, were caught off guard and started protecting their eyes. Taking advantage of the situation, the Maoists tried to snatch their firearms. When they offered resistance, one of the women activists fired from close range, killing one of the jawans on the spot and causing injuries to four others. Soon other Maoists, travelling in other compartments joined them.

The Maoists alighted from the train after pulling alarm chain before Narganjo Block hut. They also shouted anti-government slogans before they disembarked.

The railway and GRP officials came to know about the incident only when the train reached Jhajha railway station at around 9.03 am. The GRP lodged a case against unidentified extremists on the basis of the statement of an injured constable, Jayant Biswas. Biswas informed the senior officials that over 40 Maoists were travelling in the sleeper coach.

Jamui Superintendent of Police A K Ambedkar, who rushed to the spot with district magistrate, Ram Shobhit Paswan, said that Arijit Bag died on the spot while another RPF constable, Palash Ghosh, succumbed to his injuries on way to Jhajha hospital. "We have launched a massive combing operation in the area to nab the extremists involved in the attack," he said.

DIG, Munger Sunil Kumar did not rule out the possibility of involvement of the same extremist group that had carried out operations on a BMP camp at Khaira village on February 26. 

Additional Division Railway Manager (Asansol), Anil Kumar told HT over telephone that an assistant sub inspector, S N P Srivastava, who sustained four bullet wounds in the attack, had been shifted to Kolkata railway hospital and havildar B Sardar and J Biswas were undergoing treatment at Asansol divisional hospital. "The condition of Srivastava is stated to be critical while the two other injured constables are out of danger," he said. Srivastava was leading the escort party.  

He lamented that the police failed to make any headway in the Naxalites' attack on Narganjo railway station in April last year. "Had the police taken the matter seriously and launched operation against extremists, the attack between Narganjo and Ghorparan would have been averted," he said, adding that senior security commandant Nurul Hoda and assistant security commandant R K Singh had been camping at the site of occurrence. "The attack has not affected the movement of train on Asansol-Patna main line," he added. The train guard was so terrified that he fainted and was subsequently admitted to Jhajha hospital.

Inspector General (Railway) A S Nimbran said that the borders of Bihar and Jharkhand had been sealed and all the railway stations under the division put on high alert. "Raids are on to arrest the Maoists," he added.

It may be recalled here that about a year ago the underground Maoists had blasted the building of Narganjo railway station.

chID1=4441&TeamID1=1&TeamID2=2&MatchType1=2&SeriesID1=1104&PrimaryID=4441
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
NGOs in Bihar: Voluntary Sector and its Credibility

 

This commentary is based on my field visits, and interaction with over four hundred NGO's representatives, staff and functionaries in Bihar. I also got an opportunity to see some of their work in the field and interact with their staff and communities. There is lot to share and I know many of NGOs and readers of this article may not agree with my views and the way I see NGOs and its emergence in Bihar and their work. The observations, comments and examples mentioned in the paper are my own views and perception, and not against any particular organisation or individual.   

cartoon by Pawan

There are several issues and concerns which questions the credibility of NGOs in Bihar. In last ten years and particularly after nineties, the number of NGOs registered in Bihar has outnumbered the other states. Although we do not have exact numbers, according to estimates, presently there are more than thirty thousands NGOs in Bihar. According to official sources nearly 10,000 NGOs exist only on paper .

cartoon by PawanThere are several reasons for the increase in this number. Registration of trusts and societies have become hotbeds of corruption. It is interesting to note that many people are registering or have registered NGOs as property value which gives good return after three years or even before that. One can buy an NGO in Bihar in ten to fifteen thousand and if the NGO is more than three years old with FCRA one has to pay even more (Fifteen to thirteen thousand). NGOs complain that officials in Bihar charge up to Rs 10,000 for registering a society or trust; clearance under section 80G of the Income Tax Act can cost Rs 20,000 to Rs 25,000; acceptance of audited accounts can cost even more .

There are families, who have more than five NGOs within the family  and all the family members are part of it. So with time, these NGOs have also emerged as family business. In fact, some of the families with their sister organisations have emerged as very influential in lobbying with donors and bilateral agencies. However, in most of the NGOs in Bihar, it is difficult to find second line of leadership and even if it exists, it is confined within the close family members.

Besides the family, caste has also played a very important role in the emergence of NGOs in Bihar. Although there is no data available, it is believed that before nineties most of these NGOs were headed by upper caste and especially the Bhumihars, Rajputs and Brahmins or caste elites. After the nineties, there was change and it also spread to other caste groups. Primarily there are two reasons for this spread. First, by that time lot of funding agencies were approaching the state and secondly because of change in government which was pro-poor in principle. The other caste groups also became aware of the NGOs (easy money making business with no accountability towards people) with political, bureaucratic connections and patronage.

cartoon by PawanIn the beginning, many NGOs were established in Bihar in late seventies and early eighties by sarvodayis or socialists or youth who had been a part of the J. P. movement. It may be noted that it is not uncommon for activists from emergency days (part of J P movement) to be part of NGOs in bihar. A large section of youth was mobilized during this movement, lot of them had left their studies and jobs, later, a number of these activists, became part of NGOs . Most of these people were political activists and believed in socialist ideology guided by Jay Prakash Narayan and Ram Manohar Lohia. They believed in social change and some of them really did good work and were able to mobilise people for volunteerism and community development. Initially there were no outside funding support and resources were mobilised locally from the community and there was full community support and participation. It was during this period that many of Ashrams were established for social development.

At the same time, many of caste elites also opened voluntary organisations and NGOs in their villages but they were not able to succeed because of the ownership and hierarchy. Later they moved to cities like Patna, Ranchi and other urban centres because it was easy to lobby with government departments and donors. In fact many bureaucrats and politicians also associated themselves with these NGOs. This nexus has in fact further facilitated the spread of corruption. The functioning of a large number of fake non-government organisations (NGOs) in different parts of the state has proved beyond doubt that it has a well-knit group of highly-placed officials for running it smoothly. Investigations have revealed that close relatives of a large number of politicians, bureaucrats and academics are engaged in running such NGOs, each one of them claiming to change the face of the society . In many of these NGOS, most of the chief functionaries are family members, no matter whether they have an understanding of NGO or development or not. There are couples, who have separate NGOs, where husband has a mother NGO for RCH programme and field activities are run by the wife's organisation. In principle there is nothing wrong in it but the dynamics and inter-relationship is important because the work done by both the organisations is in question and they are ultimately accountable to the people for whom they are working.

During the last fifteen years, NGOs in Bihar have increased in number, size, and scope and have established themselves to be perceived in pivotal positions capable of bringing about social, economic, and political change. In this context, it is imperative to understand the dynamics, work and political economy of NGOs and to evaluate their social roles. A study led by Elmer H Lighid, of the International Council on Management of Population Programmes (ICOMP), Malaysia reports that though the number of voluntary organisations working in a district varies, out of every 1,000 such organisations, there are only 20 "real" ones. It stresses that the voluntary organisations in Bihar are fragmented and work in isolation due to caste, religious and ideological factors. It maintains that the voluntary organisations lack the requisite technical skills, qualified staff and exposure .

Credibility Question:

The question is "what is credibility" and what constitutes credibility for an NGO. One can define credibility as quality of being trustworthy which means, whether or not the NGO (the aims and vision with which it is established) is to be believed or trusted. We know that many a times, NGOs are not considered credible because they have a personal, monetary, political or other interest which is often in contradiction with the interest of the community or people whom they claim to serve..
Credibility is one of the most critical factors, which has affected the peoples perception of NGOs in Bihar. Now people and communities have started demanding money for participation in NGOs programme as they believe that NGOs are getting money in their name. The question here is, 'how can an NGO build its credibility?' Before answering this question, however it is important to focus on why NGOs have lost their credibility.


NGOs have lost their credibility in people because they are not consistent, transparent, honest and accountable to their work being done. Despite the recent cancellation of the registration of hundreds of "fake" non-government organisations (NGOs) in Bihar, a large number of people, including those belonging to Naxalite outfits, have made a beeline for getting their new organisations registered. Interestingly, people belonging to various Naxalite outfits and women activists top the list of those who have set up their NGOs in different parts of the state . Transparency and sharing information and knowledge is a best way to build credibility which helps in building the intellectual base of the NGO, and its ability to articulate the views of the people it is speaking for. There is no fix set of guidelines for NGOs, which we have for other sectors like government, corporate and other institutions. Although several activists, networks and Alliances (Like credibility alliance) are raising theses issues and have developed norms and good practices for governance and public disclosure, we have not achieved and provided rights to people working in development sectors (Its not true for all organizations but applies to many voluntary organizations and NGOs).

There is need to debate, raise and discuss the issues which hampers NGOs credibility directly besides other factors.


The author (Dr. Anant Kumar) is a member of Jharkhand Network and faculty in Department of Rural Development at Xavier Institute of Social Service (XISS), Ranchi, Jharkhand.

 

Source: Submitted to Jharkhand News Network by Dr. Anant Kumar

(Published at Bihar Times, 05/04/2007) 

 

 

 

 

 

 

NONPLUSSED AT NANDIGRAM
 
 

Left View

 

Right View

'Industrialisation' is the bogeyman

The opposition's portrayal of the unfortunate violence at Nandigram is a futile attempt to wrongly politicise the issue as anti-farmer.

Incendiary violence has erupted in Nandigram in West Bengal. Eleven deaths have been reported so far. Eighteen policemen with severe injuries are hospitalised, alongwith 24 others, some critical.

The blockade of five gram panchayats started by the Trinamul Congress, the Naxalites, Maoists and others in an unholy nexus on January 3 under the pretext of not permitting any land acquisition has now taken this condemnable turn.

In the first place, the issue that land was being acquired was based on fabricated rumours. Since then, the state government and the ruling Left Front in West Bengal has categorically stated that no land would be acquired for any industrialisation purposes or for establishing Special Economic Zones in Nandigram. Despite this declaration being made public many weeks ago, the blockade of the area continued. The blockade was enforced by disrupting communications, cutting off roads and bridges—this has been the source of immense hardship for the local populace.

During these two-and-a-half months, those who refused to cooperate with the so-called agitators were subjected to merciless terror. Over 2,500 people have been driven out of their homes and forced to eke out a miserable livelihood elsewhere. More than 1,000 people continue to live today in relief camps.

At an all-party meeting, boycotted by the Trinamul Congress, held a few days ago, it was unanimously decided that civic rule must be restored in that area. On the basis of this decision, the state government sent the police to assist others in repairing the roads and restoring communications.

The police was prevented from entering the area, and when they proceeded to implement the law of the land, they were fired upon. The so-called protestors were armed with countrymade bombs and other incendiary materials, including pipe guns. Consequently, a large number of policemen were critically injured and in the crossfire that ensued, as always, innocent people became victims.

What is the meaning of provoking and instigating such senseless violence? It is such tactics that the Trinamul Congress and the Maoists elements have perfected over the years in West Bengal. Some years ago, in Keshpur in Midnapur district, these elements created similar mayhem and terror in order to establish their political presence.

Many lives were lost even then, but once peace and order was restored and elections held, the Left Front scored resounding victories. The Keshpur model is now being sought to be repeated in Nandigram. This, thus, constitutes a frontal political assault through the use of violence and terror by Trinamul Congress and company. Following the electoral drubbing they received in the state Assembly elections last year, these sections have embarked on such a diabolic strategy.

Their desperation also arises from the fact that, for decades, they had been campaigning that no industrialisation was ever possible in West Bengal under Left Front rule. Now, if industrialisation were to progress under the Left Front rule in West Bengal, the very foundations of their political existence gets eroded. Therefore, these very sections who had opposed the land reforms undertaken by the Left Front government are today seeking to portray themselves as the protectors of the peasantry and their land. Such duplicity cannot and will not survive.

This is a political challenge that has been thrown at the CPI(M) and the government in West Bengal. It shall be met politically. The Left Front government in West Bengal is a product of many glorious movements advancing people's interests. Many valuable lives were lost, but the reactionaries were never allowed to succeed.

 

http://www.realpolitik.in/April%2007/L-R%0view%20April%2007.htm

 

 

 

 

 

 

What Bengal thinks today...

Did Nandigram happen due to the CPI (M)'s overconfidence? Partly. The rest was about the bourgeois attitude that has crept into the leadership.

The Left Front's most recent record in ushering in capitalism in the state of West Bengal is shameful, but there isn't even a muted response to the Pakistan judiciary reeling under the boots of a military dictator.

However, let's stick to India alone. Even though the Left allows the UPA government to survive on its oxygen, it misses no opportunity to bare the Manmohan Singh government's capitalists tendencies. And in its own bastions of West Bengal and Kerala, it's not just rolling out red carpet to woo foreign investment but is shameless in suppressing popular revolt.

The contradictions are clear. Coming from the CPI(M), lofty ideas, talks of power to the people and human rights appear hollow. The emperor has no clothes. Scores of artists and intellectuals across the country have showed their resentment in no uncertain terms.

Also, West Bengal Governor Gopal Krishna Gandhi has hardly ever courted political controversy. He is known to be a man of scholarship, integrity and composure. When he criticises the government, it contains the credulity of honesty.

The state government thought it would get away this time, too. It thought that a nexus of party, police and a highly politicised establishment would again suppress opposition. It forgot, however, that communication technology and a vibrant media not only had gathered more strength in recent times but also spread the reach. Mamata Banerjee just fitted the bill.

The support of Jamiat-e-Ulema against the state government is again reflective of the withering away of its Muslim vote bank. So, did Nandigram happen due to CPI (M)'s overconfidence? Partly. More so, due to the bourgeois attitude that has crept into the leadership.

Nandigram, quite naturally, generated much political heat in both the Houses. The NDA and the ruling almost came to blows. It was only expected. But the sheer ruffian behaviour of the Kolkattan Left forced Speaker Somnath Chatterjee to offer his resignation for the nth time. No, the Communists did not attack any member from the Opposition benches but a Cabinet minister belonging to DMK, a fellow ally in UPA.

Minister for Road Transport and Shipping T R Balu became the target of physical attack. Had the Minister of State for Railways Velu not come to his rescue and formed a human shield, anything was possible. As the Left MPs tried to snatch papers from Balu as he announced shifting of a maritime institute from Kolkata to Chennai, in the scuffle Velu almost lost his dhoti—much for the decency and dignity that they champion.

What many would have thought the minimum, the Left did not even offer an apology. Worse, the statement after the CPI(M) politburo meeting was written in cold blood.

So what does it all hold for the national politics? The Manmohan Singh government will be further weakened. The Left, to deviate attention from its deeds, will try to attack the government and prevent the CBI from bringing the real guilty to book.

But it will surely not sink the UPA boat as this is the best it has in having the best of both worlds. If the BJP comes to power at the Centre, it will only give the Communist government in the state more sleepless nights instead of the present situation where it can threaten to pull down the Congress-led UPA government.

It is only a mass movement that can keep the CPI(M) on tenterhooks. It is time the civil society, instead of being a mute spectator, should emerge not just as conscience keepers but should also keep alive genuine democracy instead of what Communists have been long indoctrinated with. It is also time the state live up to the dictum: what Bengal thinks today, the rest of India thinks tomorrow.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Attendance in govt schools not a major problem, says study

NEW DELHI: The much maligned attendance problem of students and teachers in government schools is not as huge as it is made out to be. Yet, states like UP, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan and Uttarakhand do lag behind some other states. These facts are revealed in a first of its kind study across all states done by 20 institutions for the HRD ministry.

The study shows that Himachal Pradesh is on top with overall students' attendance of 94.63% in primary classes and 93.18% in upper primary, followed by Maharashtra where attendance in both primary and upper primary classes is 89%. As for teachers' attendance, West Bengal is on top with 96% attendance in primary and 98% in upper primary while Madhya Pradesh is at 67% in both primary and upper primary.

The study also shows that attendance is far better in upper primary classes (class VI-VIII — in some states like West Bengal upper primary starts from V, and in a few others like Maharashtra and Orissa, it ends at class VII).

So far, data from only nine states — Andhra Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, MP, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, UP and West Bengal — have come in. The study was done for 2006-07 academic session and included random surveys on three selected days, both in the first half and second half of school. The head count, as well as the attendance register, was checked. In case of teachers' attendance, survey was once again done on three random days in the first and last period.

Uttar Pradesh is not 'uttam pradesh' in education as Big B claims it to be in the Samajwadi Party election campaign. In primary classes (I-V), the average attendance was found to be abysmally low at 57.37%, while in upper primary it was slightly better at 60.50%. Interestingly, in UP, attendance dips post-break. For instance, in primary classes while attendance was 59.56% in the first half, it dropped to 55.18% in the second half.

Two consecutive terms as CM and the image of a doer has not made much difference to Navin Patnaik's Orissa. It is just above UP with attendance in primary classes pegged at 66.79%. In upper primary, the average attendance was 66.79%.

Then comes Rajasthan with overall attendance in primary classes at 62.67% while in upper primary it is 78.87%. In both classes, the post-break attendance comes down in a big way. Madhya Pradesh is also lagging behind. The overall attendance in primary classes is 72.10% and in upper primary 72.10%.

em_says_study/articleshow/1876167.cms
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Heat Wave Kills Two In Orissa
 
Orissa health department Saturday confirmed two people had died in the intense heat wave sweeping the state.

Officials said the two deaths occurred one each in the southwestern district of Kalahandi and the coastal district of Bhadrak.

They said the government had received information of seven deaths from different parts of the state, three of which, reported from Jagatsinghpur district along the coast, were not related to the heat wave. Two reports of death from Nayagarh were being investigated.

Bikash Patnaik, medical officer of the state health control room, said: "After conducting examinations we found that the three deaths reported from Jagatsinghpur were due to some other reasons."

"While the two deaths in Nayagarh are still being examined, we confirm that the two deaths from Kalahandi and Bhadrak are due to sunstroke," Patnaik said.

Heat wave conditions have been prevailing over some parts of the state with Jharsuguda town in western Orissa recording the maximum temperature of 40.6 degrees Celsius Friday. There was no let up in the situation Saturday.

Hirakud and Sambalpur recorded 39.8 and 39.0 degrees, the weather office said.

State capital Bhubaneswar recorded a maximum of 35.6 degrees Saturday.

http://www.playfuls.com/news_10_23097-Heat-Wave-Kills-Two-In-Orissa.html

 

 

 

 

 

 

PSU foursome set for foreign coal venture

The National Mineral Development Corporation (NMDC) plans to set up a joint venture with PSUs Rashtriya Ispat Nigam Limited, National Thermal Power Corporation and Coal India in overseas coal mining, its chairman and managing director B. Ramesh Kumar said here yesterday.

He said the four PSUs have agreed to hunt for coal blocks in South Africa and Australia, and the deal will be signed soon. He said NMDC will invest Rs 9,000 crore on an iron and steel plant at Nagarnar, Chhattisgarh, an integrated iron and power plant at Jagadalpur, Chhattisgarh, and a pellet plant at Donimalai, Karnataka.

"We are in talks with SAIL and RINL for setting up the integrated steel plant in Chattisgarh," Kumar said.

He said NMDC plans to reduce iron ore exports by half to 3.5 million tonnes in 2007-08 from 6.04 million tones in the previous year, following a change in policy of the Centre towards more ore for domestic steel units.

NMDC plans to invest Rs 18,000 crore in the Eleventh plan on its expansion activities. "We plan to spend Rs 3,500 crore for building new infrastructure and open up new mines to increase iron ore production to 50 million tones (mt) from 27 mt tonnes by 2014-15," the NMDC CMD said.

The company is taking up mining projects at Bailadilla, Chhattisgarh, and at Kumaraswamy, Karnataka. Each of these projects envisage an investment of Rs 300 crore.

Kumar said NMDC closed the fiscal with a profit before tax of approximately Rs 3,400 crore against Rs 2,770 crore last year. The turnover was Rs 4,150 crore, against Rs 3,711 crores of the previous year.

NMDC excavated 36.71 mt of ore and raised the supply to domestic industries to 22.50 mt against 18.80 mt in the previous year, which is 76 per cent of the output.

Last month NMDC had petitioned the government against the imposition of duty on iron ore exports, saying the levy would cause a loss of Rs 150 crore, according to PTI.

"The nmdc has written to the various ministries stating that its profit would come down by Rs 150 crore because of the duty in the coming year," sources said. According to estimates, the duty imposed in the Union Budget has already resulted in decline in exports by 40 per cent in March.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070409/asp/business/story_7623647.asp

 
 
 
 
 
 
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#128 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Sat Apr 7, 2007 9:31 pm
Subject: Saturday, April 7, 2007
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   Saturday, April 7, 2007    




 
 
 

 
 
 
 

 
 Six killed in Naxal attack in Jharkhand
 
 
RANCHI: Six persons, including two CISF personnel, were killed and six others injured when Naxals launched attacks on a CISF picket at Khasmahal coal project in Bokaro district and a police station, a senior police official said on Saturday.

The two CISF personnel received fatal bullet wounds in the attack on Friday night on the picket near the project under Gandhi Nagar police station of the district, Superintendent of Police Priya Dubey said.

Four civilians died when the Maoists fired at Kurpania Bazaar nearby, the SP said.

Two other CISF jawans and four other civilians were injured in the attack.

The Maoists, who exploded landmines at several places to create panic in the area, also tried to storm the Gandhi Nagar police station but the police repulsed their move.

Both the security personnel and the Maoists traded several rounds of bullets.

A cleaner of a dumper was injured when a separate group of extremists exploded a landmine in an attempt to blow up a bridge leading to Khasmahal to stop police movement.

Soon after the attack, the Bokaro SP rushed to the spot with reinforcements. The encounter lasted till the early hours.

The injured were being treated at a nearby hospital.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/India/Six_killed_in_naxal_attack_in_Jharkhand/articleshow/1868668.cms


 

 

 

 

We need quacks

By the time Bijola reached the house where Savitri was groaning with labour pains, the village 'doctor' had already reached. Savitri had sent a neighbour to call Bijola, whereas Savitri's husband had called the 'doctor'.

The 'doctor' came on his mobike, Bijola came on her feet. He had pulled out his needle and syringe and was about to load the magic medicine to hasten the birth. Bijola — an empowered (and trained) 'dai' — told the family members, "If you allow this doctor to give her injections i will leave this house".

Bijola has been working in the villages of Chandankiari, in the Bokaro district of Jharkhand, for more than 30 years. She knew Savitri well.

She had helped deliver her first three children and had referred the fourth one to a hospital for a caesarean, since she had a crooked foetus. She already knew that this fifth one was crooked too.

She quickly wore her gloves and examined her, and found what she was expecting: the cervix was hardly dilated, and the head was nowhere to be felt from below. But Savitri was having very strong, regular contractions.

Bijola told the family to get her to a hospital fast if they wanted to save the mother and the baby.

The village 'doctor', however, offered no such advice. His role during delivery is only to administer 'hot' injections.

These are usually oxytocin, a drug that stimulates the uterus and produces stronger contractions. It should never be administered intra-muscularly before a baby is born, and never, ever, to a mother that has already undergone a caesarean section.

It can cause birth asphyxia and death in the newborn, and can lead to a ruptured uterus and death of the mother. Bijola understood this, the doctor did not. Fortunately, the family listened to Bijola and took Savitri to the hospital.

It wasn't easy to get the system to work in a government hospital, but Bijola prevailed upon the doctor to operate on Savitri. The mother and baby survived.

However, Savitri's husband was not a happy man. His sister-in-law had a caesarean section in her first pregnancy, and had a normal, home delivery in the second, so why couldn't his wife?

It must be Bijola's fault, he told her. The village doctor had told him that a couple of injections would get the baby out in no time at all. And now he was stuck in the city for a week, arranging food and medicines for his wife.

Not only is Savitri's husband unhappy with Bijola, but the government is too. The current thinking in India, with
perhaps feedback from beyond the seas, is that the only way to bring down maternal mortality is to ensure insti-
tutional delivery for all.

The traditional birth attendants, so the argument goes, cannot help reduce maternal mortality. In Savitri's case, as we have seen, it was the big doctor of the big hospital that saved her life, wasn't it?

Officially, traditional birth attendants are out of favour. In Jharkhand, the Janani Suraksha Yojana, a scheme to give financial inducements to push poor women to deliver in ill-equipped and inaccessible hospitals, has not been a great success.

In Bijola's district, one of the better performing ones, the scheme is more successful in the town — where services are nearby — but has hardly made an impact in remote villages, where women continue to die during childbirth.

Most women who have received the first instalment of the scheme, during pregnancy, still go on to deliver at home.

The Rs 700 given for an institutional birth is hardly enough for transportation costs. The expenses for a normal delivery in a private nursing home in Bokaro is not less than Rs 2,000.

In any case the government health centres are hardly equipped to deal with institutional delivery for all.

And since all women are supposed to have safe deliveries in hospitals (when they have been built) the government need not waste valuable resources training traditional birth attendants any more.

The focus is on training government nurses, or ANMs, to become skilled birth attendants. It matters not that ANMs do not conduct deliveries, that they do not reside in the villages, and more than 90 per cent of deliveries in Jharkhand take place at home.

As for Bijola and the village doctor, they will, and should stay, as long as hospitals remain inaccessible and ANMs stay in towns and cities.

The writer is a village health worker.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/OPINION/Editorial/We_need_quacks/articleshow/1867485.cms

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Metro model for two cities

Ranchi and Jamshedpur would soon turn into cities of malls, multiplexes and residential complexes.

The Jharkhand housing board, in a joint venture with private players, will soon build over 2,700 reasonably-priced flats in Ranchi and Jamshedpur. Besides, the board has also given the go ahead to build malls, multiplexes, hotels and shopping complexes in the two cities.

Superintending engineer Diwakar Singh said the board has given its approval to enter into an agreement with private players to develop 17 plots of land in Ranchi and Jamshedpur into multi-storied residential complexes.

Of the total plots, nine are in Harmu, two in Argora, three in Bariatu, Ranchi, while the remaining three at Adityapur, Jamshedpur, he said.

The board would sign the agreement with the successful bidders shortly. The interested private players include Nagarjuna Constructions, Orbit and Simplex.

According to Singh, the construction is likely to be completed within two years.

Though the board had advertised for 71 acres, it could not find any takers for 20 acres in Daltonganj, 12 acres in Bokaro and 2.5 acres in Hazaribagh, said Singh.

The board has fixed a rate of Rs 800 per square feet for lower income group (LIG), Rs 900 for middle income group (MIG) and Rs 1300-1400 for high income group (MIG) flats.

A mall and a multiplex at Harmu Chowk, two shopping complexes and a community hall at Sahjanand Chowk, Harmu, and a hotel and malls at Argora are on the cards.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070406/asp/jamshedpur/story_7613258.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

 Kidnappings continue in Bihar

Patna, April 7 (IANS) Two people were killed after being kidnapped and six other abductions were also reported within a span of two days in Bihar, indicating that little has changed since a new government came to power last year.

The kidnapping industry is still thriving in the state, say residents.

Armed criminals abducted Umesh Jha, a 51-year-old farmer, and his nephew Rajaram Singh, 25, from Rampur Thuthi village in Khagaria district late Thursday night and later killed them.

Police recovered their decapitated bodies from a field and sent them for autopsy.

Four people were also reported to have been abducted in separate incidents in Siwan district. Police said they were abducted for ransom.

Of these, two victims were a father-son duo. Lalan Pandey was abducted along his son Pappu when he was returning after a marriage negotiation for hiss daughter.

An 11-year-old school student, Pitamber, was abducted in Samastipur district. His father Ravishankar Pandey is a rich farmer who also owns a business. Police suspect that the abduction is for ransom.

A bus owner, Shalendra Singh, was also kidnapped Friday in Danapur near Patna.

Last week, police recovered the body of an abducted 10-year-old student in Munger district. The same week, a youth was reported kidnapped in Patna and another in Nalanda district. Later both were released.

The Patna High Court had early this year directed the state government to trace 144 children and 581 women who had been reported missing since 2001. The court also took note of reports that 44 of the abducted children had been killed.

http://news.monstersandcritics.com/india/news/article_1288331.php/Kidnappings_continue_in_Bihar

 

 

 

 

 

 

Father poisons daughter to death in Bengal

BURDWAN (WB): Driven by poverty, a daily farm labourer in West Bengal's Burdwan district poisoned one of his daughters to death and was himself in a critical condition after consuming poison, police said on Saturday.

Sanatan Majhi of Ketugram was not getting any work as he was ill and was finding it difficult to run his family of two daughters, wife and himself.

According to an FIR lodged by Sanatan's wife Jyotsna with the police on Friday evening he took his elder author Jaya (4) with him and went to a sweet shop. After purchasing some rasogollas he mixed poison with it and asked his daughter to eat it and also himself consumed them.

Jyotsna found both of them in a critical condition. They were rushed to Katwa Sub-Divisional Hospital where Jaya was pronounced brought dead while Sanatan was admitted to hospital in a critical condition.

Jyotsna said here husband had become sullen and dejected as he was finding it very difficult to find work due to his ill health and was always short of money

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/India/Father_poisons_daughter_to_death_in_Bengal/articleshow/1869984.cms

 

 

 

 

 

 

Solar power boon for villagers

BOLPUR, April 6: Switching on electric lamps or watching television was some sort of a dream for them until a few days ago, but today the dream has come true, illuminating their lives.
The villages like Mohuli and Geatgram, situated on the bank of the river Ajoy along the border of Birbhum are regarded as the most underdeveloped villages in the district.
The floods in 1995 wreaked havoc in the area, wiping out these two villages completely. Thereafter, it had been a long and bleak battle for the villagers to earn their livelihoods.
At a time when the villagers cannot afford electricity, they have got it because of a novel project taken up by Santiniketan Sriniketan Development Authority.
With the help of the West-Bengal Renewal Energy Development Agency, the SSDA arranged for solar electricity in these villages. The project, funded by the ministry of renewable energy, the state government and the SSDA, has provided about 127 families with a solar panels connected with two lamp sets and a plug point.
The chief executive officer of SSDA, Mr Ashoke Das, said: "The development authority has been working in these villages for the last two years. We found out that the villagers were so poor that they could not bear the cost of electricity.
"So we were in search of an alternative way. The WBREDA helped us to implement this project. And now we are looking forward to carry on this project smoothly in these villages." "Villagers have been trained in maintenance work by the experts of the the WBREDA and a distilled water plant has also been set up near Dhannosara village so that villagers would not have to face any difficulty in using the distilled water for the maintenance process", said Mr Das.
"Under this project, the villagers will have to pay Rs 20 per month for five years to the agency and that agency would be responsible to run the project smoothly for around 20 years", said Mr Das.
The project was inaugurated by the Lok Sobha speaker and MP of Bolpur, Mr Somnath Chatterjee and Mr Santi Pado Gon Chowdhury, director of the WBREDA in presence of other dignitaries.
In his address Mr Chatterjee also assured the villagers that in the near future the SSDA would help the villagers by providing solar lights in the streets free of cost.

http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=23&theme=&usrsess=1&id=152355

 

 

 

 

 

 

'Invest for a healthy HRD'

BHUBANESWAR: Investment in industries, mines, IT hubs and infrastructure development has taken the centre stage in the current time of globalisation, but human resources development (HRD), which needs the basic input of a healthy workforce, still remains neglected as investment in health sector has taken a backseat.

While the slogan of World Health Day this year as coined by World Health Organisation is 'Invest in health, build a safer future', it is time for introspection to see what is on agenda to address threats to health security including emerging and rapidly spreading diseases like AIDS, cardio vascular ailments, humanitarian emergencies caused by natural calamities and man-made disasters like road accidents, bio-terrorism and pollution.

Given the health landscape in our State the continuing inadequacies of both public health and causative health is almost threatening the stability of the community.

With Orissa being the leading state in India with highest road accidents and oral cancer cases, a lot has to be done at planning stage, says Major General (Retd) Bikash Kumar Mohanti, Medical Superintendent with Kalinga Hospital here.

Rising threats to public health could place our development plan and economic growth in peril. The communities are yet to adopt an appropriate health response to disease outbreaks and other concerns.

The State Government and all the stake-holders must build a common capacity to prevent, detect, report and respond to health threats, he adds.

Admitting that the acute shortage of trained and committed health workers from primary to tertiary level of care is a cause of concern in the State, the expert says public-private partnership, non-government organisation and corporate houses must focus on various aspects as the State sees a surge in industrial sector.

Emphasising mutual support to enable people protect their health standards, Dr Mohanti also advocates setting standards in public health strategies and providing technical co-operation and financial support for health-care related research in the State at the national and regional research laboratories.

'The need for more continuing medical education (CME) on various specialisations and intra-specialisation topics are important with emerging health emergencies', says Dr SC Dash, Professor and HOD, Nephrology and Principal, Kalinga Institute of Medical Sciences here.

With fast lifestyle, natural calamity and other man-made conditions giving rise to complex diseases, doctors need to adopt a holistic approach on the treatment process and update their knowledge base through CMEs, he adds.

Role of telemedicine, public lectures, awareness rallies, health camps and talk shows by experts should be tried to popularise health topics, the former Nephrology HOD with AIIMS, feels.

http://www.newindpress.com/NewsItems.asp?ID=IEQ20070407025859&Page=Q&Title=ORISSA&Topic=0

 

 

 

 

 

 

Impunity for gang-rape in India

Victims of gang-rape and other violence against Christians and other minorities in India shared their testimony with an independent tribunal. The media were denounced for inciting anti-minority violence.

For the first time an all-India picture has emerged of anti-Christian violence from a people's tribunal.

 

Victims of Christian persecution from across India shared their horrific stories and highlighted the denial of justice to them before an independent people's jury.

According to International Christian Concern (ICC), the depositions were part of "The Independent People's Tribunal against the Rise of Fascist Forces in India and the Attack on the Secular State," a three-day program which concluded here on March 22.

 

In its report, ICC said the independent jury was organized by non-profit organizations Anhad and Human Rights Law Network, and supported and attended by a plethora of rights groups, including Christian organizations, like the All India Christian Council (AICC) and the Christian Legal Association.

 

Of the 100 victims who submitted their statements, about 40 were Christian. The rest were mainly were from Gujarat state, which witnessed a wide-scale killing of members of the Muslim minority community in 2002.

 

Impunity of perpetrators of gang-rape

 

"I was gang-raped by my fellow tribal villagers, including the brother and father of the local legislator in January 2004, and I named everyone in my police complaint, but no one has been arrested till today," lamented Taramani, a school teacher from Madhya Pradesh state's Jhabua district.

 

Taramani's village, Alirajpur, was one of the worst affected villages during the spate of anti-Christian violence that followed the infamous January 11 incident, in which a young girl was found dead in the compound of a Catholic school in Jhabua district. Hindu fundamentalist Hindu Jagran Manch (Forum for Revival of Hindus) blamed the murder on the church, and instigated a series of attacks on Christian individuals and their institutions. This was despite the fact that a non-Christian admitted to the crime.

 

"A crowd of about 250 people first launched an attack on my house and set it on fire and then some of them took me to a jungle and outraged my modesty," said, Taramani, a widow.

 

With tears in her eyes, she added that when she returned she found the house completely gutted. "Even the police initially refused to register my complaint which they did only later and reluctantly.

 

"All that I have received from the government is Rs.30,000 ($700 USD), but no arrests. The perpetrators still tell me that nothing will happen to them, as they are very powerful," she said.

 

Attackers remain at large

 

Another victim, Shobha Onkar, also from Alirajpur, could not help crying as she narrated how she was attacked by a mob in the aftermath of the January 11 incident. "About 300 people surrounded our house in the presence of the local police inspector and started breaking in. I thought I should open the door before they vandalized my house, but when they entered into the house, one of them hit me with a stick on my head. I started bleeding profusely," she said.

 

"My son ran to the police and bent on his knees to plead them to rescue me, saying, 'They will kill my mother,' but they did not budge," she added.

 

Onkar also said that relatives of the local legislator belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were among the crowd.

 

Onkar's house was badly damaged and completely looted. "The government gave me only Rs.6,000 ($140 USD) as compensation. And justice, which matters the most, was denied, as the perpetrators were not brought to justice," she added.

 

There were also victims from the states of Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Kerala and Jammu and Kashmir.

 

Lessons for the church

 

Dr. John Dayal, secretary general of the AICC who was one of the jury members, told ICC, "From the Christian perspective, the hearings were memorable and important. Christians of all denominations, and both men and women, came forward to depose for the first time in a major way. In my experience this is also the first time that an all-India picture has emerged of anti-Christian violence from a people's tribunal."

 

The all-India pattern of violence has lessons for everyone, and particularly for the church whether it is Catholic, Protestant or Evangelical, he said, adding that urgent steps needed to be taken. "Clergy and church workers have to be trained in human rights and basic law."

 

Another memorable witness, said Dayal, was the compilation by the Rev. Madhu Chandra of AICC to prove the massive activity of Hindu extremists in the north-eastern Hindu majority states of Manipur and Assam.

 

"For me, the most heartening testimonies were of women -- Muslim and Christian."

 

Madhya Pradesh a daylight church

 

He also said it was obvious that "Hindutva pressure" was working. "The church in Madhya Pradesh is fast becoming a 'daylight church' with mission activity in the evening and after sun down -- which is how outreach programs can work in forest villages when people return home after sunset -- has stopped. Only in full daylight can some work be done. And yet, the church hierarchy seems not too worried."

 

In other areas, church activity is now confined to tribals alone, who constitute just a third of the population even in the so-called tribal belt of central India, he said. "This has serious ramifications."

 

Dayal thanked the civil society, including "well-meaning Hindu Activists," for their "unstinted support" to the Christian community.

 

No help from the State

 

Based on the statements of the victims and presentations by human rights activists, the tribunal noted that "demonization of minorities, both Muslims and Christians, and their consequent marginalization and physical attacks have been noticed all over the country, particularly in the states where the BJP is in power, like Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan and Gujarat."

 

In these cases, the victims have failed to get any help from the State. The role of the police is particularly dubious, as in most cases, the victims were not even able to file an FIR (first information report). It is often noticed that the victims are turned into perpetrators of crime. As a result, there is a sense of helplessness that the minorities feel."

 

Rights activists also deplored the role of the media, mainly local newspapers in vernacular languages, in inciting anti-minority violence.

 

The tribunal was an initiative of Shabnam Hashmi of Anhad and attorney Colin Gonsalves of the Human Rights Law Network.

http://www.speroforum.com/site/article.asp?id=8809

 

 

 

 

 

 

Keep It Skimmed

 

Before the quotas, identify the OBC. That is the new wisdom

Not Backward

The National OBC Commission set up in 1993 had refused backward status to 456 castes and subcastes. Here are some prominent ones which were not put on the list:

Caste State

Kayasthas, Jats Delhi
Kammas, Reddys Karnataka
*Lingayats Karnataka
*Chettiars Tamil Nadu
Chettiars, Chettis Kerala
Vaishyas, Banias Uttar Pradesh
Jats, Jat Sikhs

Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan (Dholpur, Bharatpur), Haryana


*Some subcastes allowed OBC status

The Cream Of The OBCs

As per the National Backward Classes Commission, children whose parents fall in these 7 categories are ineligible for job reservations...

  • Those who hold constitutional posts like the President of India, Vice President, Supreme Court and high court judges, chairman and members of the UPSC and state public service commissions.
  • Class I officers of central and state services; international organisations like the UN, IMF or World Bank
  • Group B/Class II officers of the central and state services
  • Class I and II public sector employees;
  • armed forces and paramilitary personnel of colonel and above rank.
  • Professionals like doctors, lawyers, CAs, income tax consultants etc.
  • Agricultural land owners whose holdings put them in the higher income bracket.

***

Every time the government pays obeisance at the altar of social justice and invokes reservations, it's the same old demons that return to haunt.

Who are the actual beneficiaries of reservations? Is it the really deserving among the Other Backward Classes, or a 'creamy layer' that skims all the benefit from the reservations bucket? Has the government, ever eager to pull the reservations rabbit out of the hat, made any attempt to identify those who have already availed of quota benefits, and moved on to balance the social stakes at the lowest rung? How desirable are reservations anyway in this era of equal opportunities? Even as the nation continues to get exercised over the issue, and emotions run high within both the pro- and anti-reservation camps, there is still little reflection on which castes need reservations and which don't.

It was precisely for this task that the National Commission for Backward Classes was set up in 1993. Its mandate was to identify socially and economically backward castes/communities, and delist those which had already made use of reservations and moved up. Though guided by the political compulsions of the government of the day, the commission attempted to correct the anomalies of the Mandal Commission report, mainly its exclusion of several subcastes. It has periodically conducted social audits to determine the status of various castes. Not every caste that has staked a claim on reservations has made it to the national OBC list; as many as 456 castes have failed to convince the commission of their social/ educational backwardness.

Of course, the commission's work is far from complete. Some of the dominant backward castes, like the Nadars of Tamil Nadu, remain on the list. Good old politics keeps them there: no political party wants to upset powerful OBC lobbies; those in power would rather that the commission maintain status quo instead of dislodging the government. However, if the commission is given a free hand, it has the infrastructure to provide a comprehensive status report on OBCs.

And the conclusion it arrives at on the basis of various studies and public hearings is that reservations are necessary. The commission's current chairperson, Justice S.R. Pandian, has noted: "That a few of the seats and posts reserved for backward classes are snatched away by the more fortunate among them is not to say that reservation is not necessary. This is bound to happen in a competitive society like ours. Aren't unreserved slots snatched away by the creamy layer among forwards?"

And so the debate has moved to the next level: should reservations be made without ascertaining the extent of backwardness among the beneficiaries? The OBC groups weren't too happy with the Supreme Court stay on the government's attempt to implement the Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Act, 2006. Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu led the pro-reservationist charge: both states witnessed bandhs for the quota cause. But the apex court in its interim stay order sought a more realistic basis for reservations and asked for a headcount of OBCs and identification of the creamy layer.

The ball is therefore back in the commission's court, with the government seeking its help in answering the apex court's questions. On its part, the commission has already spelt out the parameters to identify the creamy layer; it is now up to the government to zero in on the already-benefited and ensure they are derecognised. Says constitutional lawyer Rajeev Dhawan: "The creamy layer mechanism, which provides the guidelines for disentitlement, should be followed to ensure that those not deserving are kept out." It is the only way to make reservations more credible, and ensure its benefits accrue to the truly deserving. It should also go some way in appeasing the anti-reservationists who cite the example of individuals who have benefited unduly to point out the lacuna of reservations.

But reservations for politics' sake is something even staunch votaries of reservations like D.L.Sheth caution against. Says the former member of the OBC commission: "If the Mandal policy has prevented a huge turmoil in checking subaltern marginalisation, the time has now come for a relook." However, he realises the enormity of the task when he asks: "But who will bell the cat?" He is referring to the hard decision that will have to be taken to "put out of the benefit system" communities with political and economic clout.

But whether for or against the reservations motion, the opposing sides are agreed on one thing: that the issue has to be sorted out, one way or another. Collating real data would be a first step in that direction as that alone will help one put a finger on the extent of backwardness in the country. Such an exercise may exclude the forward minority among the backwards. But that would not dilute the 27 per cent reservation fixed for OBCs in IITs, IIMs and other institutes of higher learning. As P.S. Krishnan, advisor to Union HRD minister Arjun Singh, puts it: "There can be no doubt on the 27 per cent. If a real headcount is done, you know who will be having the last laugh..."

http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20070416&fname=OBC+%28F%29&sid=1&pn=2

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Multiple Entrance Examinations Work As "Entry Barriers"

It appears that our Honorable HRD Ministry and its even more Honorable Minister Mr. Arjun Singh are hell bent on providing justice to the real needy, poor and socio-economically marginalized sections of the society. However because all his noteworthy efforts towards OBC reservation have come to a temporary halt due to the unfavorable Supreme Court verdict passed recently, as responsible citizens we must help our Ministry to find alternate means to achieving its broader goals.

Here is a suggestion that the Ministry should look at to keep itself busy, one which should receive no confrontation from most of the students or guardians, or the broad society in general.

The daughter of one of my colleagues is in the final year of +2 this year. The board exams now being over, what awaits her now is a run of competitive exams like IIT-JEE, AIEEE, various state level JEEs, few private engineering and medical college exams, the AIIMS test, ISI ... the list can be indeed long.

The picture is no different after graduation when most young students aspire for an MBA degree. There are CAT, JMET, XAT, MAT ... no difference here either - the list is equally long.

If one wants to apply for even a few of them, it may cost one tens of thousands of rupees in terms of application fees alone. Add to that the process of application and lack of infrastructure in rural areas, one immediately understands how difficult it is for good rural students to compete with their urban counterparts. For MBA admission, there are interviews again.

Irrespective of the justifications on costs incurred by respective institutes and specific knowledge/aptitude they seek from their entrant students, when one examines how a student from rural or semi-urban place faces the economic and other burdens, one can easily concur that these separate multiple exams are nothing but an effective "entry barriers" that favor students from metros and relatively well-off families.

We know that people in Mumbai or in any major metros won't like distant relatives from rural places to come and stay with them for a few nights - because space is too precious. As most of these exams have centers in major metros/state capitals, any student from smaller towns or villages needs to take on the additional burden of travel - which adds to physical exhaustion along with the economic costs. Many even may not have relatives at these exam centers, and as most of them can't afford hotel-stay multiple times; they therefore may have to directly come to the exam centers without even having the opportunity to arrive fresh for the exams. The urban students at least don't face these additional traumas.

Irrespective of the USPs these exams offer (or as claimed by the organizers), one simply can't ignore the basic obvious monetary benefits they accrue to the different institutes. The costs are multiple for the end-consumer, the stress is multiplied to students and guardians and in the name of uniqueness, this has indeed been taken too far stressing all students in general and, particularly, economically marginalized students from remote areas.

In the name of freedom and competition, many of us mostly forget the basic infrastructure, policies, systems that the U.S. offers through standardization. Irrespective of boards or school, there is one SAT, one GRE, one GMAT. And true, in case a good student accidentally badly performs in any of these critical exams, s/he can take that again without even losing a year.

We saw some developments on this front from government in regulating and controlling number of exams - limiting to two or three for MBAs couple of years back. The proposal eventually had a natural death as there was opposition from vested bodies. One isn't ruling out possibilities of genuine oppositions; however with adequate representatives from these various institutes in an apex body like the formal Educational Testing Service (ETS) or its present form the GMAC (Graduate Management Admission Council) adopted through ACT Inc. and Pearson Vue, most of the genuine grievances against retaining only one admission test in India should get addressed.

Otherwise it's a criminal offence we are practicing by stressing all students and guardians unnecessarily, and putting an enormous economic and physical burden to students who come from rural backgrounds, who are the worst sufferers.

A true reservation was to be meant for them - wasn't it? Well, till our government works out the basis for controversial reservation, one can always expect a speedy action from our Honorable Minister and his Ministry so that these types of effective "entry barriers" that act against these bright rural students from economically poorer families are removed.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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#127 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Fri Apr 6, 2007 10:56 pm
Subject: Friday, April 6, 2007
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 Jharkhand women gain self-reliance with poultry farming

Seelam (Jharkhand), Apr 6: Women of Seelam village in Jharkhand's Gumla District have set an example for their rural counterparts by becoming self-reliant.

This has happened with the support of Mahila Mandal, a self-help motivating group.

Established in 2000, the group initiated poultry farming in the village. It mobilised a group 16 enterprising women who have now become a household name in the village.

On identifying their potential, Pradhan, a Non-Government Organisation (NGO) collaborated and helped them with loans from banks to go ahead with lucrative projects.

Apart from incentives, each woman was provided with a loan of rupees 10,000. And since then, the quality of life index of the villagers has changed.

Unemployed youth of the village today have a job. They no more need to worry about migrating elsewhere in search of greener pastures.

"Financial condition has improved. We are sending our children to good schools with an aim to provide them good education. Our standard of living has also changed. We are very happy. Earlier, we had to go to Delhi and Himachal Pradesh to work but now we stay in the village and are engaged in poultry farming," said Sunita Devi, member of Mahila Mandal.

Women have set up poultry farms where each of them has at least 300 birds. The Mahila Mandal has installed machines and engrossed even the men folk who prepare feed for chicken.

"We prepare good quality feed for the chicken," said Vandna Bilung, Co-ordinator of Mahila Mandal.

The village women earn about rupees 3,000 to 4,000 per month from poultry farming products. And, almost every household engaged in poultry farming have a television set and life insurances in their names.

"One woman earns at least rupees 2,000 to 3,000 in a month. Even when one works hard, there is earning up to rupees 4, 000," said Dr. Pankaj Das, Advisor of Pradhan.

These women also visit various poultry farms where they demonstrate the usage of vaccine and healthy breeding procedures.

The chickens and eggs are sent to Ranchi, Jamshedpur and many other places. Beyond Jharkhand, these poultry products have a ready market in Chhattisgarh and often as far as Nepal.

http://www.dailyindia.com/show/131435.php/Jharkhand-women-gain-self-reliance-with
-poultry-farming











Training to bolster tribal youth bombs


Ranchi, April 5: Unbelievable, but true. Only 10 youths qualified in the state civil services examination and 12 became clerks after the Jharkhand government drained around Rs 70 lakh for over five years to train Scheduled Tribe (ST) and Scheduled Caste (SC) aspirants!

The report of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) reveals that of the 320 students enrolled in the pre-examination training centre run by the government at the Tribal Welfare Research Institute (TWRI) between 2002 and 2005, only 27 qualified for various jobs. Worse, the centre could not fill up all the seats every year. In 2004, it had only 14 students against 25 seats.

The report shows that huge funds available for the tribal students were either being frittered away or not being used fruitfully.

Out of the Rs 2.08 crore available during 2001-06 for pre-examination coaching, the government spent Rs 66.29 lakh (32 per cent only). The funds were tripled from Rs 22.48 lakh in 2002 to Rs 64.33 lakh in 2005-06, but the utilisation declined from 68 per cent to 22 per cent. The reason for the under-utilisation of funds was due to poor performance in meeting the target, the report stated.

Under the scheme, enrolment of ST girl students was 30 per cent during 2002-05 but the percentage of successful ST girl students in 2003-04 was 19 per cent.

The state government's poor execution of various schemes aimed at improving the representation of SC/STs in government jobs, and thereafter perpetuating the reservation policy, might aptly justify the Supreme Court's remarks that the Constitutional privilege was being used as vote bank.

Ironically, TWRI director Prakash Oraon attributed the poor performance of the centre to the attitude of tribal students.

Beni Ekka, the director of Xavier Institute of Social Service (XISS), pointed out the difference of attitude between general and SC/ST students as one of the reasons behind the dismal performance of the centre. The lecture method of teaching could also be blamed for the students not coming out in flying colours, he added.

The state government, two years after the scheme bombed, has decided to hand over the pre-examination coaching centres to private agencies and non-governmental organisations.

Welfare secretary N.N. Sinha said the centre performed poorly owing to lack of experts and irrelevant courses.

Seven other schemes launched to enable the SC/ST students to pursue their education and get jobs were also far from effective. Pre-matric scholarship scheme, post-matric scholarship scheme, book bank scheme, coaching facilities, hostels, cycles, computers and uniforms have failed to enthuse the SC/ST students, the report stated.

A sample scrutiny said that no student succeeded in secondary examination during 2001-02 from the ST Residential School, Dumka.

In Dhanbad, Dumka and Ranchi districts, five hostels for 450 students were occupied by lady constables and police pickets evens as a few hostels were overcrowded.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070406/asp/jamshedpur/story_7613255.asp












Woman dies in BSF firing


RAIGANJ, April 5: Tension prevailed in Goalpokhar block of North Dinajpur district over the death of a tribal housewife allegedly in BSF firing at Kokradaha border out post last night.

The victim was identified as Manika Soren (35), a resident of Pokharia village of Goalpokhar. It is alleged that Manika Soren was returning home with her husband Palus Hemran around 9.30 p.m. through the border road at Kokradaha BOP after attending a function at her relative's place. Two BSF jawans of the 47 battalion allegedly intercepted them near the BOP and started to beat Palus Hemran. When Manika tried to dissuade them the BSF jawans shot her from close range and she died on the spot. BSF officials thereafter brought the body to the MGM Medical College and Lions' Hospital in Kishanganj, Bihar, where the lifeless body of the woman lay the whole night.

When news of the incident that led to the death of a tribal housewife spread in Goalpokhar, numerous residents from different villages of Goalpokhar armed with bows and arrows turned up at Pokharia vilage. The irate villagers gheraoed the Kokradaha BOP demanding that the BSF handed over Manika's body to the family members without delay.

The villagers also demanded that the BSF authorities hand over the alleged culprits who killed the woman to them.


The BSF took immediate action to save the situation from worsening. Arriving at the spot BSF DIG, Panjipara range, Mr Rabi Kumar Panth issued temporary suspension orders against the jawans who were on duty when the woman was shot to death. Congress MLA from Goalpokhar Mrs Dipa Dasmunshi said from Kolkata over telephone that the victim had alleged been raped before she was shot.

The villagers are also angry with the fact that the crime was committed in West Bengal and the woman's body had been taken to Bihar where it lay unattended throughout the night. The victim's body was shifted to Islampur sub-division following the BSF DIG's intervention today.

Mr SB Purnapatra, SP, North Dinajpur, said police reached the spot before the agitated villagers could converge at the Kukradaha BOP and saved the situation from turning seriously unpleasant

http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=10&theme=&usrsess=1&id=152254










Keeping the creamy layer out

Caste-based census was given up after 1931 even though caste-based discrimination is a fact of life even today. Hence, the government has to depend on those projections to prove that OBCs form 54%.

THE recent Supreme Court's order staying the operation of the Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Act 2006 has triggered a variety of reactions. The political leadership in Tamil Nadu, for instance, registered its protest against the judicial decision by calling for a statewide bandh, leaders of the 'national' parties seem to be in a state of shock. And the reaction has been characteristically knee-jerk and calling for a legislative intervention.

The non-political class too has articulated its view. They are all out there celebrating the injunction. Justices Arijit Pasayat and Lokeshwar Singh Panta, in their eyes are noble men who will be remembered for their no-nonsense approach. Rather than seeing it as merely an injunction, the intelligentsia seems to perceive the apex court's stay as a final verdict against caste-based reservations. And in this they see a judicial endorsement of their opposition to the idea of reservation for OBCs and the obsession for 'merit.' Well. The truth or the real story is something else.

The two-judge bench of the apex court has stayed the operation of the Act on two grounds: That the quantum of reservation for OBCs (27% in this case), the judges felt, was based on some arbitrary consideration; the premise that the OBCs constitute 54% of the population is based on projections made from the census of 1931, could be faulty according to the judges. In their view, this figure was arrived at without accounting for the demographic changes over the years.

The stay was granted on another ground and this indeed is substantive. The two-judge bench observed that the non-exclusion of the 'creamy layer' from the reservation bracket in the Act is against the Constitution. The Act, in this sense, seeks to determine social and educational backwardness only on the basis of caste; and hence violates the law as upheld in the Indira Sawhney versus Union of India and others case in 1992.

The nine-judge bench, in 1992, had gone into the rational of excluding the creamy layer and established a clear case, both in the legal and ethical sense in its favour. It is worth citing the relevant portion from the judgment: "After excluding them alone, would the class be a compact class. In fact, such exclusion benefits the truly backward."

The judges had underscored, in that instance (and later in 1999 while dismissing an Act passed by the Kerala Legislative Assembly that sought to negate the concept of creamy layer in that State) that the Constitution provides for positive discrimination in favour of backward classes and not castes; hence, the bench ordered, the exclusion of the creamy layer from among the castes identified as backward and that it will constitute a class only then.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/Opinion/Editorial/Keeping_the_creamy_layer_out/
articleshow/1867941.cms











Minority loan plan on track

NEW DELHI: Despite Reserve Bank of India's reservations, the government has not given up on its plans to increase the flow of loans to minority communities.

In a fresh plan being drawn up by the finance ministry, the government intends to ask state-owned banks to concentrate on districts where minorities formed a significant part of the population.

Sources said that districts where non-Hindu population was less than 50% would automatically be taken up for the special drive.

Based on the last Census numbers, there are 85 districts where Hindus accounted for less than half the population.

In addition, there are more districts that are proposed to be taken up, whose number is yet to be finalised.

While the finance ministry wanted the coverage to be extended to an additional 44 districts, the minorities affairs ministry has suggested that the number should be enhanced to 104.

The focus of the programme is going to be on Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Zoroastrians, Jains and Buddhists.

According to the Census data, 46 districts in the North-East, 14 in Punjab, 12 in Jammu & Kashmir, four in Jharkhand, three in Kerala, two in West Bengal and one each in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Lakshadweep and Andaman and Nicobar islands had minorities accounting for over half the population.

While the government had earlier hoped to implement the scheme, based on Sachar Committee recommendations, ahead of the elections in Uttar Pradesh, RBI and the Indian Banks' Association threw a spanner of sorts saying the proposal was difficult to implement.

RBI had cited lack of sufficient data as the prime reason for its reluctance, an official said. "They have now asked banks to submit data while the government is also working on a plan," an official said.

Though sources said the government was keen to implement most of the recommendations of the high-level panel, the move on enhancing credit is being seen as a fresh initiative to woo Muslim voters, who have in the recent past moved to vote for parties other than the Congress.

Through the package, which is still in the works, state-run banks will be asked to set up special cells to deal with loans for minorities besides an increased drive to get them on the list of borrowers and ensure that they get a certain share of the priority sector lending by banks.

But there are already concerns that with a special scheme for minorities along with the existing ones for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, there will be a demand from the backward classes too to get a slice of the pie.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/India/Minority_loan_plan_on_track/articleshow/
1862975.cms











What's good for Bihar is good for India

A Stanford-India Mirror Conference took place in Patna this week. It was part of the state government's programme of confronting the state's challenges with an open mind to best practices from around the world. The conference brought together a team from the Stanford Center for International Development, members of the state government, researchers from area universities and thinktanks, members of the global and local Indus Entrepreneurs (TiE) and other members of civil society, to discuss policy challenges for Bihar.



The focus was not so different than the kinds of general questions that policymakers in India have on their minds: what policies would accelerate inclusive growth? Nick Hope (Stanford) made a presentation on lessons from China, Anjini Kochar (Stanford) on education policies, Ward Hanson (Stanford) on IT and growth, TN Srinivasan (Stanford) on employment generation as well as centre-state relations and AN Sharma and Pinaki Joddar on povert. We spoke on public private partnerships and investment climate.

The Chief Minister of Bihar summarised the reform and legislative initiatives over the last 15 months, and laid out his vision for the coming years. The deputy CM, ministers of HRD, RCD, energy, rural development, science and technology, apart from the chief secretary and commissioners of HRD and finance, among others, provided insights into Bihar's current strategies. Ramesh Yadava, a charter member of Silicon Valley TiE, also brought out the importance of accelerating the pace of implementation of the multiple commitments made in its recently launched Approach Paper to the XIth Plan. The theme running through all sessions: given the pressing needs, administrative challenges, and constrained financial and human resources in comparison with the task at hand, what steps deserve priority?

Some consensus did emerge:

Learn from others' experience. There's no need to re-invent the wheel in all cases. The world is full of relevant experiences, both successes and failures, to learn from. On SEZs, for example, much of the debate has focused on comparing India and China's fiscal policies. Nick Hope brought out the importance of an exit policy to wind up any special preferences once their purpose is over.

Given the many pressing needs, administrative challenges, and constrained financial and human resources in comparison with the task at hand, what steps deserve priority?

But tailor this experience to local conditions. Nick Hope's presentation on China's development strategy raised a number of suggestions that would need to be tempered to suit India's democratic setting. China's differential treatment of coastal and interior provinces, for example, would not be feasible here as a way to focus resources. Our session on mobilising investment discussed an adaptation of the strategy focus on enabling 'infrastructure clusters' like office parks, small-store retail malls, or time-share equipment shops that any citizen with an entrepreneurial bent could access, no matter how small the enterprise. These could balance the benefits of focus with the need to avoid shutting any group out of development at first.

And take advantage of India's conditions. Democracy might look like a 'constraint' when policies fail to reach consensus, vested interests block reforms, or people occupy land intended for a power plant. But it is actually an advantage in other ways. The freedom to protest provides information about preferences and needs. Confidence in challenging government policies also lets citizens act as monitors of service quality better than if they were subdued by authority. Active community groups, a byproduct of an open society, could complement governments in providing infrastructure and services.

Take unintended consequences into account. Anjini Kochar's presentation on education pointed out that education policies' focus on creating access to education by localising the school system seems to also have affected the level and variance in quality. Schools designed to serve small localities effectively become segregated when there is residential clustering. Localisation also means that school size is determined by population density more than efficiency. In the end, Professor Kochar recommended an adjustment of the policy to take these multiple dimensions into account: place pre-schools in localities to draw people into the system, but then aggregate students to the efficient scale for higher grades.

Leverage technologies to create change. India's development efforts, especially its rural policies, are taking place in an era where ICT can (in theory) mean the 'death of distance'. The challenge: to develop the content to be diffused through this network and ensure greater access. We discussed in our session the need to create an open-access rural Internet backbone to support government programmes (like agricultural extension) as well as any other applications and services that private entrepreneurs can dream up.

Rework institutions to enable change. Sessions looked at not only the state's institutions, but also the state's institutional context. TN Srinivasan emphasised the importance of rationalising intergovernmental transfers, reconsidering the role of the Planning Commission and restructuring the mechanism for Centre-state relations.

In the end, implement. Policy pronouncements are just words and aims. Changing outcomes takes concerted actions, coordinated by pragmatic strategies. In all of these areas, Bihar is not alone or unique in India. What is good for Bihar could also be good for India.

http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=160321












Bengal commercial bank disbursals set to exceed target

Commercial banks in West Bengal are expecting to disburse around Rs 10,581 crore against the annual credit plan of Rs 10,925 crore for the state in 2006-07.

During April to December 2006, the banks disbursed Rs 6,373 crore, which marks an increase of 24 per cent over the disbursement of Rs 5,154 crore during the corresponding period of the last year, said P K Gupta, chairman, United Bank of India and State Level Bankers Committee (SLBC) said.

The banks sanctioned 1,00,168 cases under different self employment schemes registering a growth of 19 per cent over the 83,836 cases sanctioned during April to December 2005.

The banks also made savings linkage to 87,407 self help groups and credit linkages to 70,639 groups during April to December 2006.

The state government had expressed increase in credit deposit ratio up to 65 per cent. The credit-deposit ratio in the state for priority sector has improved against 61 per cent of the previous year.

The state wants the banks to raise the CD ratio of rural, semi urban, and urban areas by five percentage points during the next financial year.

State finance minister Asim Dasgupta has also advised the bankers to extend credit to two lakh unemployed youths through employment guarantee schemes during 2007-08.

Dasgupta had suggested for setting higher targets for agriculture, and small scale industries for 2007-08 with special emphasis on financing to small and marginal farmers, oral lessees, patta holders and small entrepreneurs keeping in view the requirement of the state.

The SLBC members also formed a sub-committee to look into the feasibility targets set by the state finance minister for lending exposure in agriculture and industry.

Gupta would head the committee. The other members of the committee were Allahabad Bank chairman A C Mahajan and Uco Bank chairman V Sridar.

Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (Nabard) would also guide the committee. The committee would submit its report within a month.

In the recent state budget Dasgupta had raised the lending targets for banks significantly.

For the agriculture sector, the target was fixed at Rs 5,500 crore in 2007-08 as against Rs 3,800 crore in 2006-07. For the SME and SSI sectors the target had been raised to Rs 3,000 crore from Rs 1,500 crore.

http://www.business-standard.com/banking/storypage.php?tab=r&autono=280318 &
subLeft=1&leftnm=2













Reliance agri-retail seeks Bengal licence

KOLKATA: Mukesh Ambani-controlled Reliance Industries' Rs 2,000-crore agri-retail venture in West Bengal may hit an air pocket. Reliance, with the go-ahead from the West Bengal government, has in recent weeks privately-acquired close to 270 acres from farmers for its mega agri-retail rollout.

But such land acquisition may be of little consequence since the West Bengal agri-marketing department has thrown a spanner in RIL's works by holding back the all-important APMC (Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee) licence. Without an APMC licence, Reliance will be unable to re-sell any agricultural produce in West Bengal that it originally purchases from state farmers from designated APMC yards.

Reliance officials declined to divulge the transaction details of the 270-odd acres acquired from the state farmers in blocks of 10 acres each. But when contacted, senior company executives told ET: "RIL had applied for APMC licences in 16 state locations from the West Bengal State Marketing Board, in step with the provisions of Sections 13 & 17 of the West Bengal Agriculture Produce Marketing (Regulations) Act, 1972.

We have not heard from the state government since October 2006 when we had put in the licence application. We did point out that without an APMC licence, the entire feasibility of Reliance's Rs 2,000-crore agri-retail venture in West Bengal was uncertain."

Elaborating, they said: "Though we have privately acquired 270-odd acres from farmers in multiple state locations, the agri-retail venture cannot get off the ground if we do not get the APMC licence which is necessary to re-sell agricultural produce purchased from farmers."

The West Bengal government confirmed that it has received an APMC licence (for 16 locations) application from Reliance. But it has a very different take on the issue. For starters, it claims that the board, which is under the state agri-marketing department, is not the competent authority to issue an APMC licence.

Here's what Mr Bimal Pandey, principal secretary in the state agri-marketing department, had to say: "I am aware Reliance has put in an application for an APMC licence to re-sell agricultural produce procured from farmers.

Let me confirm that the West Bengal State Marketing Board is not the appropriate authority to issue such a licence. All APMC licences in West Bengal are issued by some 46-odd regulated market committees (RMCs) in the respective service areas."

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/Economy/Agriculture/Reliance_agri-retail_seeks_Bengal_licence/articleshow/1862922.cms











Hyd-based firm plans Rs 6,000cr port in Orissa

Navayuga Engineering Company, a Hyderabad-based company, has proposed to construct a Rs 6,000 crore port at Astaranga, a fishing jetty between Paradip and Puri in Orissa.

The company would also build a 50-km railway line linking Astaranga with the Howrah-Chennai main line on Khurda Road with an investment of Rs 400 crore on public-private-partnership mode.

C V Rao, chairman, Navayuga Engineering Company, discussed the proposal with Orissa Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik yesterday.

Jayanarayan Mishra, Orissa minister of state for commerce and transport, said the company would develop the port in the Devi river mouth in three phases on a build- own-operate-share-transfer basis with an investment of Rs 1,500 crore in the first phase.

The second and third phase of the project will comprise Rs 2,000 crore and Rs 2,500 crore, respectively.

Mishra said the company would require 5,000 acre at Astaranga where it has also proposed to set up a 1320 MW (660 x 2) captive power plant besides a fly-ash brick unit and desalination plant separately.

http://www.business-standard.com/common/storypage_c_online.php?leftnm=11&bKeyFlag
=IN&autono=22155












Lost in transit

Over the last 55 years India has spent around Rs 3.5 million crore in implementing its 10 five-year plans and several annual plans. This period also saw an explosive growth in population, dissipating developmental efforts over ever-increasing numbers. Until the end of the 1980s, growth was not even visible amongst the poor, making Rajiv Gandhi lament that not even a quarter of development expenditure reached the people for whom it was intended. No economist dare calculate as to what incremental output this massive outlay should be producing now.

It is only since the 1990s that there has been a notable change in the lifestyles and living standards of people, with a perceptible decline in poverty levels. This is in great measure due to the heroic efforts of our maturing youth and the sudden burst of successful entrepreneurship, helped by policies that favour competition.

While the percentage of population living below the poverty line has declined, the acuteness of poverty has increased. The unchecked suicides by farmers, the brutal attacks by Naxalites, the increase in the number of pavement shops, and the lack of state control in almost 100 districts of the country either dominated by militant separatist outfits or Naxalites, show that there is something fundamentally lacking in our delivery systems of public goods and the reach of welfare programmes intended for rural India, particularly the poor.

Poverty in India now is more an outcome of the lack of responsiveness, accountability, inefficiency and corruption of the state institutions at the field level, rather than due to lack of resources. This is compounded by ineffectual supervision by senior bureaucrats who are content to issue directions, satisfied with paper figures that are out of sync with reality.

It is not sufficient to say that growth reduces poverty. How does this growth percolate to the poor and in how much time? The current type of economic growth makes a billionaire out of a millionaire within a few days, as he is able to buy up an ailing foreign company with the support of the banks that add to his assets. It takes decades, if at all, for this growth in wealth to percolate to the poor in a district like Kalahandi or Jhabua. They are not even assured of daily bread and shelter. The administration in the country is more concerned with the Ambanis and Mittals getting their clearances in double-quick time but not so much with the fruits of government expenditure getting delivered at the right place, to the right people, at the right time.

Planning Commission statistics show an impressive growth in the number of schools, with a corresponding number of teachers and thousands of kilometres of rural roads built in all these years. Yet, literacy is nowhere near the levels of other south-east Asian countries, even after half a century of planning.

Malnutrition, curable blindness and communicable diseases still haunt rural India. Mass migration of poor tribals during summer from the districts of Jhabua, Banswara and Kalahandi (to cite a few examples) in search of employment — with children tagging along having abandoned schools and old people left behind to fend for themselves — is a heart-rending sight. How many times has the deputy chairman of the Planning Commission or its members visited a village in the remote tribal districts to study at firsthand what their plans for inclusive growth have achieved? They seem more content to discuss the theoretical aspects of inclusive growth rather than waste their time listening to a bhil from Banswara in Rajasthan or a Maria from Dantewada in Chhattisgarh who does not know who will look after her old parents when she migrates to Punjab in search of labour.

TN Seshan, when he was secretary in the ministry of environment, toured the interior villages of Bastar that were affected by a proposed hydroelectric project on which a large sum of money had already been spent. After patiently listening to the views of the tribals as to how their daily lives would be affected by the project, he refused to grant approval to the project. The dam was never built.

Urban India has also not treated its poor well. Growing numbers of the poor now occupy pedestrian pathways in metropolitan cities, eking out a miserable living. Land is acquired in no time, even with the use of force, for an industry or an SEZ — but not for constructing shops to accommodate the footpath merchants. There is a commission on the informal sector, with an erstwhile economist bureaucrat as its head. After three years of existence, what has it done for these footpath merchants?

What the finance minister fails to report in his action-taken report, which comes along with the budget documents, is physical achievements in terms of benefits delivered and quality of work executed in the field. His report does not throw any light on where the thousands of crores of agricultural credit have been used and, consequently, how much production has actually increased.

How does the budget delivery system in India actually work? The amounts allocated in the central and state budgets first go to the HODs (heads of departments). They, in turn, are dependent on their underlings — including the financial administrators (FAs) and accounts officers (AOs) — who, in the absence of anything else to exercise their authority over, raise every objection in the world before sending the allocated amounts to the states or field officers.

In the states, things are even more arduous. Allocations are placed at the disposal of the HODs sometime in May…if things go well, that is. This money now has to go to the divisional level officers and then, on to the implementing officers in the districts. If the expenditure has been approved, they can continue and spend it. Else, they have to go through another protracted process of administrative and financial sanctions. In such cases, by the time the procedures are over, the year is usually coming to a close.

In March there is a mayhem in the offices of the HODs, where all the field officers and grant-in-aid institutions line up for release of funds. Where the funds go, when they are released at the close of the financial year, is usually anybody's guess. Sometimes, they get spent on the purchase of goods. If the allocation is for roadwork, bitumen is purchased and orders for the supply of metal are placed. Work itself will probably start months later, by which time the metal and the bitumen have deteriorated, or been partly damaged, or even stolen. The result is incomplete roads of poor quality, without side berms.

Irrigation and other construction projects are no exception. Lack of supervision by senior officers — of the quality of the roads, maintenance of buildings and irrigation works — results in the wastage of public expenditure and offers scope for corruption. If the quality of the works is bad, action has to be initiated. The supervisors do not want to do this as they themselves may be partial beneficiaries of any commissions paid by the contractors. So they avoid taking action in cases of poor delivery of benefits.

In the case of an ashram school providing free education for the benefit of the tribals in Kathiwada, a remote forest village in Jhabua district, teachers' salaries could not be paid for one whole year because the commissioner did not release the grant till this author intervened with the chief secretary. The author also reported to the chief minister on the deficiencies observed in a major project during his walks along the canal banks, as requested of him by the irrigation minister. The result was that he was never asked again to continue the work —even though the minister appeared to be aghast at the deficiencies.

The recent controversies about the Rs 35,000 crore expenditure on irrigation projects not producing desired results — increase in areas under irrigation — is an example of the shoddy delivery and supervisory system in India in every department.

Teachers are appointed to work in remote rural areas with no basic amenities for their stay. Soon, with the help of powerful politicians, they get attached to schools in urban and semi-urban areas. The rural schools' rolls show a higher number of teachers than those actually available to teach. In Jhabua in Madhya Pradesh, where the population is 83 per cent tribal, about 35 per cent of the population of over a million migrate with their children, starting March, every year. Consequently, the retention rate of children, even in elementary classes, is very low.

The hospitals in Jhabua also show far more doctors on their rolls than are actually available to work. Many are attached to other city hospitals. A private cancer foundation that does yeoman service in this region, has more than once pointed out the growing incidence of certain types of cancer due to lack of hygiene, malnutrition and a host of other preventable causes. The collector laments that he cannot do anything about this as nobody listens to his complaints. The field officers, including the collector, get transferred within a year or at the most, 18 months.

The system of delivery at the field level and supervision of the activities by senior officers have all but failed. No one is held responsible except in some high-profile cases. The author, who had the privilege of working with the prime minister, had brought to his notice the miserable situation in Jhabua, and suggested solutions. But these too have gone unheeded, despite the fact that a former collector of Jhabua sits in the prime minister's office (PMO). If nothing is done before long, Naxalism will spread to this area.

Justifying regression In order to improve the public delivery systems it is necessary to:

n Prepare a district-wise plan for delivery of health, education, water supply and sanitation services, with specific targets.

n Identify the officers responsible, train them adequately and assign responsibilities, as per capacity, to deliver. Assigned officers should not be transferred till the goals are achieved. If they need to be promoted, the promotions should be in situ.

n Allot funds for programmes at the beginning of the financial year.

n Have an independent monitoring unit that will continuously appraise implementation and give feedback to supervisory authorities.

n Have an expert agency evaluate the accomplishments at the end of each year.

n Based on evaluation and monitoring, take corrective action in programmes.

n Establish a chain of communication among all levels of government and amongst professionals and institutions.

n Set up separate maintenance organisations to ensure proper maintenance of all buildings, roads, water supply schemes, irrigation works and equipments, with adequate resources.

n Reward and punish implementing and maintenance staff, on the basis of transparent objective criteria of achievements.

This will require reorganisation of the existing district administrative setup and would include the elected bodies – for purposes of assigning roles and responsibilities. At the state level, the delivery system – with respect to issuing all kinds of licences, registration of documents, granting of permission for construction of buildings, electricity connections, etc., should be brought under e-governance.

The government's administrative reforms commission (ARC) is involved with high profile issues rather than public delivery systems that affect the common man. India is unique in being the only country that has not reformed its civil service and delivery systems in order to make them more responsive, responsible and transparent.

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/portal/book/export/html/905










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#126 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Thu Apr 5, 2007 10:03 pm
Subject: Thursday, April 5, 2007
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    Thursday, April 5, 2007     




 
 
 

 
 
 
 

 Jharkhand Teachers' woes take front seat in Assembly

Ranchi: The education system is in a shambles.

Sample this: primary school teachers in Lohardaga have not been promoted for the last 21 years! Worse, there are only 10 headmasters for 74 middle schools in the district.

These stark realities were revealed in the Assembly today while human resource development minister Bandhu Tirkey replied to a volley of questions on the poor state of school affairs in Jharkhand.

Congress member Sukhdev Bhagat threatened to go on fasting if the state government did not complete the exercise of giving promotion to the teachers within a week.

Tirkey said 33 teachers were promoted in two batches in 1995 and 1997. The cases of rest of the teachers were under consideration, he said.

The Congress legislator said teachers were facing hardships in getting salary due to shortage of headmasters (there are only 10 headmasters for 74 schools). The headmasters are the drawing and disbursing officers for the withdrawal of salary from the treasury. Shortage of headmasters delays the salary of teachers.

The minister, in reply to another question from Radha Krishna Kishore of JD(U), conceded that 3,380 posts of teachers in government high schools and 1,820 posts of headmasters in middle schools were vacant. He said the Jharkhand Public Service Commission had been urged to hold the test for direct recruitment of 2,507 teachers for high schools. The JPSC has received 1,88,000 applications, he said.

Ironically, Tirkey said, the process to amend the Jharkhand secondary school (service conditions) rules is still under consideration of the government. The recruitment process could be initiated only after the rules were amended in pursuance of the high court's order on October 6, 2005.

The House members, cutting across party lines, however, asked Tirkey to set a timeframe to fill up the posts. But the minister ducked the question by blaming the previous government for keeping the issue pending. "I have at least sent the vacancy position to the JPSC," he said.

The HRD minister again begged for answers when Congress member Pradeep Balmuchu asked why books in Bangla were not made available to students in 2006.

Admitting the lapse, Tirkey said the government has secured the translation rights from the NCERT and would make all the books, including those in Bangla, available to students at the beginning of the 2007-08 session.

Bill on panel court

The Assembly on Tuesday handed over the agriculture products' marketing committee bill to the select committee following demands by legislators belonging to the treasury and the Opposition. The select committee has been directed to submit its report within 30 days. The legislators argued that that this bill was prepared by the Arjun Munda government last year, but could not be passed in the Assembly following objections from different corners. The Madhu Koda government, too, had tabled the bill without making any amendment.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070404/asp/jamshedpur/story_7604520.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

Software pill for health hubs

Jamshedpur: Jharkhand may not be India's silicon valley, but a pioneering information technology firm headquartered here and operating out of Ranchi is going places.

Alpine Techno, the Jamshedpur-based technology company has come up with a new mobile computing software to be used in hospitals.

Titled "Life Line", the software solution has been implemented in a hospital abroad and is in the process of being negotiated for major hospitals in India.

The product will help doctors have real time information about their patients on their palm tops, which can even be accessed through wireless internet.

Apart from the new software solution, the 10-year-old company has been providing services in various streams of software.

While a large portion of Indian software companies fall under services, industry bodies such as Nasscom has encouraged product portfolios so that India has a better edge in the global IT industry.

Life Line is Alpine Techno's brand developed completely by its own engineers. The company set up by N.A. Khan and A.A. Khan, who share their Jamshedpur background and a passion to make something successful in the state.

"We are both from the engineering background and wanted to build a successful business here. Though Jamshedpur is known for its manufacturing industries, we cashed in on the fact that no company can afford to do business without IT," says N.A. Khan, CEO.

Alpine Techno is the first call centre of Jharkhand and is situated at Software Technology Park of India in Ranchi. The 48-seater centre caters to mortgage companies of USA. Headquartered in Jamshedpur, the company has offices in Ranchi, Gurgaon and Noida. Plans to open another office in Bangalore is on the cards.

Currently the company has about 150 employees. "In three years' time we plan to be among the top 200 IT companies of India," said N.A. Khan. The clientele of the company include Tata Steel, Tata Motors and Nusantau Hospital, Indonesia which has the company's Life Line solution.

Both the Khans agree that the firm is still too small to be counted. But it is now the take-off stage for the duo and wait to hear more about them.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070403/asp/jamshedpur/story_7600051.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

IMA to discuss lifestyle diseases

Jamshedpur: Over 500 doctors from the districts will take part in the first annual conference of Indian Medical Association (IMA), Jharkhand, to be organised at the Shavak Nanavati Technical Institute (SNTI) in Bistupur on April 14 and 15.

The conference will mainly focus on recent developments in medicine and surgery and will also have special sessions on lifestyle diseases that have become a common problem with people living in urban areas. Emphasis would be laid on case studies.

Eminent experts on diabetes and hypertension management from Delhi, Calcutta and Madras are expected to share their experience with the delegates during a special session.

State health and medical education minister Bhanu Pratap Shahi will be the chief guest at the inaugural programme.

The general secretary of IMA, Jamshedpur, Mritunjay Singh, said post graduates pursuing education in the three medical colleges of the state would be invited to make presentations based on their findings.

Sources in the organising committee said in the two days members would also evolve a strategy to create pressure on the state government for appointment of permanent doctors against vacant posts.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070404/asp/jamshedpur/story_7604336.asp

 

 

 

 

 

Big brothers watch progress

Development of four major cities of Jharkhand already lying in limbo for over a year now, the ministry of urban development has proposed spruce-up plans for the smaller towns.

The ministry will invite expressions of interest (EoI) from parties experienced in urban development for 30 small and medium towns in the first phase.

Although the government has failed to get a detailed project report prepared for the major cities — Dhanbad, Bokaro, Ranch and Jamshedpur — in more than a year, this time it plans to get it done in three months from the date of appointment of consultants.

The towns include Seraikela, Kharsawan, Khuti, Chas, Bundu Deoghar, Godda, Hazaribagh, Chaibasa, Dumka, Madhupur, Garhwa, Latehar, Koderma and Chakulia. They would be developed on the guidelines of urban infrastructure development scheme for small and medium towns under Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission.

Officials in the department said since the process of preparation of a detailed project report of the major cities was taking a lot of time and were getting stuck due to anomalies of the consultants appointed by the government, it was decided to take up the work for development of small and medium towns.

The state had failed to prepare even a single detailed project report that could satisfy the Union government for allocation of funds in the past one year.

"The government's focus till now was on the major cities and we neglected the smaller towns, whose population had grown manifold over the last decade. When plans for major cities got stuck, we decided to shift focus to the small cities and work rationally," said an officer.

Chief engineer (technical cell) K.K. Singh said that according to the proposal, interested parties have to submit a detailed plan — both conceptual and investment — by April 20.

Selected consultants would be required to prepare a detailed project report within three months of their appointment.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070403/asp/jamshedpur/story_7600185.asp

 

 

 

 

Jharkhand government finalises site for new capital area

It was the dream project of the first chief Minister of the State.

But it took six years and the fifth chief minister's Cabinet to give it the official go ahead.

The much-awaited New Capital project - Nayee Ranchi - would now, finally, come up on the northwestern flank of the existing Capital between Patratu and Ratu road areas.

The government has approved the setting up of the New Capital project, on 2630 acres of land and also earmarked an amount of Rs 200 crore for the same.

"The New Capital would come up on the northwestern flank of Ranchi -- between Ratu Road and Patratu Road and north of Jumar River. An area of 2630 acres of government land has been identified for the purpose," Cabinet Secretary JB Tubid told media persons. An area of 132.97 acres of raiyyati land has also been earmarked for the New Capital township.

A committee, constituted under Chief Minister Madhu Koda to revive the new capital project, had submitted a proposal to this effect on March 12. The committee also had officials from the departments of Building Construction, Water Resources and Transport on board. The Government plans to start the project during the current financial year.

The officials have been tasked to do the landscaping, plan architecture, develop water supply and distribution, power generation and carry out digital mapping and geotechnical investigations. The State Government, however, also has the option to rope in global consultants for the process.

The New Capital project, a brainchild of Babulal Marandi, had been shelved by his successor Arjun Munda, who cancelled the work allotted to the ORG for preparing a detailed project report (DPR) for the then "Greater Ranchi" project, later renamed Nayee Ranchi project.

The Marandi government had invited a global tender for the preparation of DPR for the project, initially pegged at around Rs 900 crore.

Government sources said the old consultant and the initial project report would not be revived. "The work would be undertaken by entirely new teams," they said.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/StoryPage.aspx?id=ee81cdd5-63f9-4049-971f-387cb02c80b4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Of Roopchand and prostitutes' children

PATNA, April 5: What's in a name? Juliet said it first but now it's become the chorus of hundreds of sex-workers in the infamous Barda Red Light area in Bihar's Rohtas district.


Faced with the prospect of their children being thrown out of schools because they do not have fathers, the women got together and found a common "husband" to solve the problem. By appropriating "Roopchand", a fictitious character, as a collective father to the children, the youngsters could then be enrolled in government schools without a hitch.


This novel practice was uncovered during a state-wide enrolment drive by police to get children loitering on the streets admitted to schools under a policy of the new Democratic Alliance Bihar administration. Yesterday, the Rohtas police raided the Red Light areas yesterday looking for children that weren't in school, bringing around 30 of them to a local government school for admission. According to reports the school authorities were baffled as it began to emerge that all the children had the same father: Roopchand.


Mr Manoranjan Bharati, officer-in-charge at Moffasil police station, was dispatched to find out why all the children had the same father. An angry prostitute reportedly told him: "None of us know for sure the father of our children. They are basically the children of our customers driving heavy vehicles on the busy GT road. How could we all figure the names of their real fathers? You came only today looking for our children and we've taught them to give their father's name as Roopchand. That's all." The police went back to report to the school and asked the concerned authorities to fill in only the names of their children's mothers in the admission registers.


However, by that stage it was too late - according to the documents, the enigmatic Roopchand had already become the father of more than 20 children.

http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=2&theme=&usrsess=1&id=152188

 

 

 

 

 

 

Other Backward Classes simply the average Indian

Whether in terms of income or ownership of goods, the result is unambiguous
 
Data from the the National Council of Applied Economic Research's (NCAER) latest National Survey of Household Income and Expenditure (NSHIE) 2004-05 show that the Other Backward Classes (OBC) are very similar to the average Indian, both in terms of income and expenditure, as well as in ownership patterns of consumer goods like radios, television sets and two wheelers. Like the National Sample Survey 2004-05 findings, NSHIE 2004-05 also shows that OBCs are a little over 41 per cent of the population —the NSS, however, does not capture data on income levels or on ownership of durables like NSHIE does. 

WHO'S THE BACKWARD HERE?
Average Household Expenditure ( Rs per annum)
  SC ST OBC Others All
Q1 19,838 17,996 21,700 26,723 21,545
Q2 26,083 23,368 27,844 29,293 27,427
Q3 32,832 29,482 34,316 37,385 34,736
Q4 44,735 40,192 44,064 48,502 45,777
Q5 66,819 56,247 67,895 79,623 73,546
Average 32,208 27,236 38,288 50,731 40,607
Average Household Income (Rs per annum)
  SC ST OBC Others All
Q1 19,376 17,533 20,093 20,687 19,600
Q2 29,802 27,298 31,507 31,971 30,869
Q3 42,206 37,723 43,606 46,487 43,910
Q4 65,518 62,330 65,894 70,594 67,601
Q5 136,353 134,673 138,324 157,869 148,339
Average 44,641 39,218 57,384 81,731 62,066
Television (per cent of households owning this)
  SC ST OBC Others All
Q1 20.30 12.80 27.70 40.40 25.70
Q2 36.20 30.50 47.80 54.10 45.40
Q3 59.50 47.30 66.30 73.90 66.30
Q4 78.60 70.80 81.90 89.00 83.90
Q5 90.50 84.50 92.00 94.80 93.00
Average 47.50 35.80 62.50 77.30 62.90
Radio (per cent of households owning this)
  SC ST OBC Others All
Q1 42.30 43.60 45.80 47.90 45.00
Q2 47.10 58.50 49.80 49.50 50.00
Q3 45.50 49.10 50.50 50.00 49.40
Q4 54.00 51.30 53.50 50.60 52.30
Q5 50.70 60.10 54.00 48.70 51.20
Average 46.70 50.30 50.70 49.40 49.60
Q1 refers to bottom-most per capita income quintile while Q5 refers to top-most per capita income quintile
Source: NCAER
 
NSHIE shows that while the average annual income of Schedule Caste (SC) families in the country in 2004-05 was Rs 44,641, it was Rs 39,218 for Schedule Tribe (ST) families, Rs 57,384 for OBCs and Rs 81,731 for the rest which includes upper-caste Hindus — the average for all Indians was Rs 62,066. In terms of expenditures, the figures were Rs 32,208, Rs 27,236, Rs 38,288, Rs 50,731 and Rs 40,607 respectively (see table). That is, income and expenditure levels for OBCs are almost identical to the all-India averages for all castes/religious groups.
 
When you look at the data in terms of per capita income quintiles as well, the results are not too different. SC households in the bottom-most quintile had an annual income of Rs 19,376 in 2004-05, that for ST households was Rs 17,533 while that for OBC households was Rs 20,093 and the average was Rs 19,600 (that for upper-caste Hindus was Rs 20,687). In the top-most quintile, the SC, the ST and OBC families had remarkably similar income levels (Rs 134,000 to Rs 138,000) while the upper-caste Hindu was Rs 157,869 and the average for everyone was Rs 148,339.
 
In the case of televisions, while 20 per cent of SC families, and 13 per cent of ST families in the bottom-most quintiles owned a set, the figure was 28 per cent in the case of OBCs and 26 per cent for the country as a whole — for the upper-castes, the figure was 40 per cent. For the top-most quintile, the ownership levels are above 90 per cent for all groups except STs where the figure is a slightly lower 84.5 per cent.
 
For two-wheelers, a remarkable similarity in ownership patterns can also be seen for the creamy layer, or the top-most quintile. While 62 per cent of the SC creamy layer owned a two-wheeler in 2004-05, the figure was 72 per cent for OBCs, 74 per cent for upper-caste Hindus and 72 per cent for the country as a whole. In the case of cars, it was 12 per cent, 18 per cent, 23 per cent and 20 per cent respectively.
 
Of course what matters is not just the absolute numbers of consumption, income and ownership in each income quintile, but also the number of families in each quintile. Thus, a tad over 30 per cent of SC families and 40 per cent of ST families are to be found in the lowest income quintile. For upper caste Hindus, this proportion is under 11 per cent while for OBCs it is 19.5 per cent, that is, just a bit lower than the average of 20 per cent for the entire country.
 
Similarly, while just 9.6 per cent of SC families are in the top income quintile (9.4 per cent for STs), the figure is 17.2 per cent for OBCs — that is, in this case as well, the distribution is very close to the average for the country. In the case of upper-caste Hindus, 31 per cent of all households fall in the top-most per capita income quintile.
 
The NSHIE Survey procedures were decided after reviewing the experience in 36 countries, including major national surveys such as the NSS. The multi-stage stratified sampling had a listed sample of 440,000 households spread over 1,976 villages, 250 districts and 24 states/UTs. From this, 63,000 households were chosen for a detailed questionnaire. According to RK Shukla, NCAER's senior fellow who was in charge of the survey, its results were validated against the census, national accounts and even the NSS. While the NSS 2004-05 gives an annual monthly per capita expenditure (MPCE) of Rs 725, NSHIE's figure is Rs 678. Within this, the NSS says the MPCE for Hindus is Rs 717—NSHIE says it is Rs 674. Figures for different groups like the SC/STs and OBCs are also remarkably similar.
 
These are just preliminary findings of the survey, and only a detailed analyses will provide information at the level of individual states, top cities and for high income groups. A more detailed analyses will also provide valuable cross-tabulations of incomes and occupations and the differences across regions and perhaps states. With the Supreme Court now asking for more data on the number of OBCs in the country, and others such as the Youth for Equality arguing that OBCs are not really backward in the sense that SCs and STs are, the results of a more detailed analyses will make the debate a lot more lively in the months to come.

http://www.business-standard.com/economy/storypage.php?leftnm=lmnu2&subLeft=3&autono=279973&tab=r

 

 

 

 

 

 

Protest against Haripur nuclear plant in West Bengal

To reach Hairpur, a remote fishing village along the West Bengal coast, one has to get off the main road and walk 2.5 km over a broad mud dyke. Access to this path is blocked by a log barrier. Outsiders are not welcome.

Haripur villagers have been protesting since last September against a 10,000-mw nuclear power plant on their land. In November, they and people from neighbouring villages turned up in thousands on two consecutive days to block a 12-member site-selection panel from the department of atomic energy.

If the project comes through it will displace at least 25,000 farmers, fishermen and their families. The villagers aren't giving in. "If the project materialises we will have nowhere to live, nothing to eat, and the fish in the sea will die," says Sandhya Dalal, who lives in a one-room shack by the sea with her fisherman husband and two little sons."Surely when such decisions are made, the government should first ask us if we want such a project near our homes."
Little logic Coastal east Midnapur earns about Rs 360 crore in revenue from fish exports: that's 60 per cent of the state's export earnings from fishing. It also boasts a rich agricultural economy. The fertile, multicropped land yields paddy, pulses, vegetables, paan (betel) leaves, chillies and several fruits. Income from this land is high. Even, small farmers like the Manna brothers—Biren, Bidhan and Bikas—earn around Rs 2.5 lakh a year growing tomatoes and brinjals on their half-acre ( 0.2 hectare) plot of land.

A nuclear plant, requiring millions of tonnes of fresh water to cool its reactors, will deplete the water table and destroy this agrarian economy, say anti-nuclear activists. And hot water from the reactors released into the sea will affect marine life in the Bay of Bengal.

Also, the location of Haripur—along a cyclone-prone coast—makes setting up a nuclear plant here dangerous, activists say. If tidal waters enter a reactor, which nearly happened in Kalpakam during the 2004 tsunami, it could poison large tracts of land. Given the Indian nuclear establishment's penchant for secrecy, however, not much is known about the proposed project. It will reportedly have six nuclear reactors each of 1,650- mw capacity, three times the size of the country's largest reactor as of now, 540 mw. It will be one of the five new nuclear power projects that the centre intends to set up in coastal areas (see box: Unsafe and unclean).

Considering all these factors, why Haripur? asks Suvendu Adhikari, local Trinamul mla. "When I asked (chief minister) Buddhababu, why Haripur, he told me 'not too many people live there'." According to census figures, the population density in a 5.6 km ring around Haripur is 890 per sq km.
No cakewalk That's a lot of people and they are mobilising. With the help of local farmers' and fishermen's bodies, people have launched the Haripur Vidyut Prakalpa Pratirodh Andolan. The mood is both defiant and dejected. "People are willing to put up an all-out resistance, but seeing what's happened in Singur, they wonder how far they can stand up against state power," says Harekrishna Debnath of the National Fishworkers Forum, part of an anti-nuclear alliance.

At the other end, the state government has roped in Jadavpur University to conduct seminars on the benefits of nuclear power; and the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd, which will run the plant, will take 30 Haripur residents on a tour to a nuclear plant site.

Unsafe and unclean

The centre's decision to set up five new nuclear power projects has caused concern among anti-nuclear activists. They say these projects will feed India's weapons programme. "India's nuclear programme has always been used as a cover for its weapons programme," says Suren Gadekar, an anti-nuclear activist.

Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd runs 16 plants capable of producing 3,900 MW of power. Seven more with a combined capacity of 3,000 MW are nearly over.

Plants operate at less than 50 per cent capacity. The department of atomic energy (DAE) has "a history of failure" when it comes to generating power, says Sukla Sen of the Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace, an anti-nuclear network. "Even if DAE meets its projections of 20,000 MW by 2020, it will only be 8-10 per cent of installed capacity."

Also, say watchdog groups, India's safety record is poor. About 300 accidents have occurred, leading to radiation leaks and deaths.

http://www.downtoearth.org.in/full6.asp?foldername=20070415&filename=news&sec_id=50&sid=27

 

 

 

 

 

 

SEZs here to stay, but no forcible land acquisition

The Indian government Thursday said special economic zones (SEZs) that have evoked violent protests in several parts of the country, particularly from farmers, are here to stay but limited their size to a maximum of 5,000 hectares.

It also put an end to the compulsory land acquisition by state governments in the wake of recent spates of violence in the states of West Bengal, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra.

An Empowered Group of Ministers (EGOM) of the government, which met to clear the pending SEZ proposals, also said that SEZs would be treated like public utility.

This means that the states need not intervene to acquire land and leave the decision to sell agricultural land for SEZ to the discretion of the farmers and owners of the land.

These recommendations, once adopted and implemented, could put to rest the controversy surrounding the recent acquisition of agricultural land by several state governments, that tends to threaten the livelihood of farmers and farmhands.

However, this limitation to size is expected to hamper the business plans of some of the big companies like Reliance Industries that proposes to set up SEZs of 10,000 hectares in Maharashtra and Haryana.

"The decision will be applicable to all SEZs including those which have already been notified," Minister of Commerce and Industry Kamal Nath told reporters after the meeting.

The smaller size of the SEZ is something UPA government's Left supporters like the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) have been asking for.

The government, however, said nothing on the recommendations made by rural development ministry to drastically amend the land acquisition policy formulated by the previous NDA government to make the farmers as partners in the development.

However, according to Kamal Nath, one member from every displaced family would be given a job in the project, adding that a relief and rehabilitation policy in this regard would be finalised soon.

The meeting of the EGoM follows a clearance from the Congress party last week on SEZs, which were facing uncertainty after violent protests over land acquisition at Nandigram in West Bengal and uproar in other states.

The government has so far received a total of 234 SEZ proposals with formal approvals, of which 63 have been notified and 83 were cleared Thursday for notification.

The SEZ Act, which was passed by parliament in May 2005, has so far attracted investment of Rs.134.35 billion and offered employment to 18,457 persons.

India Inc raises toast to SEZ clearance

Leaders of the Indian industry welcomed the government's move Thursday to lift a freeze on approving new special economic zones (SEZ) and clear 83 pending proposals.

The Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) said in a statement that it "supports the concept of SEZs and hopes that the decision to put an end to compulsory land acquisition by state governments and limiting the size of SEZs will end the ambiguity about the future of SEZs".

"The state industrial development corporations may now use land already earmarked for industrial purposes for creation of these SEZs," it added.

Underlining that SEZs are here to stay, The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) said "SEZs have an important role in today's competitive environment."

It also said the decision taken by the government Thursday will clear all the ambiguities regarding SEZs.

The Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry (ASSOCHAM) lauded the government's decision to restrict the size of the SEZs to 5,000 hectares, as it would help in settling recent controversies regarding land acquisition SEZs.

"The clearance of the proposals to set up SEZs with a limit on multi-product zones at 5,000 hectares and the discretion to the states to lower the size below this limit will give flexibility," said FICCI.

http://mangalorean.com/news.php?newstype=local&newsid=41723

 

 

 

 

 

 

Orissa man leads a green revolution

Cuttack: Every summer, the Orissa government takes several measures to combat the heat wave in the state.

Most of them are short term, but a farmer from Cuttack district in Orissa has been waging a battle for the past seven years to tackle the problem.

Forty-six-year-old Pravat Mahapatra, along with his family, have been planting trees for the past seven years to beat the heat. The farmer says that his crusade began after a devastating cyclone in 1999 uprooted all the trees in the village.

"After the cyclone we could not bear the heat. When we tilled our farm there were no trees nearby under which we could take shelter. It's then that I felt the importance of trees and forest in our environment," he says.

It was then that Pravat decided to plant trees in the 72 acre barren government land near his village. Pravat's 13-year-old daughter, a class eighth student, helps him collect seeds required for plantation from farmers in the area.

When there is a world wide debate over global warming there are very few people who actually do something in protecting the environment. The green man, as he is commonly called, and his family have planted more than 20,000 trees over 30 acres of land so far.

With parts of the state already reeling under temperatures crossing 43 degree celcius, the Orissa government has been forced to order closure of schools in the state after 1030 hrs (IST) in the morning.

"During summer, our school is closed early but no one teaches us how to fight heat through plantation. It's from my father that I learnt how important it is to plant trees," says Pravat's daughter Bharati Mahapatra.

It's a mission that has the villagers' encouragement, but for this green warrior, the real reward will be more people joining him in his crusade.

http://www.ibnlive.com/news/orissa-man-leads-a-green-revolution/37807-3.html

 

 

 

 

 

 

Efforts underway to fight alcoholism among tribals

Jhabua (Madhya Pradesh): Chendu, a tribal from Alirajpur in Jhabua district, beat his wife to death. Reason? She asked him to stop drinking. In the same block, another young man killed his brother with an arrow when the latter tried to extract toddy from the palm trees owned by him.

Often the reasons for murders or fatal assaults here are as mundane as someone's hen entering the neighbour's territory or someone's refusal to lend a 'bidi' (leaf rolled cigarette) to a friend. In all these crimes, either the killer or the victim or both are high on alcohol, reports Grassroots Features.

Alcoholism is taking a heavy toll on the socio-economic life of the tribal population. According to an official from the department of tribal development, the age-old problem of excessive drinking in tribal areas is affecting the new generation too.

'One can see teenagers brewing 'arrack' (local brew) in front of their houses. There is lack of conscious effort from the community to prevent youngsters from becoming hard-core addicts,' he said.

This reflects on the literacy rate and high dropout percentage in the district, the highest in the state.

'The attendance in schools also comes down especially during October to March when toddy tapping starts in certain regions of the district. Several students show up for classes drunk while others sneak off for a nip or two of toddy from the nearby palm groves,' said Sanjay Solanki, a teacher.

Efforts are underway to counter alcoholism among tribals, though the progress is not very encouraging. Since alcoholism is also associated with starvation and unemployment, the district administration tried an innovative method to make use of toddy to generate gainful employment.

The project started in November 2004 in Bhavari village in Alirajpur. 'We gave training to one Bhim Singh and his family, who owned 10 toddy palms, to make palm gur (sugar) out of toddy,' said Rajkumar Pathak, the district collector of Jhabua.

The logic of the administration was - a family with 10 toddy palms involved in making gur can earn up to Rs.16,000 a season, while through sale of toddy it can earn only less than half that amount.

The officials in the district administration thought that since gur making was more profitable, more and more tribals would change over from the toddy business. 'This would not only improve their financial situation but also reduce the number of crimes in the area,' said Pathak.

However, this did not happen. Although Bhim Singh is very happy with his newfound enterprise, there are not many takers for it among his community.

The district administration has managed to convince only three more families to pursue gur-making. One reason for the failure of this project was the tribals' love for toddy. 'No one wants to leave toddy,' said Shankar of Khedut.

But many people feel that if effective marketing strategies were in place the new enterprise could have done better. In states like Orissa and Karnataka, it is catching up well.

Despite the setback in the gur-making project, the district administration has not lost hope. It is encouraging tribals to sell fresh, unfermented toddy for making 'neera', a health drink. Unfermented toddy is very sweet and healthy. But fermented toddy contains 50-60 percent alcohol, making it a highly intoxicating beverage.

'We are working on this project. Our effort is to encourage more and more people to sell toddy for making neera so that there is a shortage of toddy for making alcohol,' said Pathak. The administration has approached the Khadi and Village Industries Commission (KVIC) for processing and marketing neera.

Sources in KVIC say that it is working on the proposal. With suitable technological intervention as prescribed by the Pune-based National Chemical Laboratory, neera's shelf life can be enhanced to six months.

'Neera contains a number of minerals and salts; acids like ascorbic acid, nicotinic acid and riboflavin; proteins and vitamin C. It has less calorific value, apart from being sweet and delicious. It can give mineral water a run for its money,' said A.K. Sharan of KVIC.

According to Sharan, neera can enhance the income of a farmer. One palm tree yields four litres of toddy a day. So if a farmer has 100 trees it would become 400 litres. The same could be sold at the rate of Rs.10 a litre, amounting to Rs.600,000 for the season lasting five months.

Although it makes a lot of economic sense, weaning away the tribals from the toddy business is an onerous task. 'It all depends on the commitment on the part of the administration. If the government really wants to counter alcoholism then it should stop promoting foreign liquor also,' said Shankar.

Alcoholism is linked to high incidences of crime in the district. According to the state crime records bureau, in 2005 there were 124 murders in the district -- the highest among all districts in the state.

'In more than 50 percent cases, alcohol was a factor,' said Avinash Sharma, the assistant superintendent of police, Jhabua. 'Tribals are very simple people. But once they consume alcohol they get violent even on trivial issues and use fatal weapons against each other.'

The crime rates are very high in certain blocks, especially Alirajpur and Jobat. Toddy palms are found in abundance in these blocks.

A survey by the Adivasi Sewa Shikshan Samiti in 2004 revealed that 10 percent of the tribal population in the district could be termed 'heavy drinkers'. About 80 percent of the addicts in the district are below poverty line.

'An average tribal family spends between 60-70 percent of its income on alcohol. It was found that if a person is a 'desi' (local) liquor addict, he spends a minimum of Rs.400 a month on it. But for a person addicted to foreign liquor, his bills touch up to Rs.3,000-3,500 a month,' said Benedict Damor, secretary of the samiti. Even poor families spend huge amounts - to the tune of Rs.25,000-30,000 on alcohol alone during marriages.

The alcohol industry is the only flourishing business in this district. In 2007, the contract for the sale of liquor in Jhabua district was auctioned at Rs.100 million.

For Jhabua, where 47 percent of the population is below the poverty line and 85 percent is tribal, this is a huge sum. The officials in the excise department say the turnover from the sale would be anywhere between three to four times this amount. Besides, toddy and desi liquor (almost like a cottage industry) are available freely and cheaply.

However, Benedict Damor, who campaigned extensively against alcoholism, feels that prohibition is not a solution to this problem.

'Alcohol is an integral part of tribal culture. But consuming alcohol as part of rituals or festivities is different from alcoholism. Alcoholism is linked to illiteracy, impoverishment and many other factors. But there should be a concerted effort from within the community to do away with such evils and to return to our roots,' he said.

http://news.monstersandcritics.com/india/features/article_1286324.php/Efforts_underway_to_fight_alcoholism_among_tribals

 

 

 

 

 

Chhattisgarh is new hot-spot for investors: Report

RAIPUR: Chhattisgarh got the highest investment in the industrial sector last year followed by Karnataka, Orissa and Gujarat, says the Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion's (DIPP) latest report.

Edging out traditional investor friendly states like Gujarat, mineral rich Chhattisgarh got proposals and investments of Rs.1.07 trillion between January 2006 and December 2006. It was the highest investment in a single state in the country, an official state government statement claimed on Thursday.

According to the report, Karnataka stood second with an overall figure of Rs.718 billion, followed by Orissa with Rs.694 billion. Gujarat was at fourth place with Rs.661 billion and Andhra Pradesh ranked fifth with Rs 434 billion.

"Chhattisgarh is witnessing a silent industrial revolution. The majority of investments are going to poverty hit areas such as Bastar and Surguja to take the benefits of the revolution to rural masses and village people," Chief Minister Raman Singh said.

Chhattisgarh has nearly 20 percent of India's iron ore deposits and about 18 percent of the country's coal reserves. But more than 45 percent of its 20.8 million people live below the poverty line.

The Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion, which works under the union commerce industry, was established in 1995 and reconstituted in 2000 with the merger of the Department of Industrial Development.

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1089209

 

 

 

 
 

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#125 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Wed Apr 4, 2007 10:33 pm
Subject: Wednesday, April 4, 2007
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   Wednesday, April 4, 2007     




 
 
 

 
 
 
 

Jharkhand woman develops mosquito repellent with lemon grass!

Nagri (Jharkhand) April 4: A septuagenarian woman in Jharkhand has developed a unique lemon-grass-based mosquito repellent to keep mosquitoes at bay.

Neelika Lal took to gardening after her husband's death, and in the process developed repellent by cultivating lemon grass.

She now wants villagers to take up such cultivation with the larger objective of commercialising the indigenously made repellent.

"The villages are in a pathetic condition due to lack of measures to clear off stagnant water, which proves a breeding ground for mosquitoes. If the repellent is burned in all villages, it would help to ward off mosquitoes and curb malaria," claimed Neelika Lal.

After trying her hands at different things, Neelika took to lemon grass cultivation to keep herself busy and set up an oil extraction unit at her place in Nagri, a small hamlet near Ranchi, the State capital.

The strong and distinctive smell of lemon grass prompted her to use it to keep mosquitoes at bay.

During initial trials, Neelika tried burning the whole grass and found the results satisfactory. Thereafter, she went on to prepare repellent cakes out of it.

She claims that if it is properly used and marketed, the repellent can be effective in curbing mosquitoes in Jharkhand, where malaria is endemic and claims hundreds of lives every year.Neelika is, presently, distributing these repellent cakes free of cost to villagers to popularise and develop a wide scale acceptance.

Lemon grass is a main ingredient in Thai and Caribbean cuisine, but here it is mixed with rice husk and cow dung to make the mosquito repellent.

"Lemon grass is mixed with cow dung and rice husk and made into small roundels. It is then dried in the sun. After the cakes are dry, we burn them to keep off mosquitoes," said Savita, a villager who helps Neelika in making the mosquito repellents.

Apart from using lemon grass for mosquito repellent, Neelika is also making pain-relieving balm from it by mixing it with vaseline and coconut oil, which she claims, is also very effective.

In 2006, India reported around 1.04 million malaria cases and 890 deaths from the disease.

http://www.dailyindia.com/show/130796.php/70-year-old-Jharkhand-woman-develops-mosquito-repellent-with-lemon-grass

 

 

 

 

 

 

BCCL, SAIL to join hands for mining project

Bharat Coking Coal Limited (BCCL) will soon launch a joint venture with Steel Authority of India Limited (SAIL) for underground mining at Moonidih mines in Jharkhand.

'We have already identified a patch at Moonidih XV seam and decided to go for a Rs.5 billion joint venture project of which SAIL will invest Rs.3 billion. The project will shortly be signed between BBCL and SAIL,' said BCCL chairman and managing director A.K. Paul here Wednesday.

He said BCCL will guarantee equipment and production and SAIL will chip in with money.

BCCL is a subsidiary unit of Coal India Limited (CIL). The company operates 70 mines - 68 in the Jharia Coalfield and two in the Ranigunj Coalfield.

It has 36 underground, 12 open cast and 22 mixed mines. Besides these, BCCL operates several coking and non-coking coal washeries and various other units.

To achieve a turnaround, BCCL is gearing up to augment one million tonnes of coking production annually to generate Rs.3 billion profit.

'To meet the Board for Industrial and Financial Reconstruction (BIFR) target, we are trying to achieve 25 mt of production in 2007-08 and also trying to achieve Rs.5.26 billion profit, including the backlogs which we could not fulfil in last two years, in the current financial year,' said Paul, adding the company has several other projects like modernisation and upgradation of washeries in the pipeline.

'In next five years we are going to invest Rs.13.5 billion for undergoing development and upgradation works in all BCCL coking coal mines,' Paul added.

http://www.indiaprwire.com/businessnews/20070405/21821.htm

 

 

 

 

 

 

Silk trade to get a boost

Ranchi, April 3: Jharkhand could regain its lost glory in silk production if plans undertaken by Central Silk Board (CSB) and state industry department materialise in the next 10 years.

A Rs 151 crore "perspective plan for sericulture development in Jharkhand" is being incepted from this year through a joint venture of CSB, state industry department and beneficiaries (farmers).

"We are targeting an annual raw silk production of 350 metric tonnes (MT) in six years from the existing 100 MT. The first instalment of Rs 12.67 crore has been requisitioned from CSB, a unit under the Union ministry of textiles," said joint director (sericulture) of state industry department B.C. Prasad.

The state (under unified Bihar) used to register an annual production of about 450 MT of raw silk during the 80's. West Singhbhum, Seraikela-Kharsawan (famous for Kuchai silk) and Santhal Pargana region serve as hotbeds for cultivators who are largely dependent on sale of raw silk (in cocoon form) to the middlemen at meagre prices. The state produces tasar, mulberry and eri silk.

Through the ambitious project, the government plans to undertake infrastructure development, plantation activities, training and value addition of raw silk projects from 2007-08 fiscal.

According to the agreement, the state would have to contribute 50 per cent whereas CSB is supposed to shell out over 22 per cent.

The remaining 27 per cent would be the beneficiaries' share.

Recently, the state government has taken some bold initiatives to provide a good platform to farmers as far as value addition to the product is concerned.

Ranchi-based Central Tasar Research and Training Institute would play a pivotal role in the project while extending services of training, research and development and technology transfer to farmers, said institute's director Suryanarayana.

"We have also requested RU to extend affiliation for a 15-month postgraduate diploma in sericulture. Plans are also on to rope in about 60 scientists of our institute, who would act as supervisors to Ph.D work in this sector," said Suryanarayana.

RU vice-chancellor A.A. Khan, who visited CTR and TI on March 28, said the university is keen to extend affiliation provided the syndicate clears the proposals.

Sericulture is being done in the plant species like arjuna, saal, asan and mulberry trees. The state's focus would be on non-mulberry production of silk.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070404/asp/jamshedpur/story_7604522.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

IFAD farm projects likely to be rolled out

 

 

New Delhi, Apr 1   Three projects of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) may be implemented in the country, this year, if the government sets up necessary infrastructure for its implementation.

 

Tejaswini rural women's empowerment project for select districts in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, approved by IFAD in December 2005, is in pipeline for implementation. IFAD has assured to extend a loan of $ 39.5 million for implementation of this project which involves a total investment of $ 208.7 million. This 8-year project intends to strengthen women's self-help groups (SHGs) by fostering links with banks and micro-finance institutions, improving livelihood opportunities by developing skills and fostering market linkages.

 

IFAD has also approved a similar project in December 2006 for empowering women in the mid-Gangetic plains (4 districts in UP and 2 districts in Bihar). This 8-year project entails an investment of $ 52.5 million against which IFAD has agreed to extend a loan of $ 30.2 million.

 

Another project for developing post-Tsunami sustainable livelihood opportunities in coastal Tamil Nadu was approved by IFAD in April 2005. This project entails an investment of $ 68.8 million and IFAD has agreed to extend a loan of $ 30 million. "We have been assisting projects in India since 1979 and have so far approved loans amounting to $ 564.4 million for 21 projects. Every year we approve to support one new project in India by extending loan within the range of $ 35 million. Our loan component may be small compared to the total investment but we arrange co-financing from different global agencies for the project," IFAD president, Lennart Bage told FE. IFAD also provides a small amount of grant for projects. Last year it gave a grant of $ one million to the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) and this year it has supported Uttaranchal Grameen Vikas Samiti with a grant of $ one million for innovation for reducing drudgery in women.

 

Bage further said that agreements for the projects are signed with the Union government which decides whether it should be implemented as a central government project or as a state government project by creating necessary infrastructure. Grants are mainly for research and innovations.

 

Thirteen IFAD-assisted projects have been completed so far which includes livelihood security project for earthquake-affected rural households in Gujarat, Mewat area development project, two Andhra Pradesh participatory tribal development projects, rural women's empowerment in select districts in Bihar, Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, Maharahstra rural credit project, Orissa tribal development project, Uttar Pradesh public tubewell project, Madhya Pradesh medium irrigation project, Sunderban development project, Rajasthan command area development project and Bhima command area development project.

 

"Our evaluations show that these completed projects benefited thousands of rural households. Basing on our past experiences we are eager to assist more projects in India," said Bage. There still 5 on-going projects in different parts of the country like livelihood improvement projects in the Himalayas and in the Orissa tribal belt, national micro-finance support programme being implemented by SIDBI,

 

Jharkhand-Chhattisgarh tribal development programme and northeastern region community resource management project for upland areas.

 

Bage outlined IFAD's India strategy for 2005-09 which includes providing access to micro-finance which he says has been very effective in women's self-help groups. Other aspects of IFAD's policy are to improve livelihood opportunities for communities in semi-arid tropicial regions with better water management and new farm technologies, introducing development activities in the densely populated and impoverished mid-gangetic plains, improving productivity for coastal fishing communities through sustainable means, developing partnerships with NGOs and corporate sector to re-inforce community-based approach and promoting policy change through project activities.

 

Bage said with Indian economy growing at a fast rate, the farmers need to link up with the markets for ensuring better living conditions. He also suggested that farmers should come together a set up processing units so that they can directly stand to benefit from the sales of their value-added products. Micro-finance institutions should attract deposits from the local people to encourage savings and their own viability.

  

 

http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159772

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

NHRC serves notice to Bihar Chief Secretary on bonded labour

 

 

New Delhi, Apr 4: The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) on Wednesday sent a notice to the Chief Secretary of Bihar, Ashok kumar Choudhary, over media reports which said that one farm worker had been repaying 40 kgs of rice with 27 years of bonded labour in a village about 60 km from Patna.

 

Observing that it raises serious issue of violation of human rights of the bonded labourers, the Commission has given two weeks time for reply from Choudhary.

According to media reports at least couple of farm workers at Paipura Barki village in Bihar have not been able to throw off bondage even though they have worked for nearly three decades for their "masters".

The report said that one Jawahar Manjhi, now 45-year-old, had taken rice as loan from the local moneylender for a wedding 27 years back, when he was a teenager. At that time, it was decided that Manjhi would work in the lender's field and repay with his labour. He would be given one kg of rice, which is one-third of the normal payment of three kgs for a day's work.

Since then, he has been working six days a week, eight hours a day but the loan remains to be repaid. However, he does not know how much he has repaid and how much he owes to the lender.

Manjhi cannot get away and his wife fears that her sons would also become bonded labourers as there is no money in the house.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Stanford University to hold mirror conference in Bihar

A leading American university is keen to help Bihar with its expertise, beginning with a 'Mirror Conference' Thursday where experts will suggest ways for development of the state.

Stanford University, one of the world's leading research and teaching institutions, was invited by the state government to hold the two-day conference here.

'The conference will prove immensely beneficial for the process of development in Bihar,' said N.K. Singh, state planning board vice-chairman.

Experts from around the world will attend the conference and come up with suggestions for the much-needed development of the state.

Singh, a former member of the Planning Commission of India, said the conference would also serve as a prelude to the eighth annual conference of Indian Economic Reforms at Stanford in June 2007.

Stanford Centre for International Development has been fostering a policy dialogue with the Indian government over the years and four years ago it started mirror conferences to involve the state governments in pursuance of new generation policy reforms.

'The conference will discuss issues like employment, poverty and public-private partnership, lessons from Chinese economic growth and challenges to the federal model of growth in the context of Bihar,' Singh said.

Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar will inaugurate the conference.

Leading experts like T.N. Srinivasan, Nicholas Hope, Anjini Kochar, Ward Hanson and Jessica Wallack will present papers on Bihar's economic strategy.

Standford University has held similar state level dialogues in West Bengal, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Punjab and Kerala.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Bihar school shut after Naxal threat
 

Aurangabad/Patna: The children at Amba in Bihar's Aurangabad district play on. They are oblivious of the fact that their chance of getting a formal education is in jeopardy.

Their school has been closed for two months, after Naxals threatened to blow it up, if school authorities did not pay a levy.

Their classrooms have been locked and their teachers are nowhere in sight.

"We haven't had teachers for a month. We usually come to school for a few hours, play and go home," says a student, Gulshan.

School authorities initially tried to negotiate with the Naxals, so that the functioning of the school wouldn't be affected, but talks fell through, and the school had to close down.

"The Maoists have demanded five per cent levy through a letter," says principal, Govt School, Amba, Vishwanath Singh.

Two other schools in the area are facing a similar fate, depriving over 1000 children of their right to a formal education.

However, the district administration claims there is nothing to fear.

"We are looking into the absence of teachers. There is nothing to worry about," says DM, Aurangabad, Birendra Bahadur Pandey.

The Naxals in Bihar are fighting a war of supremacy with the government. But the victims in this battle are the children whose future is being affected.


http://www.ibnlive.com/news/bihar-school-shut-after-naxal-threat/37702-3.html
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Bengal leads hunger list, poor land-man ratio blamed

 

Kolkata, Apr 3  West Bengal tops the hunger list of India, with at least 71.6 lakh suffering from food shortage and over 8.8 lakh of these not getting two square meals a day, all through the year.

 

According to the latest report of National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO), at least 10.6% of the rural population and 0.7% of the urban population in West Bengal do not get adequate food in some months of the year.

 

For the NSSO, 'getting enough food every day', means that the person concerned gets, by and large, sufficient food to eat. According to the 2001 census, the state had a total population of over 802 lakh, with 577 lakh in rural areas and 225 lakh in urban areas.

 

Economists say the poor land-man ratio in the state has caused pseudo-employment or disguised employment in the rural sector pushing up the poverty level.

 

The only way out, they say, is a higher level of industrialisation, which will ease the pressure on land. Industrialisation would also reduce urban poverty and migration to urban centres.

 

Abhirup Sarkar, professor at the Indian Statistical Institute, said, "though the land-productivity of the state is at the third position (after Punjab and Haryana), man-land ratio in Bengal is three times the all India average."

 

Among the states, West Bengal reported the highest percentage (9.1%) of households that did not get sufficient food for 1-3 months. Assam had about 3.6% households who reported half-fed through out the year.

 

Assam reported the highest percentage of households ( 3.6%) 'not getting enough food every day in all months of the year' followed by Orissa and West Bengal ( 1.3%). In the urban area the highest percentage was reported by Assam (2.1%), followed by Bihar (1.1%).

 

Sarkar said the increasing pressure on land, especially caused by post-Independence migration, is not commensurate with its productivity.

 

Of the population suffering from food shortage, agricultural (1.8%) and other labour (3.7%) at the rural sector account for the major portion.

 

Surprisingly, at least 29.9% of the 'Antyodaya' and 20.3% of those who hold below-poverty-line (BPL) cards have reported food shortage during the survey.

 

Dipankar Dasgupta, noted economist, who does not feel there is much of food shortage in West Bengal, said, creation of jobs would help in reducing pressure on land and cutting down the level of poverty thereby.

 

For the NSSO report 512, 61 st round, the survey year was 2004-05.

 

   

  http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=160023

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Orissa orders morning classes for schools

 

BHUBANESWAR: Anticipating a "scorching" summer ahead, the Orissa government on Tuesday asked all district collectors to ensure that schools and colleges remained open only during the morning hours.

"We have asked all the collectors to initiate strong actions against the principals and headmasters who disobey the government order in this regard," said Revenue Minister Manmohan Samal, adding the government has been warned of a severe heat wave this summer.

He also said that the government has been contemplating to provide free-of-cost umbrellas and water bottles to each school student in the state.

Similarly, the government has also set time frame for engaging labourers in private and government jobs.

"The employer can engage any worker from six in the morning to 11 am and 3.30 pm till 6 pm," an official release said, adding enough water should be kept where workers undertake jobs.

The government also directed for no power-cuts during the peak summers.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 

Indian corporate responsibility – Asian giant on an ethical crash course

 

Only a few forward-looking companies have so far flown the corporate responsibility flag in India. But the rest will soon have to follow

 

Last year was a landmark year for Indian business. It began with the "India Everywhere" campaign at the World Economic Forum, where Indian business magnates, bureaucrats and economic pundits thronged the Davos platform. They pushed Indian investment in a big way. The rest of the year was spent putting their words into action.

 

Corporate takeovers by Indian multinationals reached new heights in 2006. The economy grew at 8.5% and is poised to overtake the UK, France and Italy within a decade, according to Goldman Sachs. By 2050, it will be second only to China. The high-profile Tata acquisition of Anglo-Dutch steel giant Corus appears to be only a sign of things to come.

 

Corporate responsibility has traditionally been the domain of a few enlightened companies in India. "The corporate brethren tend to leave it to the usual token CSR icons – Tata and Infosys – to provide stirring stories of social heroism, rather than come out with a compelling new story of corporate excellence," says Malini Mehra, director and founder of the Centre for Social Markets, an Indian non-governmental organisation.

 

The notion of corporate responsibility in India has traditionally been tied up with philanthropy and community development.

 

Advertisement"Philanthropy has been important in India since the middle of the 19th century, largely due to a strong heritage of community influence and paternalism among traders-turned-entrepreneurs," say authors Atul Sood and Bimal Arora in "Political Economy of Corporate Responsibility in India", a 2006 paper for the UN Research Institute for Social Development.

 

Philanthropy has now taken the form of foundations within companies that follow the Gandhian ideology of "giving back to society". Such giving is the sole manifestation of corporate responsibility for many firms.

 

Modes of thinking

 

Shefali Chaturvedi, head of the Social Development Initiative at the Confederation of Indian Industry, says there are three kinds of Indian companies when it comes to corporate responsibility: big Indian multinational corporations that have proper corporate responsibility mechanisms in place; large national companies that appreciate the value of corporate responsibility but have no inherent structures to show for it; and, the many small and medium-sized enterprises that are doing only piecemeal work at best.

 

"Most companies do not take society and the environment into consideration when planning their business activities; [they do this] only at the time of implementation, and sometimes they pay a huge price for it," says Dinesh Agrawal, general manager of corporate social responsibility at the state-owned National Thermal Power Corporation.

 

Vishakha Das, CSR manager at IT services company WeP Peripherals, adds: "There are two CR myths with regard to smaller companies [in India] – they think it's something for bigger companies with huge profits and they think it's mainly a philanthropic exercise."

 

There are forward-thinking chief executives and companies that have made corporate responsibility a solid pillar of the way they do business. But the greater number of Indian companies has failed to internalise corporate responsibility.

 

A lax regulatory environment and the absence of a joined-up civil society movement have not helped.

 

Foreign firms

 

While a community-friendly ethos has existed in India for a long time, large foreign companies have historically been responsible for bringing business ethics talk to India, under pressure from NGOs, consumers and investor groups back home.

 

But foreign companies are in fact often accused of operating to lower ethical standards in India than they do elsewhere, amid a lenient compliance and enforcement regime.

 

Take clinical trials, many of which are conducted in India by foreign pharmaceutical companies such as Novartis, Novo Nordisk, Pfizer and GlaxoSmithKline. A huge patient population, speciality hospitals with modern facilities, 221 medical colleges and research costs about two thirds lower than those in the US make India an attractive destination for trials.

 

Clinical trials in India, however, have been mired in controversies over unethical recruitment of patients, exaggeration of results and the underplaying of risks associated with drugs being tested. A major BBC World Service investigation last year found global pharmaceutical companies doing little to improve such perceptions, while Indian hospital ethics committees and the national legal framework have proved ineffective in tightening procedures.

 

General Electric, for example, has been accused of not controlling the use of its ultrasound equipment in pre-natal sex determination across parts of India, which is allegedly contributing to cases of female foeticide, a serious problem in the country. Cheap credit offered by GE Capital to buyers has increased sales of the ultrasound machines in the north-west of India , alleges Sabu George, consultant with the Delhi-based Business and Community Foundation.

 

GE told Ethical Corporation it was committed to preventing the misuse of its technology and fully informed customers on the issues through terms and conditions of sale, product manuals and labelling on equipment. It says a customer must have a Pre-Natal Diagnostics Techniques certificate to buy GE's ultrasound machine.

 

The multinational leaders

 

Other sectors have also been under close scrutiny in India. Big brands in the clothing sector, for instance, have been working with Indian civil society groups to raise workplace standards at their suppliers' factories.

 

There are reasonably sturdy labour laws in India but enforcement has been left wanting. The informal sector that constitutes the larger share of the labour market has suffered the most.

 

Homeworkers, for instance, have very little rights. For several years now, the UK's Ethical Trading Initiative has tried to address this with the co-operation of member companies such as Monsoon, Next and Gap. They are part of a National Homeworkers' Group consisting of suppliers, retailers and NGOs. This organisation is running a pilot project on improving working conditions in the fabric embellishment industry of Bareilly in Uttar Pradesh state, having drafted guidelines in July last year.

 

Child labour in India is prohibited in certain hazardous industries, but the government has been unwilling to apply a blanket ban on the employment of children. Among other companies, home furnishings firm Ikea is proactively addressing the issue through the economic empowerment of women in villages around its factories in north India. Ikea is also providing educational facilities for children employed previously at its suppliers' factories.

 

Caste discrimination remains an important issue that has not received much attention from companies in India. In the informal labour sector, Dalits, the lowest caste group in India, are paid at least 25% less than their upper caste counterparts. Discrimination within the educational sector against Dalits mean they remain unskilled and their opportunities are limited.

 

Referring to the furore raised over health and safety standards in India's ship-breaking industry in 2005, Coen Kompier of the International Labour Organization says the issue was not brought to attention earlier because the workers were Dalit migrant workers from the state of Orissa.

 

When it comes to freedom of association, with the exception of the growing "business process outsourcing" industry, which remains mainly union-free, most Indian industries have vocal worker communities. The right to raise a collective voice for workers' rights, however, often goes unused or is stifled, an example being the authorities' use of force in the workers' strike over layoffs at Honda's Gurgaon factory in 2005.

 

Touchy issues

 

Community groups have used their voices to send shudders through the political system. In West Bengal's Nandigram village, residents protested in early January over news that the state government had approved land acquisition for a Special Economic Zone to be set up by Indonesia's Salim Group. Seven people were reported killed in ensuing violence.

 

There was a similar violent dispute over alleged farmland grabbing by the state administration to make way for Tata Motors factory in West Bengal 's Singur village. The state's left-leaning administration, keen on attracting investment back into the state, claimed farmers had been paid adequate compensation for their land, but it appeared not all farmers had agreed to part with their property. Tata Motors remained tight-lipped throughout the episode and started construction at the site under heavy security.

 

This followed a land acquisition dispute in Kalinganagar, Orissa, in early 2005, involving Tata Steel, which led to the deaths of 12 tribal people in clashes with local police. In this case, too, Tata refrained from making any public statement, except to say it was a matter for the state government.

 

While HLL vice-chairman M K Sharma defends Tata as having been unfortunate in these episodes, Indian corporate responsibility commentators describe Tata's conduct in both these episodes as "disappointing".

 

The cases are examples of poor stakeholder engagement in India, says Viraf Mehta, chief executive of Indian NGO Partners in Change. He notes that in matters of rehabilitation, there should be consensus and the company involved should engage with the communities. This can be done by offering shares in the new enterprise, assuring them jobs or an equivalent amount of cultivable land elsewhere. All information, says Mehta, about the rehabilitation packages and the land acquired should be publicly disclosed. Amita Joseph, director of the Business and Community Foundation, adds that companies need not always involve the state when acquiring land from local people; they can transact directly.

 

Some solutions

 

According to domestic corporate responsibility managers, Indian companies need to stop looking at local communities through the prism of charity and see them as allies in the development process. Multinational corporations, meanwhile, have to become culturally sensitive to the needs of Indian society, they say.

 

This can be done through the adoption of country-specific policies and the recruitment of Indian professionals for the execution of these. Winning the trust of local communities and identifying the right partners to implement corporate responsibility initiatives on the ground will be among the challenges.

 

Joseph is of the opinion that corporate responsibility should now be legally mandated for all firms in India, imposing requirements such as a dedicated corporate responsibility department, fixed funding, and formal corporate responsibility policies and planning, with company size determining the requirements.

 

At present only five companies based in India produce CR reports aligned to the Global Reporting Initiative Guidelines. While Indian firms say there is little demand for these reports from Indian stakeholder groups, Yashashree Gurjar, head of corporate social responsibility at paper company Ballarpur Industries, says the reluctance to produce responsibility reports also owes a lot to political wrangling and civil society pressure in India.

 

"Transparency is perceived as a risk. It is thought if you are too transparent, it may not be good for you," Gurjar says, suggesting that warring political parties and the activist NGO community can use publicly disclosed information to damaging ends. Gurjar thinks there is a need to produce India-specific reporting guidelines if the gamut of India's complex social and environmental issues is to be fully covered.

 

Gerard Oonk, director of the India Committee of the Netherlands, says corporate responsibility needs to become much more "political" in India for it to attract companies' attention. Notions of responsible business need greater recognition from the central and state administrations, he says.

 

Greater transparency and disclosure are also required if companies are to maintain their credibility. There are now mandatory corporate governance standards for listed companies in India, but in a study conducted earlier this year by the World Bank, the quality of disclosure was found to be very low.

 

Drivers of change

 

But this appears set to change. With more and more Indian companies launching operations overseas, they are bound to come under the global media spotlight. Ethically aware consumer groups in the west will be keen to know that the goods they buy from India are produced in a socially and environmentally friendly way. International corporate responsibility promoting coalitions and NGOs will raise the heat too. And although investor groups in India are not very active on corporate responsibility yet, socially responsible investors from abroad may step up the pressure.

 

In India, where basic compliance is still a big challenge, going beyond compliance will soon become essential. The biggest Indian companies have always been revered and considered almost untouchable by society and regulators but they will now find themselves increasingly scrutinised in the international marketplace where every company wears its ethical credentials on its sleeve.

 

On home turf as well, with the local NGO community rapidly organising itself and consumers frequently using the new Right to Information Act, it will be very difficult for Indian companies to hide. Awareness is on the rise.

 

So, as India's economic growth reaches new heights, corporate responsibility awareness will have to reach company boardrooms. The Indian government will have to exchange its laidback and sometimes protectionist attitude for a more proactive stance.

 

 

 

India and the environment: baby steps

 

According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, India will become a major contributor to global carbon dioxide emissions if it does not take immediate corrective action.

India has so far refrained from joining any global greenhouse gas emissions reduction agreements. But recognising the need to respond to climate change, some Indian companies have started to think about carbon trading.

 

Nicholas Stern, economic adviser to the UK government, who has been touring the world to promote the findings of his climate change review, says he is optimistic. India is discussing the need to set up a carbon trading market where energy-efficient companies can sell their carbon reductions to firms in richer nations. He says companies are also adopting new efficient technologies as they begin to see the profitability in doing so.

 

Some proactive companies have been trying to address increasing water shortages by engaging in conservation and harvesting programmes. Protection of water supplies is a very sensitive issue in India. Coca-Cola's plant in the southern state of Kerala was shut down when it was found using a lot of water for making its soft drinks, leading to depletion in groundwater levels in the state. Groundwater pollution is a serious environmental concern in India.

 

Emerging retail sector – possible impacts

 

The retail sector boom has become a favourite talking point these days in Indian business circles. India's retail market is worth more than $200 billion and a market of such potential is hard to ignore. Reliance Industries, the first to jump on the bandwagon, now has 11 stores in the city of Hyderabad, having opened its first in September, and hopes to target at least 800 cities by 2011.

 

While national companies have been scampering to announce retail ventures, international giants have been lobbying the government hard to relax foreign direct investment laws in the multi-brand retail sector. Wal-Mart, however, was not prepared to wait. Exploiting a legal loophole, the company entered into a joint venture with Indian telecommunications leader Bharti Enterprises to launch a supermarket chain in India. The Indian left objected to Wal-Mart's "backdoor entry" but their protests found little favour with the foreign-investment-hungry administration.

 

Organised retail is expected to bring efficiency to food and agricultural supply chains in a country where poor distribution channels mean 40% of produce is wasted. It will also eliminate a lot of middlemen in the business and bring farmers closer to the end consumers.

 

There are, however, concerns. The US-based Association of Community Organisations for Reform Now has warned: "In the US, we used to get oranges from California and pineapples from Hawaii. Today, we get our pineapples from Malaysia and the Philippines because labour costs there are much cheaper. In the same way, once [Wal-Mart] enters the Indian market, if it finds Vietnamese tea is cheaper then it will flood the Indian markets with tea from that country. If, in the bargain, the Indian tea market gets destroyed then little can be done about it."

 

The Indian government will have to balance the advantages in cheaper food and efficient food distribution with strictly monitored corporate power and expansion, if it wants to avoid public outcry.

 

India – facts

 

Population: 1.095 billion (July 2006)

Population below poverty line: 25% (2002)

GDP: $875.9 billion (2006)

GDP growth rate: 8.5% (2006)

Inflation rate: 5.3% (2006)

Labour force: 509.3 million (2006)

Labour force – by occupation (2003):

agriculture (60%)

industry (12%)

services (28%)

Main industries: textiles, chemicals, food processing, steel, transportation equipment, cement, mining, petroleum, machinery, software

 

Sources: CIA World Factbook, Economist Intelligence Unit

 

Levering better business practices

 

Hindustan Lever Ltd, the Indian division of the global food and consumer goods giant Unilever, is among the few Indian national companies that have progressively incorporated corporate responsibility policies and practices in their business ethos.

 

But while HLL has adopted the same set of business principles and code of conduct as Unilever's other global subsidiaries, it has established an individual identity for itself in the Indian corporate responsibility field.

 

M K Sharma, HLL vice-chairman, says the company's corporate responsibility policies and practices are integral to the business.

 

Besides its flagship project, Shakti, HLL is involved in many other rural social and economic development projects, including India's largest private sector initiative to increase health and hygiene awareness among children.

 

Sharma highlights the potential of public-private partnerships in India. "PPPs are hugely important but grossly under-exploited," he says. Sharma believes inefficiencies in the Indian administration, which partly result from corruption, mean much potential funding goes unutilised, and he advocates the setting up of PPPs to counter the bureaucratic hurdles. For this, he says, companies and NGOs should shed their "individualistic" attitudes and build a relationship of trust and collaboration.

 

The Shakti project is based on company board member C K Prahalad's "bottom of the pyramid" theory, which encourages businesses to target the entrepreneurs and consumers among the world's poor. Shakti gives HLL brand retailing rights to rural women from self-help groups. But critics are concerned the project unduly favours women who have collateral to back them up when taking micro-finance loans for their business. Sharma denies this.

 

Referring to HLL's tea business, Sharma rejects allegations made in ActionAid's 2005 "Tea break" report that workers on the company's tea plantations in India were exploited. He says the tea sector is very well regulated and HLL pays its workers more than the legal minimum wage and respects all their rights. He claims discussions with ActionAid had made clear the report was based on the experience of a temporary worker for whose livelihood HLL cannot be held responsible after the termination of his contract.

 

Sharma is confident that with rising consumer awareness and increasing foreign direct investment, corporate responsibility as a trend will pick up. For that, he says, the Indian government, which has done a lot on the policy side, will now have to work on the implementation of those policies.

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Mittal, Tata, Posco splurge on CSR


After protests and deaths at Nandigram and Kalinga Nagar, steel companies are working on big-ticket corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives in areas where their investments have or will result in the displacement of a large number of people.

LN Mittal, who is a frontrunner for acquiring a 51 per cent stake in Sesa Goa from Mitsui and has announced plans for projects in Jharkhand and Orissa worth Rs 40,000 crore each, is planning a $2 billion (Rs 8,600 crore) foundation.

Tentatively called LN Mittal Global Foundation, it will focus on education, health and sports in Goa, Jharkhand, Orissa, Bihar and Chhattisgarh. Its executives are working out details with the central government, sources said.

A sports academy in particular is targeted at identifying talent among tribal communities in the areas where Mittal Steel will be operating.

Tata Steel, which continues to face problems over land acquisition for its small car project in West Bengal, its greenfield steel plant at Kalinga Nagar in Orissa, and now for its $2.3 billion project at Bailadila in Chhattisgarh, will unveil a Rs 100-crore CSR project this month.

The country's largest private manufacturer of steel has discussed the package with VANI, a pan-India network of 2,200 NGOs. A final round of talks is expected in Chhattisgarh this month.

Besides the CSR package, the Tata Steel Parivar, an outfit formed recently to formulate rehabilitation strategies for the Tatas, has come out with a policy at Kalinga Nagar. The idea is to persuade people to vacate the 2,000-acre site.

At Gopalpur where a SEZ has been proposed, the Tatas have already unveiled a CSR package.

The company has also started a significant amount of capacity-building at Singur, the location of its small car project, in collaboration with the West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation. Technical training is being imparted to local people ahead of a job selection process.

Posco, the Korean steel firm which has entered Orissa, has also chalked out a detailed CSR action plan. Its deputy director in Delhi, however, declined comment

http://www.rediff.com/money/2007/apr/04csr.htm

 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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#124 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Tue Apr 3, 2007 9:24 pm
Subject: Tuesday, April 3, 2007
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   Tuesday, April 3, 2007     




 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
Green beauty reels from red glare

It has claimed many victims, who succumbed to the spell of its lush hills and peaceful waters over the years. For many people, Topchanchi is a slice of peaceful green paradise on earth, which even Bengal's biggest cine star Uttam Kumar could not resist. He wanted a bungalow near it.

Topchanchi, the century-old artificial lake surrounded by hills and forests and situated 36 km (north) of Dhanbad district headquarters, has been the only escape for many Dhanbad citizens from urban drudgery. Developed during the British period (around 1918), the site was once an artist's paradise.

Topchanchi at a glance:

Area: 18,625.99 hectare  Population: 1,40,378 residing in 126 villages under 28 panchayats

Brief: It is the largest forest reserve of the district and has a forestland spread over 8,135.19 acres. It has a wildlife sanctuary, at present comprising six deer and 116 wild boars. Former prime minister late Indira Gandhi, in the memory of her father Pt Jawaharlal Nehru had inaugurated the sanctuary in the mid seventies. The sanctuary is spread over 8.75 km and falls under Hazaribagh wildlife division

Unfortunately, like many other places in the state, Topchanchi represents a tale of paradise lost with red scare holding its fans to ransom. Now, it has turned into a no man's land with the Naxalites stalking the site from the mid-90s.

However, hopes of former glory being restored to this century-old site was revived of late when the district administration approved a proposal to beautify Topchanchi. The mega project comprises mending two small bridges over Lalki Nala and Dholkatta Nala — culverts that were damaged by a heavy flood some 15 years ago — construction of a road, a pavilion, putting up gates, the installation of swings and slips for children at a park and finally electrification in some areas.

The tourism department has sanctioned a total of Rs 1 crore for the work, deputy development commissioner -cum-managing director of the Mineral Area Development Authority (Mada), J.P. Singh said

As much as Rs 26,72,250 has been released to the road construction division of the public works department (PWD) for the construction of the bridges and the road, while Rs 3,7500 has been given for electrical work to the executive engineer of Dhanbad electric supply division. Meanwhile, Mada has also received a Rs 20-lakh package for the construction of a pavilion in the middle of the lake.

Mada holds a special place in the area. It runs a successful water filter plant at Topchanchi (installed at the time of the British Raj), which has a capacity of filtering 40 lakh gallons of water per day.

To begin with, the proposal for reviving Topchanchi was sent to the tourism department by Mada a couple of years ago. Officials claim the project was not flagged off, thanks to a number of "impediments". The revised estimate was again sent early last year and was cleared in August. The work began a month ago, but was stalled just before Holi and never resumed.

Reason: Maoists reportedly "tormented" labourers and local contractors for "levy", a common spanner that intercepts a government's developmental programme. The workers were threatened to stay away from work. Being informed of the situation, police superintendent Sheetal Oraon and district administration officials inspected the site and asked the workers to resume work, pledging them complete security.

But it seems almost impossible to wish away the red glare. The problem lingers and scared labourers are not turning up at the site anymore.

On being told about the quandary, director of tourism department Deepak Singh acknowledged that they have received reports from the executing agencies in this respect. Drawing a parallel with Madhuban in Giridih district, Singh said the Naxalites had also targeted the area because of its importance as a tourist destination. The Indian Tourism Development Corporation's (ITDC) development work there had to be discontinued after Naxalites blew up a guesthouse there.

"We are identifying more such sites under Maoist threats at present. After this, we shall take a decision about the modus operandi to undertake tourism development work at those problematic sites," Singh added.

According to South Asia Intelligence Review (SAIR), the levy from contractors vary between five and 10 per cent of the revenue. It depends upon the work-order and amount. Any kind of government or private work, small or big, is subject to the levy.

Unofficial figures peg the annual revenue from extortion in the Bihar-Jharkhand region alone at Rs 3.2 billion. The levy is the outcome of the "rate cards" distributed by the Maoists in 2006 for extortion, the SAIR states.

According to the card, Rs 8,000 is the annual charge from manual crushers, Rs 15,000 from brick-kiln owners, Rs 17,000 from mechanised crushers, Rs 25,000 from petrol pump owners and Rs 70,000 from coal sidings. The SAIR claims that the money is collected to maintain a team of experts employed in the technical wings of the banned outfit, which, according to police reports, cost the Naxalites more than Rs 2 million

 http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070403/asp/jamshedpur/story_7600521.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ST/SC students among IIM-C graduates

 

 

Out of 247 management graduates passing out of the IIM-Kolkata, around 50 belong to the SC/ST category.

These students have come a long way. Many have gotten jobs at multinational companies with an average salary of Rs 15 lakh per annum. And what helped them realize their dream of coming this far is the quota allotted for the SC's/ST's.

"I am really feeling proud of myself that I had the caliber to pass out of this esteemed institute," said Swapnil Khandekar, IIM-C graduate.

"The SC/ST reservation quota has made a hell of a lot of difference in the lives of people deprived of such opportunities in education and employment for a long time," said Jayant Ramtikae, another IIM-C graduate.

But there is one regret. While most of these students are happy with their placements there are a few who feel they have lost out on job offers from companies abroad because they lacked the requisite communication skills.

Sky is the limit

Still they have gone further than their parents could ever have hoped.

"Just because of reservation, one cannot get away in the admission process if he has got one or two marks less. It is due to their sheer hard work that these children have succeeded," said Paravati Khandekar, a parent.

"I had this thought that when Dr Ambedkar could work hard and go abroad and be successful, then why not my kids," said Suryawant Ramtikae, another parent.

A management degree from IIM-C gives them a sense of achievement they have always desired.

And having got jobs with multi national companies and plum salary packages too, for these young managers now, the sky is the limit.

 

 http://www.ndtv.com/convergence/ndtv/story.aspx?id=NEWEN20070007472

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Biometric cash machines bring joy

 

Vaishali, Bihar: These days Mahendra Sahni, a daily wage worker in India's most backward state of Bihar,

struts up to a gleaming new cash machine in his village to withdraw his hard earned money.

The middle-aged, illiterate fish farmer from Vaishali district makes about 2,000 rupees a month ($44).

For years he used to waste nearly a day getting to the bank and queuing up to get his wages.

Now, when he inserts a cash card into the machine, he is greeted with an voice instruction in Hindi: "Please put your thumb on the specified space."

When he does that, crisp currency notes roll out of the machine with the voice saying, "Your cash is ready. Please accept it."

Sahni and 14 other poor daily wage workers from Vaishaligarh and neighbouring areas are among the first villagers in Bihar to have access to biometric cash machines to withdraw their money.

"This shows how science has made progress and can be used for poor village people like us," says Sahni.

The biometric cash machines are custom-made for people who cannot read or write and use features like fingerprint verification and voice guided animated screens and easy navigation.

The federal government has now announced that everybody in Vaishali employed under its ambitious new National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme will get their wages through these new cash machines.

The scheme promises some 60 million households in India a level of financial protection through guaranteed work or unemployment benefit.

Banking made easy

For the moment, the cash machine run by the state-run Central Bank of India, is targeting some 210 daily wage workers in the area.

"It is basically for poor workers like Sahni who cannot read or write their names. Banking for them will become easy with these cash machines," says the bank's local manager Pranay Kumar.

Biometric cash machine in Vaishali, Bihar
Biometric cash machines promise to change banking in rural India
The biometric cash machines work through a series of processes.

First, the fingerprint of an account holder is captured through a scanner at the time of the opening of the account.

A template is created for each fingerprint and stored in the cash card given to the customer.

When Sahni goes to the cash machine and inserts the cash card, his fingerprint is captured using an inbuilt scanner and it is matched with the impression stored in the cash card.

Central Bank's executive director K Subramanyam says biometric devices will go a long way in offering banking services in India's villages where 70% of its people live.

Payment through cash machines will also protect the workers from local contractors who routinely extract a cut from their wages in return of getting them on the list of government employment schemes.

For the moment, Sahni and his neighbours are happy to have discovered a hassle-free way of withdrawing their meagre savings.

The entire procedure of cycling to the branch and going through the paperwork with help from others and waiting in the queue for the money took up valuable work time.

The other day, he picked up 1,000 rupees in five minutes flat from the cash machine and cycled back home to begin work again.

"Withdrawing money couldn't be a better experience," he says.

 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6478627.stm

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Family ties hope for renal patients
 

- Mass awareness can help curb kidney smuggling rackets; all can donate and live healthy life

Ranchi, April 2: Lack of awareness about transplantation led a mother to refuse to donate one of her kidneys to save her child who suffered from renal failure.

This is not an exception. Many well-educated families react negatively when it comes to donating a kidney for their loved ones, even though it is a well-known fact that we are born with an additional kidney.

Strange as it may sound, but a 30-year-old married woman from Hazaribagh with damaged kidneys has been left to die as both her Bihar-based parents — the mother is a police officer while the father, a high court lawyer — have refused to help. Moreover, the woman's brother has also refused.

Married to a businessman, the mother of a two-year-old is hoping to find a donor, as her husband's blood group does not match hers (A+). Having already spent over Rs 4 lakh in treatment all over the country, the family was finally approached by a young boy from Gaya, Bihar, who was ready to donate a kidney for a price, but they refused. "My father was against taking a kidney from a young boy. Besides, it could have been a trap," the husband of the ailing woman said.

Nephrologists believe refusal from blood relations has given rise to kidney smuggling. "If parents and siblings refuse, who will donate? Won't people look for paid donors?" a city-based nephrologist asked. After refusal from relatives of the same blood group one can only opt for lifelong dialysis that costs between Rs 15,000 and Rs 30,000 monthly, which all cannot afford.

Nephrologist Ghanshyam Singh, who was instrumental in starting kidney transplantation at Ranchi-based Apollo Hospital, points out that there is a shortage of organs and the only solution is donation. "People should be made to realise that God has given them two kidneys and they can lead a healthy life even without one," said Singh.

Another nephrologist, Ashok Kumar Vaidya, cites examples where both the donor and the patient are leading a healthy life. "There is a student of DAV, Shyamali, whose mother donated her kidney about two years ago. Three years ago, a Chutia-based boy also went through a transplant. All the four are happy and healthy," said Vaidya.

A good example of donation can be found in the family of businessman R.P. Singh, closely related to Ranchi district transport officer (DTO) Shivendra Kumar Singh. The DTO says with pride that Singh's daughter-in-law volunteered to donate her kidney. "They family has gone to Chandigarh and the operation is scheduled for April 7. She is one looking after the aged man the most," he said. She has set an example, added Singh.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070403/asp/jamshedpur/story_7600523.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

650 goats sacrificed in Orissa to appease deity

 

Bhadrak (Orissa), April 2 (IANS) Around 650 goats were sacrificed at a Kali temple in Orissa as part of an annual ritual despite a ban by the local administration, an official said Monday.

 

 

The sacrifice was made at the Rakshya Kali temple at Rameswarpur village in Bhadrak district, about 170 km from state capital Bhubaneswar, Saturday night. The incident came to light Monday after some officials and villagers reported it.

 

 

The mass sacrifice is held once a year in the Hindu month of Chaitra. 'Our village is always guarded by Rakshya Kali. It is a 72-year-old tradition,' villager Dibakar Barik told IANS.

 

 

'Earlier, devotees used to offer buffaloes as sacrifice. Now we sacrifice goats,' he said.

 

 

According to local police, who witnessed the event, the area around the temple's sacrificial altar was soaked in blood. The animals were first garlanded before being led to the altar and their cries got drowned by the beating of drums.

 

 

Some devotees even scrambled to touch the blood of the sacrificed animals, believed to be auspicious and a good omen, while some even smeared it on their forehead, an official said on condition of anonymity.

 

 

Last year, animal rights activists had launched protests when hundreds of goats were sacrificed at the same temple in the presence of Revenue Minister Manmohan Samal. The activists had also burnt an effigy of the minister.

 

 

A week ago, the district administration made an attempt to stop the practice. Top district and police officials had held a meeting with temple committee members and villagers.

 

 

It was decided that only one animal would be sacrificed, but the devotees flouted the agreement, the official said.

 

 

According to him, a 15-year-old girl of the village rushed to the temple with a group of villagers and claimed she was the personification of the deity. She threatened to kill anyone who stopped the sacrifice. The frightened devotees continued the practice, he said.

 

 

'We are helpless,' district collector N.K. Burma said. 'It can only be stopped when the people want and for that we are creating awareness.'

 

 

http://www.andhracafe.com/index.php?m=show&id=21086

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 Tribe defends 'hill god' from foreign miner

LANJIGARH: Their thick, ancient forests shelter leopards, elephants and even the odd tiger, their slopes are home to an isolated tribe, but the "curse" of eastern India's Niyamgiri hills lies beneath the soil.

Massive deposits of bauxite have brought Britain's Vedanta Resources to this remote corner of the state of Orissa, where they have already built a $900 million alumina refinery.

Just a stone's throw from its gleaming new facility, a few hundred people gathered in the shade of mango trees in Lanjigarh in mid-March for the latest protest against the company.

Among them, Dickcha Majhi, who walked for five hours from her remote village to the small town, a member of the 8000-strong Dongria Kondh tribe, who worship an Earth Goddess and revere the hills as their protector Niyam Raja.

"She is our mother and he is our beloved lord," said the small 30-year-old woman, rows of colourful beads around her neck, golden rings through her nose and through her ears, her frizzy hair held down firmly with a dozen metal hair clips.

"If you hand the hill over, the hill god will eat us."

As eastern India engages in a headlong but increasingly controversial rush to industrialise and exploit its vast mineral resources, Vedanta's plans to turn the top of the Niyamgiri range into open-cast mines has emerged as a key battleground.

It is a battle not about whether to industrialise, but how to do it, and how to compensate the losers. And it is being waged in the courts and in the streets at the same time.

Conservationists say the miners could and should have chosen other hills, instead of risking the rich biodiversity of Niyamgiri, and have taken the issue to the Supreme Court.

On the ground, tribal farmers worry their traditional lands and livelihoods will disappear once mining begins. They are being coralled by local Congress party politician Bhakta Charan Das, who promises to stage a mass march on the site in mid-April.

"By the time they reach here, the site will be gheraoed (encircled) by 50,000 people and the administration will be paralysed," he threatened.

"BLATANT VIOLATION"

An elephant corridor, and the only known home of the rare golden gecko in Orissa, the hills were proposed as a wildlife sanctuary in the 1990s.

The Wildlife Society of Orissa dismisses Vedanta's pledge to spend millions of dollars protecting wildlife.

"How will they manage the wildlife? Take them out and keep them in five-star hotels?" asked Biswajit Mohanty.

"Seventy-three million tonnes of bauxite will be taken out. You can't mitigate the effects of that."

The Vamsadhara river rises from the range and more than 30 streams from the mining site, providing water which sustains hundreds of thousands of people, conservationists say. Mining will destroy those sources, they argue.

In September 2005, a Supreme Court committee recommended that "the use of forest land in an ecologically sensitive area like the Niyamgiri Hills should not be permitted."

It also condemned the Ministry of Environment and Forests for a "blatant violation" of its own guidelines for the refinery to be built without getting clearance to mine in the hills, much of which is protected forest under Indian law.

But Vedanta, along with the state and central governments, have fought back hard. The company says the bauxite lies in the top 25-30 metres of the 1,000 metre-high hills, and promises to protect water sources lower down from contamination.

It will fill up pits with residues as it goes along, and plant new trees, said refinery head Sanjeev Zutshi.

The Supreme Court will now refer the case to the Forest Advisory Committee, an expert panel. But that will only happen when the court and the government resolve a separate row about who should sit on that committee.

FORGING AHEAD

In the meantime, Vedanta is forging ahead. The refinery carried out a test run in March. Some of the pillars to carry a conveyor belt from the mine to the plant have already been built.

Zutshi says 17 locals are working in the refinery and 50 more are being trained. Hundreds might get jobs from local contractors as shovel men, to sweep out spillage and drain slurry. But employment for all is simply not possible in an industry which requires small numbers of skilled workers.

"There is one big issue which is difficult to address, and that is the issue of employment," he said. "These people unfortunately are not educated at all, most of them are illiterate."

Instead Vedanta says it has sponsored health and education in local villages as well as alternative income-generating projects.

But the company's claim to popular support was belied by February's local elections, where Congress-backed candidates running on anti-Vedanta tickets dominated, Das said.

Two hours drive away on a rocky, dirt road, a few Dongria Kondh tribesmen and women sat outside their thatched roof huts, their filthy and malnourished children dressed in rags beside them, berries fermenting in the sun to make homemade liquor.

Vedanta says the mines will not affect the slopes on which these people live, only the summits and ridges which they worship. But already people here fear the worst.

"The earth is our mother," said 26-year-old Verang Majhi, rejecting any talk of compensation to leave ancestral lands. "Would you leave your mother for money?."

Later, as dusk drew in and the lights of the refinery dominated the night sky, Reuters visited the village of Bandhaguda, right up against the wall of the plant.

Daka Majhi said all 32 men of his village were arrested by police and jailed for seven days last year, with scarcely any food and water, for staging a peaceful protest outside the refinery.

Their women were threatened by police while Vedanta completed the wall around the plant, cutting the people off from their pond, cremation grounds and much of their fields, he said.

Zutshi contested that version of events, and said repeated efforts had been made to reach out to the villagers, even offering them resettlement at one point, only to be obstructed by a handful of people who wanted "heaps of money."

Vedanta, he insisted, was not the bully that politician Das made it out to be. Nor could it afford to be.

"The days are gone when you can impose yourself, surround yourself with goons and policemen, and browbeat every Tom, Dick and Harry," he said. "It's not going to work, it's not a long-term solution at all."

http://www.stuff.co.nz/4012813a7693.html

 

 

 

 

 

 

Women cadres call the shots

KOLKATA: Woman power is on the rise among Maoist extremists in West Bengal. Since the appointment of 23-year-old Sabita Kumari as commander-in-chief of the Maoists, more women are being put in charge of action squads than ever before.

The Intelligence Branch (IB) of the West Bengal police reports that women are being deployed in larger numbers as they are more efficient in avoiding police dragnets, following inputs from central agencies that mega industrial projects may be the next target of the extremists.

Investigating officials are of the opinion that this new trend has evolved after 23-year old Sabita Kumari was unanimously elected as the commander-in-chief of the Maoist action squad of West Bengal.

Kumari was earlier in charge of the Maoist guerrilla outfit in Dantewada, Chattisgarh and has been given a new assignment in West Bengal, at a secret meeting of the Maoists at Bangriposi in Orissa.

According to IB intelligence, Kumari set about organising and strengthening action squads, in the three stronghold districts of Bankura, Puruliya and West Midnapore, immediately after being handed over charge. As a part of this strategy, she recruited female comrades from other states, all of whom received training in sophisticated weapons and explosives at a secret Maoist training centre in Jharkhand.

Most of them are sharp-shooters and are also trained in firing at moving targets. As per police records, Kumari too received her training at the same centre. 

High level IB sources told DNA that the basic advantage of inducting women guerrillas from other states is that at the initial stage the police do not have adequate information about their details and movements.

Born in Prabira village of Jharkhand and a science graduate from Dultongunj College, Kumari joined the Maoists in 2000. She is on the Chattisgarh most-wanted list and several cases are registered against her, which include killing of police officers, political leaders and helping fellow Maoists escape from police lock

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1088710

 

 

 

 

 

MEANS AND ENDS
 
The east Asian model for development will not work in Bengal

Raskolnikov, theoretically the murderer in Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment, had resolved to kill an old woman who was greedy, malicious, charged interest and was so sick that she was likely to die on her own in a month or so. By murdering and robbing her, Raskolnikov intended to make his mother happy, deliver his sister from her bondage, finish his university education, go abroad, and then for the rest of his life be honest, firm and unswerving in fulfilling his duties to humanity. Could his noble end justify his means? It was an ethical question and Dostoevsky took the moral stand that it could not.

Moral stands are not fashionable these days. In these troubled times, when dozens and scores are getting murdered in the name of industrialization, in feuds over land acquisition, no one seems to bother about ethical questions. But quite apart from morality and ethics, there are practical issues too. Can we go ahead with our plans of industrialization in an awful mess like this?

No doubt Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has taken his drive for industrialization seriously. He and his party associates are Marxists seeking to achieve capitalist ends. To accomplish these ends, they are using private incentives and market forces along with coercion and brute muscle power. Being brought up in the Stalinist tradition of thinking, they are not too scrupulous about the methods they take to achieve their goals. For them, ends do justify the means.

The drive for industrialization entailed wooing investors on the one hand, and acquiring land for industries and infrastructure on the other. Bhattacharjee and his deputies decided to woo the investors by giving them subsidies, incentives, tax breaks and low-interest loans. They have even gone to the extent of raising money from the market at the going rate of interest to finance these huge industrial subsidies, expecting future economic activities in the state to go up and yield so much tax revenue that the debt can be easily repaid. Quite expectedly, the endeavour had a favourable effect on potential investors and on those who were sympathetic to market-oriented reforms. As entrepreneurs gradually changed their perception about the state and seriously started considering West Bengal as their next investment destination, Bhattacharjee was hailed by a wide spectrum of people, cutting across party lines, industry houses and the different strata of society.

The other part of the endeavour, the more important part in our opinion, was related to acquiring land for industrialization. Unfortunately, very little thought, energy and effort went into the planning of this part. Compensation and rehabilitation questions were largely ignored. Perhaps it was decided that the formidable political machinery of the party would take care of resentments arising out of eviction, and if verbal persuasion failed, brute force would be applied. In other words, when it came to the question of land acquisition, the Stalinist selves of Bhattacharjee and his party raised their ugly heads.

The practice of using brute force to achieve economic ends was not confined to Stalin's Soviet Russia alone. In the Britain of the late 16th and early 17th centuries, prospects of selling woollen manufactures in the European markets suddenly came up in a big way. Consequently, the village commons, which were cultivated till then on a communal basis, were enclosed for sheep-grazing. The peasant farmer was evicted from his traditional livelihood and the gentlemen sheepgrowers, armed with royal support, prospered along with the merchants and manufacturers. According to some estimates, 2.76 per cent of the total land was enclosed and 50,000 persons were forcefully evicted.

This was no small number in a country whose total population around the year 1600 was about four million. Most historians agree that the enclosure movement, and the consequent eviction of tillers from land, led to large-scale conversion of farmers into a mass of vagrant and unemployable labour force gradually turning into beggars and thieves. The onslaught continues even today. According to the National Research Centre for Resettlement in China, forty five million people were displaced by development projects in that country between 1950 and 2000. The eviction, of course, involved a lot of brute force. There are, however, a couple of fundamental differences between 17th-century Britain, Stalinist Russia and the People's Republic of China on the one hand and West Bengal on the other.

Unlike the former set of countries, we do have a functioning democracy, however faulty it might appear to be. Moreover, our state is not even a country, it is only a small part of a larger nation. These differences have important bearings on the strategies we can possibly adopt for industrialization.

Bhattacharjee's government is trying to apply the east Asian model of development for the economic betterment of West Bengal. According to this model, the investor is treated like a king as long as he performs. He gets all possible benefits, subsidies and incentives from the government on the condition that he has to deliver. If he fails to do so, he is kicked out of the market because subsidies are often time-bound and short-lived. On the other hand, humanitarian considerations are largely kept aside if they hinder the investors' interests. Land is taken away from the farmers for industrial use without much compensation and by force if necessary. Savage labour laws are imposed upon the workers. The buzzword is growth. Growth, and only growth, sanctifies all possible wrongdoing.

The model has produced miracles in east Asia, certainly in terms of growth, though not always in terms of human development. But it can hardly work for West Bengal even to raise the rate of growth. For one thing, being a part of a larger country, West Bengal has to compete with other states to attract investment. But if we indulge ourselves in the expensive game of attracting investments by bidding up subsidies, we cannot punish the non-performer, for if subsidies are withdrawn the investor can threaten to pack up and move to some other region. A slower but much surer way is to attract the investors by building up good infrastructure and ensuring labour-market harmony.

In the latter case, market forces can take care of non-performance and inefficiency. More important, the recent incidents in Nandigram and Singur, and the ensuing anger and protest they have generated all over the state and the country, clearly point to the fact that in a functioning democracy like ours, the coercive method of land acquisition is untenable, not only from a moral standpoint, but also as a matter of practical policy.

Coercion worked only in countries where governments were authoritarian enough to suppress voices of protest, as in east Asia. Over the last few years, Bhattacharjee and his associates have been talking a lot about investors' perception about West Bengal, about how it has improved over the years and how it ought to improve further in the near future. The Nandigram incident has sent a clear message to them. It has demonstrated that like the investors' perception, the people's perception about the process of industrialization is also important, probably more important in a functioning democracy.

If the majority, or even a sizeable minority, perceives that industrialization is going to hurt, then it will be impossible to carry out. Bhattacharjee should read and understand this message. If he fails to do so, it will be a disaster for the state, because it is industrialization alone that can lift West Bengal from the depths of poverty and destitution. The Nandigram carnage should also teach the policy-makers that the means are as important as the ends.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070403/asp/opinion/story_7597169.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

RRSS prevails, C'garh too bans sex course

AIPUR, APRIL 2 : The Chhattisgarh government has decided to end its Adolescence Education Programme. Days after similar steps were initiated by neighbouring Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra and two years after it introduced the programme in Classes IX and XI, the Raman Singh government asked the Chhattisgarh State Council for Educational Research and Training to immediately stop sex education in state schools, while instructing the SCERT to find ways "compatible with Indian culture" to create AIDS awareness among students.

The decision to abandon sex education in schools was taken after senior RSS functionaries objected to the "explicit material" being used in the Adolescent Education Programme, forcing the Chief Minister to direct SCERT to remove "objectionable" material and photographs which "do not have a place in Indian culture".

Senior SCERT officials involved in the development and implementation of the programme had tried to convince the Chief Minister about the merits of the programme, urging him not to abandon it. But Raman bowed to the RSS's demands. "The SCERT has been told to remove graphic anatomical pictures from the kit meant for teachers," an official, baffled by the government's decision, said.

Incidentally the step to remove sex education from school curriculum comes even as the RSS lobby, which has been keen to remodel the education system, managed to include yoga in the state school curriculum recently.

Speaking to The Indian Express, SCERT Director Nand Kumar confirmed that the government had sought "remodelling" of the Adolescence Education Programme. "We have been asked to remove photographs which were deemed too explicit and replace these with sketches and find other ways to create AIDS awareness," he said.

The Chief Minister has also asked the SCERT to make a presentation of the remodelled programme, after which a decision on the future of the programme would be taken.

The programme was introduced in the state two years back and under it, Classes IX, X and XI students were to be imparted sex education and told about AIDS. About 725 teachers were provided training by the National AIDS Control Organisation and Unicef for making children aware about AIDS, in a project which cost Rs 25 lakh and had been implemented in a majority of districts in the state.

The government's move has been severely criticised by people behind the project. "Scrapping the programme is not the solution. We need to find ways in which a student can be taught about AIDS and given sex education that does not affect the cultural sensitivity prevalent in an area," Joint Secretary, Council Of Boards of Secondary Education (COBSE), Puran Chand said.

He pointed out that a few months ago COBSE, a consultative and apex body of education boards in the country, had launched a package on adolescent education and requested each state government to implement it. "However, due to non-cooperation from various states we have not been able to integrate sex education in the syllabus," he added, stating that only 17 of the member 41 boards had replied positively to COBSE's initiative.

http://www.indianexpress.com/story/27352.html

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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#123 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Tue Apr 3, 2007 9:39 pm
Subject: Tuesday, April 3, 2007
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   Tuesday, April 3, 2007     




 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 



Green beauty reels from red glare

It has claimed many victims, who succumbed to the spell of its lush hills and peaceful waters over the years. For many people, Topchanchi is a slice of peaceful green paradise on earth, which even Bengal's biggest cine star Uttam Kumar could not resist. He wanted a bungalow near it.


Topchanchi, the century-old artificial lake surrounded by hills and forests and situated 36 km (north) of Dhanbad district headquarters, has been the only escape for many Dhanbad citizens from urban drudgery. Developed during the British period (around 1918), the site was once an artist's paradise.

Topchanchi at a glance:

Area: 18,625.99 hectare Population: 1,40,378 residing in 126 villages under 28 panchayats

Brief: It is the largest forest reserve of the district and has a forestland spread over 8, 135.19 acres. It has a wildlife sanctuary, at present comprising six deer and 116 wild boars. Former prime minister late Indira Gandhi, in the memory of her father Pt Jawaharlal Nehru had inaugurated the sanctuary in the mid seventies. The sanctuary is spread over 8.75 km and falls under Hazaribagh wildlife division

Unfortunately, like many other places in the state, Topchanchi represents a tale of paradise lost with red scare holding its fans to ransom. Now, it has turned into a no man's land with the Naxalites stalking the site from the mid-90s.

However, hopes of former glory being restored to this century-old site was revived of late when the district administration approved a proposal to beautify Topchanchi. The mega project comprises mending two small bridges over Lalki Nala and Dholkatta Nala â€" culverts that were damaged by a heavy flood some 15 years ago â€" construction of a road, a pavilion, putting up gates, the installation of swings and slips for children at a park and finally electrification in some areas.

The tourism department has sanctioned a total of Rs 1 crore for the work, deputy development commissioner -cum-managing director of the Mineral Area Development Authority (Mada), J.P. Singh said

As much as Rs 26,72,250 has been released to the road construction division of the public works department (PWD) for the construction of the bridges and the road, while Rs 3,7500 has been given for electrical work to the executive engineer of Dhanbad electric supply division. Meanwhile, Mada has also received a Rs 20-lakh package for the construction of a pavilion in the middle of the lake.

Mada holds a special place in the area. It runs a successful water filter plant at Topchanchi (installed at the time of the British Raj), which has a capacity of filtering 40 lakh gallons of water per day.

To begin with, the proposal for reviving Topchanchi was sent to the tourism department by Mada a couple of years ago. Officials claim the project was not flagged off, thanks to a number of "impediments". The revised estimate was again sent early last year and was cleared in August. The work began a month ago, but was stalled just before Holi and never resumed.

Reason: Maoists reportedly "tormented" labourers and local contractors for "levy", a common spanner that intercepts a government's developmental programme. The workers were threatened to stay away from work. Being informed of the situation, police superintendent Sheetal Oraon and district administration officials inspected the site and asked the workers to resume work, pledging them complete security.

But it seems almost impossible to wish away the red glare. The problem lingers and scared labourers are not turning up at the site anymore.

On being told about the quandary, director of tourism department Deepak Singh acknowledged that they have received reports from the executing agencies in this respect. Drawing a parallel with Madhuban in Giridih district, Singh said the Naxalites had also targeted the area because of its importance as a tourist destination. The Indian Tourism Development Corporation's (ITDC) development work there had to be discontinued after Naxalites blew up a guesthouse there.

"We are identifying more such sites under Maoist threats at present. After this, we shall take a decision about the modus operandi to undertake tourism development work at those problematic sites," Singh added.

According to South Asia Intelligence Review (SAIR), the levy from contractors vary between five and 10 per cent of the revenue. It depends upon the work-order and amount. Any kind of government or private work, small or big, is subject to the levy.

Unofficial figures peg the annual revenue from extortion in the Bihar-Jharkhand region alone at Rs 3.2 billion. The levy is the outcome of the "rate cards" distributed by the Maoists in 2006 for extortion, the SAIR states.

According to the card, Rs 8,000 is the annual charge from manual crushers, Rs 15,000 from brick-kiln owners, Rs 17,000 from mechanised crushers, Rs 25,000 from petrol pump owners and Rs 70,000 from coal sidings. The SAIR claims that the money is collected to maintain a team of experts employed in the technical wings of the banned outfit, which, according to police reports, cost the Naxalites more than Rs 2 million

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070403/asp/jamshedpur/story_7600521.asp














ST/SC students among IIM-C graduates

Out of 247 management graduates passing out of the IIM-Kolkata, around 50 belong to the SC/ST category.

These students have come a long way. Many have gotten jobs at multinational companies with an average salary of Rs 15 lakh per annum. And what helped them realize their dream of coming this far is the quota allotted for the SC's/ST's.

"I am really feeling proud of myself that I had the caliber to pass out of this esteemed institute," said Swapnil Khandekar, IIM-C graduate.

"The SC/ST reservation quota has made a hell of a lot of difference in the lives of people deprived of such opportunities in education and employment for a long time," said Jayant Ramtikae, another IIM-C graduate.

But there is one regret. While most of these students are happy with their placements there are a few who feel they have lost out on job offers from companies abroad because they lacked the requisite communication skills.

Sky is the limit

Still they have gone further than their parents could ever have hoped.

"Just because of reservation, one cannot get away in the admission process if he has got one or two marks less. It is due to their sheer hard work that these children have succeeded," said Paravati Khandekar, a parent.

"I had this thought that when Dr Ambedkar could work hard and go abroad and be successful, then why not my kids," said Suryawant Ramtikae, another parent.

A management degree from IIM-C gives them a sense of achievement they have always desired.

And having got jobs with multi national companies and plum salary packages too, for these young managers now, the sky is the limit.

http://www.ndtv.com/convergence/ndtv/story.aspx?id=NEWEN20070007472












Biometric cash machines bring joy

Vaishali, Bihar: These days Mahendra Sahni, a daily wage worker in India's most backward state of Bihar,

struts up to a gleaming new cash machine in his village to withdraw his hard earned money.

The middle-aged, illiterate fish farmer from Vaishali district makes about 2,000 rupees a month ($44).

For years he used to waste nearly a day getting to the bank and queuing up to get his wages.

Now, when he inserts a cash card into the machine, he is greeted with an voice instruction in Hindi: "Please put your thumb on the specified space."

When he does that, crisp currency notes roll out of the machine with the voice saying, "Your cash is ready. Please accept it."

Sahni and 14 other poor daily wage workers from Vaishaligarh and neighbouring areas are among the first villagers in Bihar to have access to biometric cash machines to withdraw their money.

"This shows how science has made progress and can be used for poor village people like us," says Sahni.

The biometric cash machines are custom-made for people who cannot read or write and use features like fingerprint verification and voice guided animated screens and easy navigation.

The federal government has now announced that everybody in Vaishali employed under its ambitious new National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme will get their wages through these new cash machines.

The scheme promises some 60 million households in India a level of financial protection through guaranteed work or unemployment benefit.


Banking made easy

For the moment, the cash machine run by the state-run Central Bank of India, is targeting some 210 daily wage workers in the area.

"It is basically for poor workers like Sahni who cannot read or write their names. Banking for them will become easy with these cash machines," says the bank's local manager Pranay Kumar.
Biometric cash machines promise to change banking in rural India. The biometric cash machines work through a series of processes.

First, the fingerprint of an account holder is captured through a scanner at the time of the opening of the account.

A template is created for each fingerprint and stored in the cash card given to the customer.

When Sahni goes to the cash machine and inserts the cash card, his fingerprint is captured using an inbuilt scanner and it is matched with the impression stored in the cash card.

Central Bank's executive director K Subramanyam says biometric devices will go a long way in offering banking services in India's villages where 70% of its people live.

Payment through cash machines will also protect the workers from local contractors who routinely extract a cut from their wages in return of getting them on the list of government employment schemes.

For the moment, Sahni and his neighbours are happy to have discovered a hassle-free way of withdrawing their meagre savings.

The entire procedure of cycling to the branch and going through the paperwork with help from others and waiting in the queue for the money took up valuable work time.

The other day, he picked up 1,000 rupees in five minutes flat from the cash machine and cycled back home to begin work again.

"Withdrawing money couldn't be a better experience," he says.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6478627.stm













Family ties hope for renal patients

- Mass awareness can help curb kidney smuggling rackets; all can donate and live healthy life

Ranchi, April 2: Lack of awareness about transplantation led a mother to refuse to donate one of her kidneys to save her child who suffered from renal failure.

This is not an exception. Many well-educated families react negatively when it comes to donating a kidney for their loved ones, even though it is a well-known fact that we are born with an additional kidney.

Strange as it may sound, but a 30-year-old married woman from Hazaribagh with damaged kidneys has been left to die as both her Bihar-based parents â€" the mother is a police officer while the father, a high court lawyer â€" have refused to help. Moreover, the woman's brother has also refused.

Married to a businessman, the mother of a two-year-old is hoping to find a donor, as her husband's blood group does not match hers (A+). Having already spent over Rs 4 lakh in treatment all over the country, the family was finally approached by a young boy from Gaya, Bihar, who was ready to donate a kidney for a price, but they refused. "My father was against taking a kidney from a young boy. Besides, it could have been a trap," the husband of the ailing woman said.

Nephrologists believe refusal from blood relations has given rise to kidney smuggling. "If parents and siblings refuse, who will donate? Won't people look for paid donors?" a city-based nephrologist asked. After refusal from relatives of the same blood group one can only opt for lifelong dialysis that costs between Rs 15,000 and Rs 30,000 monthly, which all cannot afford.

Nephrologist Ghanshyam Singh, who was instrumental in starting kidney transplantation at Ranchi-based Apollo Hospital, points out that there is a shortage of organs and the only solution is donation. "People should be made to realise that God has given them two kidneys and they can lead a healthy life even without one," said Singh.

Another nephrologist, Ashok Kumar Vaidya, cites examples where both the donor and the patient are leading a healthy life. "There is a student of DAV, Shyamali, whose mother donated her kidney about two years ago. Three years ago, a Chutia-based boy also went through a transplant. All the four are happy and healthy," said Vaidya.

A good example of donation can be found in the family of businessman R.P. Singh, closely related to Ranchi district transport officer (DTO) Shivendra Kumar Singh. The DTO says with pride that Singh's daughter-in-law volunteered to donate her kidney. "They family has gone to Chandigarh and the operation is scheduled for April 7. She is one looking after the aged man the most," he said. She has set an example, added Singh.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070403/asp/jamshedpur/story_7600523.asp












650 goats sacrificed in Orissa to appease deity

Bhadrak (Orissa), April 2 (IANS) Around 650 goats were sacrificed at a Kali temple in Orissa as part of an annual ritual despite a ban by the local administration, an official said Monday.

The sacrifice was made at the Rakshya Kali temple at Rameswarpur village in Bhadrak district, about 170 km from state capital Bhubaneswar, Saturday night. The incident came to light Monday after some officials and villagers reported it.

The mass sacrifice is held once a year in the Hindu month of Chaitra. 'Our village is always guarded by Rakshya Kali. It is a 72-year-old tradition,' villager Dibakar Barik told IANS.

'Earlier, devotees used to offer buffaloes as sacrifice. Now we sacrifice goats,' he said.

According to local police, who witnessed the event, the area around the temple's sacrificial altar was soaked in blood. The animals were first garlanded before being led to the altar and their cries got drowned by the beating of drums.

Some devotees even scrambled to touch the blood of the sacrificed animals, believed to be auspicious and a good omen, while some even smeared it on their forehead, an official said on condition of anonymity.

Last year, animal rights activists had launched protests when hundreds of goats were sacrificed at the same temple in the presence of Revenue Minister Manmohan Samal. The activists had also burnt an effigy of the minister.

A week ago, the district administration made an attempt to stop the practice. Top district and police officials had held a meeting with temple committee members and villagers.

It was decided that only one animal would be sacrificed, but the devotees flouted the agreement, the official said.

According to him, a 15-year-old girl of the village rushed to the temple with a group of villagers and claimed she was the personification of the deity. She threatened to kill anyone who stopped the sacrifice. The frightened devotees continued the practice, he said.

'We are helpless,' district collector N.K. Burma said. 'It can only be stopped when the people want and for that we are creating awareness.'

http://www.andhracafe.com/index.php?m=show&id=21086












Tribe defends 'hill god' from foreign miner

LANJIGARH: Their thick, ancient forests shelter leopards, elephants and even the odd tiger, their slopes are home to an isolated tribe, but the "curse" of eastern India's Niyamgiri hills lies beneath the soil.

Massive deposits of bauxite have brought Britain's Vedanta Resources to this remote corner of the state of Orissa, where they have already built a $900 million alumina refinery.

Just a stone's throw from its gleaming new facility, a few hundred people gathered in the shade of mango trees in Lanjigarh in mid-March for the latest protest against the company.

Among them, Dickcha Majhi, who walked for five hours from her remote village to the small town, a member of the 8000-strong Dongria Kondh tribe, who worship an Earth Goddess and revere the hills as their protector Niyam Raja.

"She is our mother and he is our beloved lord," said the small 30-year-old woman, rows of colourful beads around her neck, golden rings through her nose and through her ears, her frizzy hair held down firmly with a dozen metal hair clips.

"If you hand the hill over, the hill god will eat us."

As eastern India engages in a headlong but increasingly controversial rush to industrialise and exploit its vast mineral resources, Vedanta's plans to turn the top of the Niyamgiri range into open-cast mines has emerged as a key battleground.

It is a battle not about whether to industrialise, but how to do it, and how to compensate the losers. And it is being waged in the courts and in the streets at the same time.

Conservationists say the miners could and should have chosen other hills, instead of risking the rich biodiversity of Niyamgiri, and have taken the issue to the Supreme Court.

On the ground, tribal farmers worry their traditional lands and livelihoods will disappear once mining begins. They are being coralled by local Congress party politician Bhakta Charan Das, who promises to stage a mass march on the site in mid-April.

"By the time they reach here, the site will be gheraoed (encircled) by 50,000 people and the administration will be paralysed," he threatened.

"BLATANT VIOLATION"

An elephant corridor, and the only known home of the rare golden gecko in Orissa, the hills were proposed as a wildlife sanctuary in the 1990s.

The Wildlife Society of Orissa dismisses Vedanta's pledge to spend millions of dollars protecting wildlife.

"How will they manage the wildlife? Take them out and keep them in five-star hotels?" asked Biswajit Mohanty.

"Seventy-three million tonnes of bauxite will be taken out. You can't mitigate the effects of that."

The Vamsadhara river rises from the range and more than 30 streams from the mining site, providing water which sustains hundreds of thousands of people, conservationists say. Mining will destroy those sources, they argue.

In September 2005, a Supreme Court committee recommended that "the use of forest land in an ecologically sensitive area like the Niyamgiri Hills should not be permitted."

It also condemned the Ministry of Environment and Forests for a "blatant violation" of its own guidelines for the refinery to be built without getting clearance to mine in the hills, much of which is protected forest under Indian law.

But Vedanta, along with the state and central governments, have fought back hard. The company says the bauxite lies in the top 25-30 metres of the 1,000 metre-high hills, and promises to protect water sources lower down from contamination.

It will fill up pits with residues as it goes along, and plant new trees, said refinery head Sanjeev Zutshi.

The Supreme Court will now refer the case to the Forest Advisory Committee, an expert panel. But that will only happen when the court and the government resolve a separate row about who should sit on that committee.

FORGING AHEAD

In the meantime, Vedanta is forging ahead. The refinery carried out a test run in March. Some of the pillars to carry a conveyor belt from the mine to the plant have already been built.

Zutshi says 17 locals are working in the refinery and 50 more are being trained. Hundreds might get jobs from local contractors as shovel men, to sweep out spillage and drain slurry. But employment for all is simply not possible in an industry which requires small numbers of skilled workers.

"There is one big issue which is difficult to address, and that is the issue of employment," he said. "These people unfortunately are not educated at all, most of them are illiterate."

Instead Vedanta says it has sponsored health and education in local villages as well as alternative income-generating projects.

But the company's claim to popular support was belied by February's local elections, where Congress-backed candidates running on anti-Vedanta tickets dominated, Das said.

Two hours drive away on a rocky, dirt road, a few Dongria Kondh tribesmen and women sat outside their thatched roof huts, their filthy and malnourished children dressed in rags beside them, berries fermenting in the sun to make homemade liquor.

Vedanta says the mines will not affect the slopes on which these people live, only the summits and ridges which they worship. But already people here fear the worst.

"The earth is our mother," said 26-year-old Verang Majhi, rejecting any talk of compensation to leave ancestral lands. "Would you leave your mother for money?."

Later, as dusk drew in and the lights of the refinery dominated the night sky, Reuters visited the village of Bandhaguda, right up against the wall of the plant.

Daka Majhi said all 32 men of his village were arrested by police and jailed for seven days last year, with scarcely any food and water, for staging a peaceful protest outside the refinery.

Their women were threatened by police while Vedanta completed the wall around the plant, cutting the people off from their pond, cremation grounds and much of their fields, he said.

Zutshi contested that version of events, and said repeated efforts had been made to reach out to the villagers, even offering them resettlement at one point, only to be obstructed by a handful of people who wanted "heaps of money."

Vedanta, he insisted, was not the bully that politician Das made it out to be. Nor could it afford to be.

"The days are gone when you can impose yourself, surround yourself with goons and policemen, and browbeat every Tom, Dick and Harry," he said. "It's not going to work, it's not a long-term solution at all."

http://www.stuff.co.nz/4012813a7693.html












Women cadres call the shots

KOLKATA: Woman power is on the rise among Maoist extremists in West Bengal. Since the appointment of 23-year-old Sabita Kumari as commander-in-chief of the Maoists, more women are being put in charge of action squads than ever before.

The Intelligence Branch (IB) of the West Bengal police reports that women are being deployed in larger numbers as they are more efficient in avoiding police dragnets, following inputs from central agencies that mega industrial projects may be the next target of the extremists.

Investigating officials are of the opinion that this new trend has evolved after 23-year old Sabita Kumari was unanimously elected as the commander-in-chief of the Maoist action squad of West Bengal.

Kumari was earlier in charge of the Maoist guerrilla outfit in Dantewada, Chattisgarh and has been given a new assignment in West Bengal, at a secret meeting of the Maoists at Bangriposi in Orissa.

According to IB intelligence, Kumari set about organising and strengthening action squads, in the three stronghold districts of Bankura, Puruliya and West Midnapore, immediately after being handed over charge. As a part of this strategy, she recruited female comrades from other states, all of whom received training in sophisticated weapons and explosives at a secret Maoist training centre in Jharkhand.

Most of them are sharp-shooters and are also trained in firing at moving targets. As per police records, Kumari too received her training at the same centre.

High level IB sources told DNA that the basic advantage of inducting women guerrillas from other states is that at the initial stage the police do not have adequate information about their details and movements.

Born in Prabira village of Jharkhand and a science graduate from Dultongunj College, Kumari joined the Maoists in 2000. She is on the Chattisgarh most-wanted list and several cases are registered against her, which include killing of police officers, political leaders and helping fellow Maoists escape from police lock

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1088710












MEANS AND ENDS

The east Asian model for development will not work in Bengal

The author is professor of economics, Indian Statistical Institute, Calcutta


Raskolnikov, theoretically the murderer in Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment, had resolved to kill an old woman who was greedy, malicious, charged interest and was so sick that she was likely to die on her own in a month or so. By murdering and robbing her, Raskolnikov intended to make his mother happy, deliver his sister from her bondage, finish his university education, go abroad, and then for the rest of his life be honest, firm and unswerving in fulfilling his duties to humanity. Could his noble end justify his means? It was an ethical question and Dostoevsky took the moral stand that it could not.

Moral stands are not fashionable these days. In these troubled times, when dozens and scores are getting murdered in the name of industrialization, in feuds over land acquisition, no one seems to bother about ethical questions. But quite apart from morality and ethics, there are practical issues too. Can we go ahead with our plans of industrialization in an awful mess like this?

No doubt Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has taken his drive for industrialization seriously. He and his party associates are Marxists seeking to achieve capitalist ends. To accomplish these ends, they are using private incentives and market forces along with coercion and brute muscle power. Being brought up in the Stalinist tradition of thinking, they are not too scrupulous about the methods they take to achieve their goals. For them, ends do justify the means.

The drive for industrialization entailed wooing investors on the one hand, and acquiring land for industries and infrastructure on the other. Bhattacharjee and his deputies decided to woo the investors by giving them subsidies, incentives, tax breaks and low-interest loans. They have even gone to the extent of raising money from the market at the going rate of interest to finance these huge industrial subsidies, expecting future economic activities in the state to go up and yield so much tax revenue that the debt can be easily repaid. Quite expectedly, the endeavour had a favourable effect on potential investors and on those who were sympathetic to market-oriented reforms. As entrepreneurs gradually changed their perception about the state and seriously started considering West Bengal as their next investment destination, Bhattacharjee was hailed by a wide spectrum of people, cutting across party lines, industry houses and the different strata of society.

The other part of the endeavour, the more important part in our opinion, was related to acquiring land for industrialization. Unfortunately, very little thought, energy and effort went into the planning of this part. Compensation and rehabilitation questions were largely ignored. Perhaps it was decided that the formidable political machinery of the party would take care of resentments arising out of eviction, and if verbal persuasion failed, brute force would be applied. In other words, when it came to the question of land acquisition, the Stalinist selves of Bhattacharjee and his party raised their ugly heads.

The practice of using brute force to achieve economic ends was not confined to Stalin's Soviet Russia alone. In the Britain of the late 16th and early 17th centuries, prospects of selling woollen manufactures in the European markets suddenly came up in a big way. Consequently, the village commons, which were cultivated till then on a communal basis, were enclosed for sheep-grazing. The peasant farmer was evicted from his traditional livelihood and the gentlemen sheepgrowers, armed with royal support, prospered along with the merchants and manufacturers. According to some estimates, 2.76 per cent of the total land was enclosed and 50,000 persons were forcefully evicted.

This was no small number in a country whose total population around the year 1600 was about four million. Most historians agree that the enclosure movement, and the consequent eviction of tillers from land, led to large-scale conversion of farmers into a mass of vagrant and unemployable labour force gradually turning into beggars and thieves. The onslaught continues even today. According to the National Research Centre for Resettlement in China, forty five million people were displaced by development projects in that country between 1950 and 2000. The eviction, of course, involved a lot of brute force. There are, however, a couple of fundamental differences between 17th-century Britain, Stalinist Russia and the People's Republic of China on the one hand and West Bengal on the other.

Unlike the former set of countries, we do have a functioning democracy, however faulty it might appear to be. Moreover, our state is not even a country, it is only a small part of a larger nation. These differences have important bearings on the strategies we can possibly adopt for industrialization.

Bhattacharjee's government is trying to apply the east Asian model of development for the economic betterment of West Bengal. According to this model, the investor is treated like a king as long as he performs. He gets all possible benefits, subsidies and incentives from the government on the condition that he has to deliver. If he fails to do so, he is kicked out of the market because subsidies are often time-bound and short-lived. On the other hand, humanitarian considerations are largely kept aside if they hinder the investors' interests. Land is taken away from the farmers for industrial use without much compensation and by force if necessary. Savage labour laws are imposed upon the workers. The buzzword is growth. Growth, and only growth, sanctifies all possible wrongdoing.

The model has produced miracles in east Asia, certainly in terms of growth, though not always in terms of human development. But it can hardly work for West Bengal even to raise the rate of growth. For one thing, being a part of a larger country, West Bengal has to compete with other states to attract investment. But if we indulge ourselves in the expensive game of attracting investments by bidding up subsidies, we cannot punish the non-performer, for if subsidies are withdrawn the investor can threaten to pack up and move to some other region. A slower but much surer way is to attract the investors by building up good infrastructure and ensuring labour-market harmony.

In the latter case, market forces can take care of non-performance and inefficiency. More important, the recent incidents in Nandigram and Singur, and the ensuing anger and protest they have generated all over the state and the country, clearly point to the fact that in a functioning democracy like ours, the coercive method of land acquisition is untenable, not only from a moral standpoint, but also as a matter of practical policy.

Coercion worked only in countries where governments were authoritarian enough to suppress voices of protest, as in east Asia. Over the last few years, Bhattacharjee and his associates have been talking a lot about investors' perception about West Bengal, about how it has improved over the years and how it ought to improve further in the near future. The Nandigram incident has sent a clear message to them. It has demonstrated that like the investors' perception, the people's perception about the process of industrialization is also important, probably more important in a functioning democracy.

If the majority, or even a sizeable minority, perceives that industrialization is going to hurt, then it will be impossible to carry out. Bhattacharjee should read and understand this message. If he fails to do so, it will be a disaster for the state, because it is industrialization alone that can lift West Bengal from the depths of poverty and destitution. The Nandigram carnage should also teach the policy-makers that the means are as important as the ends.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070403/asp/opinion/story_7597169.asp












RRSS prevails, C'garh too bans sex course

AIPUR, APRIL 2 : The Chhattisgarh government has decided to end its Adolescence Education Programme. Days after similar steps were initiated by neighbouring Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra and two years after it introduced the programme in Classes IX and XI, the Raman Singh government asked the Chhattisgarh State Council for Educational Research and Training to immediately stop sex education in state schools, while instructing the SCERT to find ways "compatible with Indian culture" to create AIDS awareness among students.

The decision to abandon sex education in schools was taken after senior RSS functionaries objected to the "explicit material" being used in the Adolescent Education Programme, forcing the Chief Minister to direct SCERT to remove "objectionable" material and photographs which "do not have a place in Indian culture".

Senior SCERT officials involved in the development and implementation of the programme had tried to convince the Chief Minister about the merits of the programme, urging him not to abandon it. But Raman bowed to the RSS's demands. "The SCERT has been told to remove graphic anatomical pictures from the kit meant for teachers," an official, baffled by the government's decision, said.

Incidentally the step to remove sex education from school curriculum comes even as the RSS lobby, which has been keen to remodel the education system, managed to include yoga in the state school curriculum recently.

Speaking to The Indian Express, SCERT Director Nand Kumar confirmed that the government had sought "remodelling" of the Adolescence Education Programme. "We have been asked to remove photographs which were deemed too explicit and replace these with sketches and find other ways to create AIDS awareness," he said.

The Chief Minister has also asked the SCERT to make a presentation of the remodelled programme, after which a decision on the future of the programme would be taken.

The programme was introduced in the state two years back and under it, Classes IX, X and XI students were to be imparted sex education and told about AIDS. About 725 teachers were provided training by the National AIDS Control Organisation and Unicef for making children aware about AIDS, in a project which cost Rs 25 lakh and had been implemented in a majority of districts in the state.

The government's move has been severely criticised by people behind the project. "Scrapping the programme is not the solution. We need to find ways in which a student can be taught about AIDS and given sex education that does not affect the cultural sensitivity prevalent in an area," Joint Secretary, Council Of Boards of Secondary Education (COBSE), Puran Chand said.

He pointed out that a few months ago COBSE, a consultative and apex body of education boards in the country, had launched a package on adolescent education and requested each state government to implement it. "However, due to non-cooperation from various states we have not been able to integrate sex education in the syllabus," he added, stating that only 17 of the member 41 boards had replied positively to COBSE's initiative.

http://www.indianexpress.com/story/27352.html










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#122 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Mon Apr 2, 2007 9:02 pm
Subject: Monday, April 2, 2007
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   Monday, April 2, 2007      




 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
Coffers for rural development come calling

Jamshedpur, April 1: The Union ministry of rural development has decided to include East Singhbhum and Deoghar in the fresh list of 130 districts across the country to be included in the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA).

All 22 districts of Jharkhand are now covered under the scheme.

Till now, 200 districts all over the country were included in the scheme. With the latest move, the total number of districts under the scheme has reached 330. Bihar tops the maximum number of districts chosen this time with 15 of its districts making it to the list.

The government has sanctioned Rs 12,000 crore for the scheme in the current fiscal. Sources said all the 600 districts of the country will be covered under the scheme in the next three years.

Out of the 130 chosen this year, the ministry has picked up 15 districts, which have reported farmer suicides. Another 50 districts included in the NREGA list are also covered under the Backward Region Development Fund (BRDF) scheme.

The state government had also launched a state-level NREGA in the two districts, which were left out the Centre. During 2006-07, it had sanctioned Rs 10 crore each to the two districts under the scheme. With all 22 districts now being covered by the Centre's NREGA, the state-sponsored scheme will now cease to exist.

In yet another welcome news for East Singhbum, the state government has sanctioned Rs 15 crore to the district for the 2007-08 fiscal to carry out development work and improve infrastructure.

The Centre, during the last fiscal, had allotted money under the Backward Region Development Fund (BRDF) to all but East Singhbhum to carry out development work and curb the growing menace of extremism. The state government, thus, decided to chip in with the money under a similar scheme sponsored by the state government.

The Centre-sponsored fund, which seeks to redress regional imbalances in development, was launched by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at Barpeta (Assam). The Rs 3,750-crore fund will provide resources for supplementing and converging existing developmental inflows to 250 backward districts across the country.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070402/asp/jamshedpur/story_7595853.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 
Parents brave heat for exam

Ranchi, April 1: Parents of aspiring doctors had a tough time today as they waited for three hours outside the 22 centres in the city while their wards were taking the all India level preliminary examination organised by CBSE for taking admission in medical courses.

Over 14,000 candidates from different parts of Jharkhand and Bihar appeared at the centres located across the city. Sources said about 60 special buses had come from Patna with the examinees and their parents.

Shilpa Mishra, who has come from Jamshedpur to appear in the examination, said she would have missed her examination if she had not have started early.

"My centre was Ram Tahal Choudhary High School at Booty. I started at 8.30 from my relative's house in Harmu. But, due to traffic congestion at some stretches at Main Road, I could reach just 10 minutes before the examination," she said.

Some students were heard saying that they had spent the night at the railway station due to the non-availability of space.

"Of the 14,000 students, about 8,000 had come from other places. City hotels could not accommodate such a large numbers of students. In the situation, I had to spend the night at Ranchi railway station with my parents," said Nidhi Kumari.

Mahesh Bareja, a CBSE representative in Jharkhand and principal of Delhi Public School, said over 1,000 candidates appeared from his school while centres were at all big schools of the city.

About 1,600 of five lakh students will be shortlisted for medical courses in different colleges of the country. Main examination is scheduled to be held on May 13.

Deputy commissioner Kamal Kishore Soan said he had no information of any untoward incident from any part of the city during the examination.

Meanwhile, according to sources, 20 students were restrained from participating in the examination due to their late arrival at the centres. Bareja said he restrained one student at his centre when he reached the centre by 10.30 am.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
CCL apprehensive about new Jharkhand mines
 
RANCHI, April 1: Central Coalfields Limited (CCL), a major coal company under Coal India Limited, is yet to start any mining works at its five new proposed sites in Jharkhand, thanks to the lackadaisical attitude of the Jharkhand state government.

The projects at Magadh, Amrapali, NorthUrimari, Konar and Karo, most of which are in the Chatra district of the state, are yet to kicked off by CCL as the district administration is yet to hand over the requisite land to the company.

"We have been approaching the state government for quite sometime as all preparations to start mining from the proposed sites have been readied. But, the deputy commissioner of the respective district is yet to acquire the land from the residents, pay them adequate compensations as per the rules and vacate the land for us. The mandatory second level forest clearance has also been completed by the state government, which is again a major hindrance for us to start any mining works at the sites," said Mr RP Ritolia, chairman and managing director, CCL, in Ranchi today.

Informing about the performance of CCL during the last fiscal, Mr Ritolia said, the company has achieved a record production level of 41.35 million tons during 2006-07 fiscal. and has already set a target of 44 million tons.

However achieving a record production level has also posed problems for the company, as its pithead stock has gone up from eight million tons at the start of April last year, to 10.5 million tons, at the same time, this year.

CCL has decided to celebrate 2007-08 as the year of welfare, community development and environment.

"Focus on community development was always there and after registering a profit of Rs 1,028 crore against a budgeted profit of Rs 984 crore during the 2006-07 fiscal, our obligations have gone up manifold," Mr Ritolia said. The company has also paid Rs 391.97 crore to the Jharkhand state government as royalty amount for coal extractions
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Rural roads scheme misses target by 54%
The ambitious rural road connectivity programme of the UPA government recorded a dismal performance in 2006-07, falling short of the target by nearly 54 per cent.
 
According to the targets under the Bharat Nirman programme, nearly 35,182 km roads were to be constructed during the year. The total sanctioned amount for the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY) for 2006-07 was Rs 38,569 crore, of which the value of work done was less than half, at Rs 18,886 crore.
 
A look at the progress of the PMGSY reveals that only 16,328 km of new roads were laid till February 2007. In addition, work on the upgrade and renewal of the existing roads fell 34 per cent short of the target. As against the target of 54,669 km for 2006-07, only 36,590 km of roads were completed. 

LOSING MOMENTUM
New connectivity under Bharat Nirman in 2006-07 (in km)
State

Target

Achievement

Bihar 3929 236
Jharkhand 2594 225
West Bengal 2573 842
Madhya Pradesh 6162 2504
Arunachal Pradesh 637 95
Chhattisgarh 4368 2068
Assam 2864 1128
Total (of 28 states) 35182 16329
 
Under the PMGSY, the government initially plans to connect all habitations with a population of 1,000 or more in the plains, and 500 in the hill states and tribal and desert areas.
 
Subsequently, areas with a population of 500 (250 in the case of hill states, and tribal and desert areas ) are to be covered. About 3.68 lakh km of new roads are to be constructed. Another 3.70 lakh km of roads are to be upgraded or renewed.
 
Nearly 18 states, including Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Mizoram, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand were not able to achieve the target for 2006-07. In contrast, states like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat and Punjab achieved the target.
 
According to the government data, Jharkhand was short of the target by 91 per cent, West Bengal by nearly 67 per cent and Madhya Pradesh by 60 per cent.
 
It seems that the companies implementing the PMGSY also failed to keep pace in 2005-06. The companies were short of the target by 19 per cent.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Let The Cream Percolate

 

Growth gains meaning only with more jobs, less leakage of funds
 

Economic growth has had a good run in India for the last 25 years—especially so since 1994. At the same time, the growth story is every now and then punctuated by news of insurgencies, mass movements against the system, and farmer suicides. This surprises some people. But it ought not to. If you look at the statistics, you would realise that while the boom is genuine, it is largely concentrated at the top. This is not to deny that poverty has gone down. By the best estimates, the fraction of people living below the poverty line (BPL) is between 22-28 per cent.   

  

 India has as high as 45 per cent of its workers self-employed. We need to reach out to this segment.   But 220-275 million BPL people is an intolerably large number, especially when you realise that we are talking about abject poverty—people living on approximately Rs 500 or less a month.

 

It is not surprising then that this huge segment, which   sees the newspaper headlines celebrating India and watches the glitz and success of India, feels marginalised and left out of the great Indian transformation. This "other side" of India usually escapes attention. The poor with their mundane lives do not make news. So, it is easy for this segment to slip out from our attention, until something major happens, like a sudden string of farmer suicides. It will be wrong to dismiss these kinds of behaviour as misguided.

 

Having said this, it has to be pointed out that the connection between growth and poverty is an intricate and widely misunderstood one. Growth is essential to eradicate poverty. But growth is not sufficient. We need deliberate, complementary policies to distribute the spoils of growth wider.

 

Employment: So while the government continues to work on growth, there should be a whole set of parallel mechanisms that aims to draw people out from poverty. Measures like the NREGA (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) alone will not have sustainable impact. We need policies to ensure a rise in the demand for labour from the private sector. One thing that is happening in India is that employment is not keeping in step with growth. From 1993 to 1999, the rise in employment was substantially below overall growth. Fortunately, in the last three or four years, employment has started picking up, so that we are now back again to roughly the 1993 level. Another labour market phenomenon that is not widely noted is that an astonishingly high number of India's workers—around 45 per cent—are self-employed. India needs an original strategy to reach out to this segment of workforce.

 

One reason why the nation has so much self-employment is because of the defects in our laws guiding the employer-employee relation. These laws were inherited by India from the British and it is time to reappraise and reform them. This will facilitate the growth of the manufacturing sector, which can cause a surge in the demand for labour. And this will enable workers to bargain for themselves—for better wages, better working conditions, better severance conditionalities. We will not have to rely on the whimsies of our policymakers to dole these benefits out as they see fit.

 

Delivery Mechanism: There are two things required to improve the delivery of basic health and educational facilities. We need to allocate more money for this—all the same recognise that money is not enough as a lot of it can dissipate through leakages. So while stepping up allocations, we need to monitor that the services are actually being delivered. In the case of education, there are studies to show that in state-run primary schools, 25 per cent of the teachers are absent from school at any random point of time. On top of this, there are teachers who are physically there but not teaching. This means that over a quarter of allocations are literally being doled out for nothing.This is partly a matter of culture, which explains why there is performance gap between states—in Maharashtra, absenteeism is 14 per cent, in Jharkhand 42 per cent. Still, India's rise in literacy rate in the last decade has been the fastest since Independence. The reason is that the urge to educate has increased among households. It's time the government steps in with a better delivery of services. With the demand already there, it can get better returns on each rupee.

 

This has a general lesson for India. With the economy booming like never before, there's scope for reaching out to the poor of a kind we have never had. It will be a shame if we let this opportunity pass.

 

Author is the Professor And Director at Cornell University

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

It can pay to be a beggar in India


NEW DELHI - In a country of myriad social and economic mixes, this is one more. Some say it pays to be a beggar in India. It represents an estimated Rs2 billion (about US$50 million) business in the commercial hub Mumbai. Begging is estimated to be a Rs1.5 billion industry in Delhi, employing 50,000 people.

Most beggars originate from the more than 200 million Indians who continue to live under impoverished conditions, surviving on less than $1 a day. Benefits of growth have trickled down, with more than 200 million crossing the poverty line in the past two decades, but there is a huge mass yet untouched.

Innumerable visitors to India, when they return home, carry back images of beggars knocking desperately on their car windows or pestering them at tourist locations.

Though there is a very dark side to begging in India, of exploitation of children and forced amputations, the organized aspects of the begging business have also come to the fore.

Some have been more than lucky. Recently, the media carried the story of a female beggar named Sarvatia Devi from the impoverished state of Bihar, who pays an annual insurance premium of Rs36,000 ($800), a princely sum for many. She has money stashed away in bank accounts. The report said Sarvatia has traveled across the country and has even been on a pilgrimage to many holy places.

"It's fun traveling on trains free of cost. I board any train and beg till I reach my destination," she said.

Sarvatia's case is similar to those of some Mumbai bargirls who have amassed huge wealth from the largesse extended by their very rich clients. The scale of earnings of some bargirls who inhabited the dance bars that have been banned now is, of course, much more.

But the begging business model is sound. Indians are known to be in a very generous mood during holy occasions such as festivals or temple visits, celebrations such as marriages or success in jobs or exams. Families have followed the tradition of giving away alms to the poor for generations. Beggars, like cows, are tolerated on Indian roads as many consider it their religious duty ( dharma) to give away alms.

Some beggars have had it better than others. There have been several instances of beggars fighting cases in courts by hiring lawyers to defend their right to beg after being picked up by the police. A beggar found dead on the roadside in Mumbai had hundreds of thousands of rupees stashed away under the mattress on which he died.

Film director Madhur Bhandrakar, known for entertaining yet meaningful cinema, spent more than a year researching the subject of begging in Mumbai that resulted in the recent movie Traffic Signal.

Bhandrakar portrays beggars as human beings with emotions and attachments, but ends up preaching the status quo rather than finding a way out the morass for the people involved. However, the film does illuminate quite a bit of the back-channel systems that run the show. It is a deep-rooted mafia, involving politicians, municipal authorities, police and the underworld, that charges protection money from each beggar and ensures that the business keeps running.

The film, however, only fleetingly looks at the several allegations of criminal gangs resorting to amputation of body parts of adults or crippling children so that they generate more sympathy and can make more money.

As with any other vocation, there are beggars who make it and others who don't. Thus the half-naked fakir watches movies in multiplexes with his girlfriend while not working as a beggar; the desperately pregnant woman's clothing is filled up with pillows; the seemingly dead person on the road is actually alive.

The basic principle on which the begging works is a very deep-seated belief among many Indians that their sorrow can end or happiness could continue if they help the poor. It's a very noble principle except that ideally the alms should be channeled via more organized forums rather than car windows or thrown at a poor soul on the sidewalk. It is in essence a wasteful industry centered on a parasitic existence and exploiting the poor.

Recently, noting the failure of the Delhi government and the police to curb begging in public, a court directed both to place beggars in detention houses and train them in vocational trades. The police also have to investigate whether "organized begging" is run by an inter-state mafia. Police officials say they are quite helpless against permanently rounding up beggars because of legal and cultural issues that look at begging as a social rather than criminal problem.

A recent study conducted by a prominent non-governmental organization and the Institute of Human Behavior and Allied Sciences, one of India's leading mental hospitals, revealed that 77.6% of homeless women were 16-45 years old. While more than half of the women ( 52.2%) surveyed were selling small items on footpaths to earn a livelihood, 18.4% were doing odd jobs as construction workers and contract laborers. Another 18.5% were beggars. Significantly, 98% reported sexual harassment.

Indian social activists could perhaps follow the example of Bangladesh's 2006 Nobel Prize Laureate Mohammed Yunus, who has included the category of beggars in his massive microcredit program. Beggars are provided loans to procure items such as toys, food or stationary items, a process that allows them ultimately to move up the economic and social ladder. Many have managed to set up their own small businesses, such as retail shops.

Indeed, begging is only one aspect of dark elements trying to take advantage of the acute poverty in India. Despite a ban on the human-organ trade, there is a ruthless machinery that is involved in multimillion-dollar exercises that prey on the poor desperate for money. Many times organs are removed even without the knowledge of the victim, who might have been admitted to a hospital for some other ailment. As Indians are very reluctant voluntary donors, the southern state of Tamil Nadu has attained notoriety for scandals involving illegal removal of kidneys.

India continues to be a story of vast contrasts. According to government figures, a new category of the rural rich has emerged creating a divide within the rural economy, as opposed to just a rural-urban income disparity. Thus the rural rich are 1,000 times as likely as rural poor to own a motorcycle, 100 times as likely to own a color television, and 25 times as likely to own a pressure cooker.

The rural-rich market is estimated to be worth more than $100 billion. Investors looking at India as a market composed of 300 million middle-class households, many employed in the services sector that contributes more than 50% of the gross domestic product, could do well to add another 100 million, at least, residing (or with a base) in rural locations.

However, beggars on the streets of India are one more stark reminder of the distance that has yet to be covered.

 

 

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/ID03Df01.html

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Minorities may get more in 5-year plan

 

 

NEW DELHI : Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has assured CPI(M) leaders that a sub plan for Muslims in the 11th Plan would be considered. CPI(M) leaders including Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechury had  taken up the matter with the Prime Minister on March 23 when Singh assured them that the cabinet will discuss the matter shortly, sources revealed on Saturday.

 

In the wake of the Sachar Committee report which highlighted the pathetic socio-economic condition of Muslims in the country, the CPI(M) had set up an in-house committee to study and suggest affirmative steps to empower Muslims. The party had recently demanded that the Centre have a sub plan proportionate to the population of Muslims, and on the lines of the one for development of tribals in north-eastern states.

 

Observing that the West Bengal government was the first to seek a sub plan for the Muslims in the 11th Plan, Karat on Friday said the Prime Minister had told them that a decision would be taken on the matter. "We want the union cabinet to take a decision soon on having a sub-plan for minorities," he said.

 

As part of its efforts to create awareness on the Sachar Committee report on the socio-economic backwardness of Muslims, the CPI(M) on Friday organised a convention of Muslims to debate the issue. Addressing the convention Karat asked the ruling UPA coalition not to succumb to the BJP's accusations of a campaign on 'minority appeasement' and demanded that the government should go ahead full-steam to implement the recommendations to uplift the lot of Muslims.

 

Maintaining that the socio-economic status of Muslims was far behind other communities, Karat said justice must be done to the Muslims. He stated the convention would adopt a demand charter on the basis of the Sachar Committee recommendations and present it to the government for action.

 

Senior CPI(M) MP Mohd Salim explained the proposed demand charter to the gathering of mostly Muslim party leaders from different parts of the country.

 

Observing that the Sachar Committee had highlighted the deplorable socio-economic plight of the Muslims, he said issues of development, employment, income generation, education and security were part of the demand charter for the advancement of Muslim community. The charter details large number of issues and demands which the party would place before the government.

 

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1088520

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Centre blamed for poverty

Bhubaneswar, April 1: Finance minister Prafulla Ghadei blamed the Centre for the backwardness of the state and sought adequate central assistance to correct the imbalance.

Speaking during the debate on the appropriation bill for 2007-08 in the Assembly last night, Ghadei said the flow of central funds to Orissa — which has been identified as the poorest state — was too meagre to tackle its backwardness.

Alleging that the UPA government has been adopting a "step-motherly attitude" towards Orissa, he said the flow of special grants to the state was far lesser than those to states likes Bihar and Andhra Pradesh. "The economic development of this backward state would be possible if the Centre pumps in adequate funds," said the minister.

During the debate on vote-on-account on Friday night Ghadei had claimed that the state had lost around Rs 88,600 crore due to "faulty recommendations" of the Finance Commission. The state had been incurring huge losses due to non-revision of coal royalty and fewer shares of central taxes, he said.

Referring to the undivided Koraput-Bolangir-Kalahandi districts — a significant poverty zone in India — the minister said the Centre had from 2007-08 reduced central assistance from Rs 250 crore per annum to Rs 130 crore.

Ghadei demanded more central funds for Orissa's overall and uniform development.

Highlighting the achievements of the state government on the financial front, he claimed that the government was able to achieve revenue surplus after 22 years.

The state's revenue had gone up from Rs 1,755 crore in 1995-96 to Rs 6,534 crore in 2005-06.

Similarly, the plan expenditure had increased. Not only has the government been able to spend more plan funds, the submission of utilisation certificates has improved significantly. Utilisation certificates worth Rs 2,815 crore have been submitted by various departments during 2004-05, as against a meagre Rs 500 crore in 1999-2000, said the minister.

Earlier, the Opposition members had ridiculed the government for its revenue surplus claim. "The state government is trying to take credit of achieving revenue surplus by reducing expenditure on developmental activities," said J.B. Patnaik.

 

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070402/asp/frontpage/story_7593849.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Orissa tribals stage daylong road blockade

Jajpur (Orissa), April 2 (IANS) Angry tribals of Orissa's Jajpur district blocked a road protesting the death of a person due to grievous injuries he sustained in police firing over a year ago, but lifted the daylong blockade late Monday after adequate compensation was promised.

'They lifted the blockade after we assured them that the state government would consider providing adequate compensation to the family of Kishan Uduli,' District Collector Arabinda Padhi told IANS.

Uduli, 26, was among 38 people injured when the police fired at them Jan 2, 2006, during a huge demonstration protesting construction of a boundary wall TATA Steel was erecting in Kalinganagar. Thirteen people were killed in that incident.

Although the government promised medical care to the injured, it failed to do so, as a result of which Uduli died, a tribal leader told IANS. The young man died Sunday night.

http://news.monstersandcritics.com/india/news/article_1286035.php/Orissa_tribals_stage_daylong_road_blockade%0A_LEAD

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Will online courses serve the purpose?

 

The decision of the Distance Education Council (DCE) to virtually eliminate geographical barriers from education by offering IIT and IIM courses through distance education has elicited mixed reactions from the experts, teachers and students. While the students sing hosannas to this decision, many IT professionals express their doubts over the quality of knowledge acquired through such courses.

A former gold medallist from IIT-Kharagpur and senior vice president of a leading mobile manufacturer, Ashish Pachory, raises the first such doubt. "I don't understand the relevance of such technical courses being offered through correspondence. The IITs have a very different atmosphere which is replete with knowledge and that can't be replicated anywhere other than on campus. Although I believe these will not be regular courses, but still how does one get the practical hands-on training through distance education? Next, we will probably hear of doctors getting online degrees," he says.

A thought shared by Sudesh Dhanda, an IIM Lucknow alumnus and HR manager in a leading BPO in the city. He says, "I don't agree with this concept. For such professional and technical courses, one needs constant guidance and practical training, which will not be possible through correspondence. The way I used to study and got my degree was not easy. It will not be right to impart half-baked knowledge to these students."

In spite of all these arguments, there are a few who think this is a wise decision taken by the DCE which was constituted under statute 28 arising from Section 25 of the Indira Gandhi National Open University Act, 1985. Director of IIM Lucknow, Prof Devi Singh happens to be one of them. He says, "It will be a boon to online education. Also, what remains to be seen is what kind of courses are being offered for such programmes. Since it's going to be an audio-visual assisted programme, I don't think there should be anything lacking in this. In any case, they are not going to be the regular technical courses. They will be just focussed certificate and diploma courses."

And clearing the doubt over the course content of such programmes is Director of IIT Kanpur, Dr SG Dhande. "First of all, I'd like to clear this doubt that IITs and IIMs just don't offer undergraduate and PG technical courses. They offer so many courses and the ones that will be made online will not be the regular BTech courses. These courses are meant for teachers and professionals living out of the State and I don't see any harm in that. It is a step forward in continuing education which will benefit so many people." It is worth mentioning that IIT Kanpur is already offering online courses to Chhattisgarh University and has collaboration with Paris University for on-line courses. However, as Dr Dhande says, "It is an experiment which we have been trying for 2-3 years. So let's give it a chance and see how it goes."

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/City_Supplements/Lucknow_Times/Will_online_courses_serve

_the_purpose/articleshow/1847588.cms

 

 

 

 

 

 

  Check out the Jharkhand Video only at  jharkhandi.org  

 

 
 


#121 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Sun Apr 1, 2007 10:32 pm
Subject: Sunday, April 1, 2007
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   Sunday, April 1, 2007    




 
 
 

 
 
 
 
Tutors frown at PG course call

Ranchi, March 31: The cabinet decision to allow post-graduate courses in degree colleges came in for scathing criticism today, with university teachers voicing apprehension that it would open the floodgates and further dilute higher education.

Pointing out that post-graduate education in the state is already in a mess, they cited the state's own experience with the Jharkhand Eligibility Test (JET) last year. Very few candidates qualified in the test held to find eligible college teachers. In subjects like chemistry, nobody qualified while in physics, very few did.

It had sparked off a public debate on the state of higher education. And it was agreed that conditions in post-graduate departments were pathetic, with shortage of teachers, leave alone good teachers, paucity of funds and poor infrastructure.

Instead of strengthening the existing post-graduate departments and enforcing more stringent quality-control on teaching and research, the state government has decided to encourage students refused admission by PG departments to rush to degree colleges offering PG courses.

If existing PG departments continue to be ill-equipped, short-staffed and deficient in infrastructure, it would be foolish to expect colleges to be better, they felt.

The University Grants Commission, they point out, is a recommending body and in any case universities are authorised to grant affiliation to colleges with or without clearance from the AICTE.

The UGC grants more funds for colleges with postgraduate teaching, hence a group of teachers apprehend that after getting funds, many such colleges would discontinue post-graduate courses after a couple of years on some plea or the other, including the plea that students have disappeared after taking admission.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070401/asp/jamshedpur/story_7592065.asp












The Three Curses?

Education, healthcare, infrastructure...barring stray NGO efforts, the poor in India seem condemned to inhuman existence

Eerie Indicators


As per an NCERT survey, nearly a fifth of the 25 lakh- plus full-time primary school teachers are untrained.

A 2001 survey in Bengal's Purulia, Birbhum, West Midnapore districts showed only 7% of those who didn't take tuitions could write their names.

In Punjab, only 7% rural and 6% urban households use public health facilities for non-hospitalised illnesses.

A World Bank study reveals 39% doctors play truant in state-run institutions.

In East Singhbhum district of Jharkhand, the standard of education is so poor that students of classes five and six cannot comprehend two-digit additions.

While the Uttar Pradesh health department claims 100 per cent immunisation, the Centre finds that the coverage is actually 30 per cent.

In Bangalore, India's technology hub, two girls drown in a drain because their state-run school doesn't have a toilet and the girls were forced to go out.

Extreme cases? No, this is the real state of the poor in India.

As the Indian economy booms, and experts confidently predict double-digit growth rates in the near future, there is a large segment of society that seems to be untouched by it. For poverty-stricken households, survival itself is a question mark, even as policymakers talk about the coming of age of an Asian century, led by India and China.
The Outlook-GFK-Mode poll, conducted in one of India's poorest districts—Bolangir in Orissa—reveals the way the other half lives.

"One-fifth of India's population suffers from chronic hunger. it should be a...matter of highest priority for India's society and the world."

Jeffrey D. Sachs Director, the Earth Institute, Columbia University

Ninety-six per cent of the respondents had no toilet, over 50 per cent said the nearest primary healthcare centre was over 10 km away, and two-thirds of children dropped out of school at age 14. "There is a consistent gap between what the government reports tell you, and what independent surveys reveal," a senior economist, who works with a multilateral agency in Delhi, puts it bluntly.


Probably, the most glaring gaps lie in the field of education. The two major issues confronting policymakers are to find ways to improve the quality of teaching in schools, and prevent children from dropping out. A recent survey by NCERT concluded that state-run schools impart a "questionable" quality of education. It found that nearly a fifth of the over 25 lakh full-time teachers in primary schools were untrained, and the figure was similar for the over 13 lakh teachers in upper primary schools.

For example, in West Bengal, education remains a neglected area. Explains Santosh Bhattacharyya, former vice-chancellor, Calcutta University, "Most school teachers belong to the CPI(M)-affiliated unions and don't feel the need to deliver. Teachers are highly paid and highly pampered. Thus, absenteeism is rife and when teachers take classes, they don't teach properly." A 2002 survey by the state government found that most of the primary and upper primary schools lacked infrastructure and they faced consistently low teacher attendance.

Children tend to drop out, either because parents find education useless, or expect them to augment household incomes. The Punjab's Economic Survey (2006) found that the dropout rate at the secondary level was over 48 per cent. In Bengal, the Pratichi Trust, founded by Amartya Sen, carried out a survey in Purulia, Birbhum and West Midnapore districts in 2001. "We realised that 30 per cent of the students didn't attend classes," says Kumar Rana, senior research associate at the trust. "Only 7 per cent of those who didn't take private tuitions (since they couldn't afford to) could write their names. So, the poor continued to be excluded from education."

Exceptions exist. Like the World Bank-funded project in UP which has enrolled 50 lakh children in the past two years in the 30,000 new schools built in the state.

To ensure accountability, teachers were recruited locally and, already, 1.5 lakh teachers have been hired at a monthly remuneration of Rs 3,500 each. "Since we have local teachers, it has come as a boon for the educated unemployed in the villages," says Radhey Lal, the head of Pooranpur village, which is under the Mohanlalganj subdivision of Lucknow. However, such examples are few and far between.
When it comes to the public health sector, the picture is as dismal as in education. Despite increasing budgetary allocations to health, states are unable to utilise funds. In 2005-06, 18 states were able to use just 50 per cent of the funds meant for improving healthcare delivery systems.

The silver lining: people are turning more demanding, using RTI to seek efficient delivery of basic services.

Government studies themselves point out that the bulk of the money used is spent on infrastructure development, not on improving services. This perhaps accounts for the poor outcome of the countrywide immunisation programme.
"The faith in the healthcare infrastructure in rural areas isn't much," feels Deoki Nandan, director, National Institute of Health and Family Welfare. Adds R.N. Gupta, who was formerly with the Indian Council for Medical Research, "The political system is responsible for many things, including healthcare, going wrong." Low payscales, poor amenities, lack of connectivity and power shortages make doctors reluctant to take up jobs in rural areas. Even if they do, they mostly don't report for work. A World Bank study showed that 39 per cent of doctors and 44 per cent of other medical personnel are absent from their work in state-run health institutions.
In Punjab, says A.K.

Nanda, senior fellow, Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development, "the tertiary healthcare has collapsed as the Punjab Health Systems Corporation, which was set up to oversee it, has become virtually defunct". At the policy level, the focus seems to have shifted towards diseases that afflict the affluent, rather than killer ones like TB. Faced with rampant corruption and nepotism, only seven per cent of the rural households and six per cent of the urban ones use public health facilities for non-hospitalised illnesses in the state.

The urban poor fare no better. The government has estimated that 23 per cent of the urban population are slum-dwellers, and most of them below the poverty line. In most cities and towns, around 20-30 per cent of the population are slum-dwellers, while the number is 30 per cent in the case of Delhi. Recognising the need for a more planned approach to city development, the ministry of urban development and ministry of housing and urban poverty alleviation are in the midst of finalising a new policy. One proposal is to adopt the model being planned to transform Mumbai's Dharavi, Asia's biggest slum.

The silver lining—and it shouldn't be taken lightly—is that people are becoming more demanding. "There are signs that the electorate is beginning to demand better service delivery," says Vikram K. Chand, who works for the World Bank. Agrees Rema Nanavaty of SEWA, "Awareness among rural people is definitely on the rise, but programme implementation is slow. If you see progress in some areas, it's because of the initiatives of local communities and civil societies." SEWA itself has built an association of 9,63,000 women, who are fast becoming the agents of change in rural areas, especially in Gujarat.

Veena Jha, India's programme coordinator at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, contends that NGOs "have had a big role to play in Bihar, especially north Bihar, where they are partnering with locals to open new schools. What is noticeable is that people are hungry for education." In Rajasthan, says social activist Aruna Roy, "the state government is lackadaisical, but people's pressure is forcing it to act".

Across the country, individuals have found voices, and are using the right to information to seek efficient delivery of basic amenities and services.


Even the Centre and state governments are waking up to the new realities. At the central level, the finance ministry is designing a computerised model that will make the system transparent and enable the public to access records. The ministry for health and family welfare has engaged the United Nations Population Fund to assess the quality of services and the performance of accredited social health activists in 18 states for mid-course corrections.

"The difference (in India and China's economies) has not so much to do with democracy, but (in India's) failure to invest in education and health."

Joseph E. Stiglitz Nobel-winning economist

In the first phase, the performance in three states—Rajasthan, MP and Orissa—is being evaluated.


The combined attempts are making a change in the rural hinterland—albeit very slowly. But still, let's conclude with the good news, hoping that such models will be replicated in lakhs of other villages. Here's a story about the transformation of Raj Samadhiyala, a village 20 km from Rajkot in the drought-prone Saurashtra region of Gujarat. From being a poverty-stricken hamlet, its 2,000-odd dwellers today harvest three crops, including 20 varieties of vegetables. The personal annual incomes range between Rs 50,000 and Rs 12 lakh. The primary healthcare centre works to full attendance, each house has a toilet, water connection and drainage system, there's full enrolment in the local primary school, and the village is safe and secure with no reported thefts.

The credit goes to Hardevsinh, a post-graduate who chose to stay back to change the village. "I bridged the gap between the panchayat and the people by setting up village community leaders. These leaders were accountable for results from their respective communities," says Jadeja. Thus, the village was able to introduce water harvesting, build 45 checkdams, create a network of farm ponds and percolation tanks that raised the water table over the years.


http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20070409&fname=OBasic+Nayar&sid=1&pn
=3













Naxal annual report reveals terror plans

NEW DELHI: The Naxal onslaught at Riga in Sitamarhi district of Bihar may be the first of a series of such attacks planned by the militants in areas where large mining, irrigation or industrial projects are to be set up.

This is suggested by the fact that an annual report of the Maoists, seized by security forces recently, had listed several upcoming projects in Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh for attacks.

The Riga attack may just be a symbolic call for battle to create Red terror in the nearby region, where the proposed Kosi irrigation project is to come up, security experts believe.

Incidentally, the Kosi project is on top on the Maoists' hitlist, with the annual report saying the region needed attention for not only repulsing the government machinery but also for mobilising mass support.

The Maoists had made their intentions clear nearly six months ago when they met to observe the sixth anniversary of their armed wing People's Liberation Guerilla Army on October 8 last year. The Red ultras, in their annual report (October 2005-September 2006), a copy of which is with the TOI, specifically listed sites for attacks.

Among these were areas having proposed bauxite mines of Jindals near Visakhapatnam and Polvaram irrigation project in Andhra Pradesh, projects of Tatas, Essar and Jindals in Chhattisgarh, Rajghara-Raoghat-Jagdalpur rail line, steel plants of Posco and Tatas in Orissa, power plants of Reliance and ongoing Narmada projects in Madhya Pradesh.

The ultras, in their eight-page report, asked their cadre to put up a brave front against these projects and initiate a Kalinga Nagar-type of agitation.

The Kalinga Nagar incident had witnessed killing of 12 tribals during a protest against Tata Steel's proposed project in Jajpur district in Orissa in January last year. Thousands of tribals, backed by Maoists, had opposed the plant fearing displacement.

Besides touching upon their future plan, Maoists also listed their successful operations, which included the Jehanabad jailbreak in Bihar, killing of 11 Naga jawans and attack on Salva Judum camps in Chhattisgarh, killing of 14 cops in West Singbhum in Jharkhand and attack on Malkangiri-Udaigiri jail in Orissa.

It is clear from the report's contents that they had been successful in such operations despite the government putting up a larger contingent of security personnel in place. It also reflects the naxals' intention to encourage their cadre by highlighting such incidents.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/India/Naxal_annual_report_reveals_terror_plans
/articleshow/1842133.cms













Hindu trust offers job to Bahadur Shah's kin

A Hindu temple trust in Bihar has offered a job and free education to the impoverished family members of India's last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar's great granddaughter-in-law Sultana Begum.

This humane gesture of communal harmony comes in a year that India celebrates the 150th year of the first war of independence in 1857 - a war fought under the leadership of Zafar.

The Patna-based Mahavir Mandir Trust has offered a job to a member of Kolkata-based Sultana Begum's family and free education to her grandson to mark their respect for Zafar, whose contribution to sectarian harmony and national integration is legendary.

'The temple trust has offered a job to any member of her family in any secular institution and free education to her grandson to pay our respects to Bahadur Shah Zafar ' said trust secretary Kishore Kunal here.

Sultana Begum, who is in her early 50s, is in Bihar along with a minor grandson on a mission to spread the message of peace and create awareness about Zafar's contributions to society.

'I was honoured when the trust offered a job for a family member and free education to my grandson. It is a great thing to happen, I will not forget this in my lifetime,' said an emotionally charged Sultana Begum, who is the wife of the late Mirza Mohammad Bedar Bakht, the great grandson of Bahadur Shah Zafar.

Bakht was born in Rangoon where the British government had imprisoned his great grandfather. After India's independence, Bakht return to India and married Sultana Begum in 1965.

Sultana Begum, who lives off a small scrap shop in a Kolkata slum along with half a dozen family members, also visited a Sikh shrine - the Patna Saheb Gurdwara - and a tomb of a Muslim saint at Phulwarisharif near here.

'We have been struggling for survival. There was virtually no help from the West Bengal government or the central government,' she added.

With a meagre pension of Rs.400 since 1980, she has seen near penury after her husband died. 'There was no change in my pension but prices of rice and wheat increased manifold. The pension provided by the government hardly allows us to get foods for four days. But who cares for us despite our historical background?' she lamented.

Sultana Begum has set up the Bahadur Shah Zafar Memorial Trust in West Bengal, with the aim of making people aware of the contributions made by the last Mughal emperor. 'I want to spread the message of communal harmony of the last Mughal emperor among the youth,' she said.

The trust will hold a poetry meet in Kolkata on April 22. She also plans to revive Zafar's famous 'Phul Walon ki Sair' (floral tour).

Earlier here, Kunal presented her with a shawl, a memento and some traditional sweets prepared by the temple trust.

'We honoured her when she visited a Mahavir Jain temple and offered prayers for communal harmony,' said Kunal, a former IPS officer who was appointed administrator of the Bihar Religious Trusts Board by the Nitish Kumar government.

Kunal is credited with single-handedly turning around the Mahavir Mandir Trust into a profit making body. The trust runs three hospitals, including the state's first private cancer hospital here, from the monetary offering of devotees and profits from the sale of special sweets prepared by it.

The trust, which has also appointed a Dalit priest at the temple, is associated with the Ramanand sect.

http://www.indiaenews.com/art-culture/20070330/45326.htm












West Bengal shows red flag to Wal-Mart

KOLKATA: Sunil Mittal's plan to open a Bharti-Wal-Mart cash-and-carry store in Bengal has come under a cloud. On Friday, state finance minister Asim Dasgupta reiterated that Bengal would not allow Wal-Mart to establish a presence here.

Replying to a debate on the West Bengal Finance Bill, 2007, in the state Assembly, Dasgupta said chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has categorically told US envoy David Mulford that Wal-Mart is not welcome here.

"We said no to him and the government doesn't want to allow FDI in retail business," the minister said in reply to a question on the state's foreign direct investment (FDI) policy on retail by Congress MLA Sudip Bandyopadhyay.

The Congress leader is also the chairman of state Assembly's standing committee on commerce, industry and industrial reconstruction.

Bandyopadhyay said the state was "not being transparent" in its policy for retail sector. While Reliance chief Mukesh Ambani was being encouraged to start a retail business in Bengal, the state was not allowing Wal-Mart to do so.

"The state should form a committee to decide how it should approach the subject of FDI in retail," he added. "After what the minister has said, the question of Bharti-Wal-Mart starting operations in Bengal just does not arise," Bandyopadhyay told TOI.

Dasgupta made no comments on whether the government would prevent the Bharti-Wal-Mart joint venture from undertaking cash-and-carry operations here in the light of Friday's announcement.

Bharti chairman Sunil Mittal had said that Bharti-Wal-Mart is keen to include Bengal in its nation-wide roll-out plan. The state has already allowed Germany's Metro Cash & Carry to set up shops since it would engage in wholesale trade and target institutions as customers.

Although the Left has claimed that Wal-Mart is making a backdoor entry into India through the alliance with Bharti, the argument has not found favour with the UPA government at the Centre. The Bharti-Wal-Mart joint venture is expected to start operations later this year.

Dasgupta said the state would frame a policy for small and medium enterprises having turnovers less than Rs 50 lakh. The state would form a panel headed by economist PN Roy to examine the country spirits business.


http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/India_Business/West_Bengal_shows_red_flag_to
_Wal-Mart/articleshow/1835662.cms







 




Party games

Nandigram did not surprise me. I was anguished and angry but not surprised. I had heard the story of Alipurduar from Jugal Kishore Raybir.

This dalit activist, a believer in Gandhian non-violence, was the founder of UTJAS, (Uttar Bango Tapsili Jati O Adibasi Sangathan) an organisation of dalits and adivasis of north Bengal. Through the 1980s it demanded greater regional autonomy and justice for sons of the soil. Not only did the government turn a deaf ear, the ruling party launched an offensive against them, branding them 'separatist' or 'bichhinatabadi'.

The story of Alipurduar goes back to January 10 1987, twenty years before Nandigram. On that day, UTJAS had organised a rally of what they estimated to be about 50,000 people in Alipurduar, the headquarters of Cooch Behar district. As the rally started, they noticed something unusual: The police was nowhere in sight. Soon the rallyists found themselves surrounded by and under attack from the armed cadre of the CPM. The rally was dispersed as unarmed protesters were beaten and chased. The police surfaced, only to arrest the victims, once the party cadre had finished their job.

They say Jugal Raybir's commitment to non-violence prevented a blood bath that day. But that day also marked the end of the rise of UTJAS as a political challenge to the Party. For the next few months, the UTJAS cadre was hounded by the police, attacked by the CPM and not allowed to hold even indoor meetings. This dalit movement wilted under the onslaught of the state, police and Party. That prepared the ground for the rise of militant outfits like the Kamtapur Liberation Organisation. But that is a different story.

Note the parallels between Nandigram and Alipurduar: The Party faces a political challenge, decides to nip it in the bud and executes an onslaught in sync with the police and administration. The only difference this time was that there was unexpected resistance. And that an anti-SEZ movement makes more news today than a dalit movement did twenty years ago. There were no Gopal Gandhi or Tanika and Sumit Sarkar then to point out that the emperor had no clothes.

Nandigram may not have been the worst case of police firing. We have seen similar incidents in Orissa, Rajasthan and UP in recent times. West Bengal is certainly not the only state where the ruling party uses the state machinery to crush its political rivals. Om Prakash Chautala could still teach the CPM a lesson or two in this game. But there is one thing Chautala never did. He never talked of human rights and lofty democratic ideals. A Chautala could not have issued the injured yet clinical statement that the CPM's Politburo did after the Nandigram killings. The cold-bloodedness of the statement reminds you of the BJP top brass's reaction after Gujarat.

This gap between the CPM's preaching and practice did not surprise me. I have been looking at Christophe Jaffrelot's research on the social profile of MLAs in India. His analysis shows that the proportion of upper caste MLAs is on the decline all over the country since the 1960s. There is only one exception: In West Bengal the proportion of upper castes has increased in the state assembly after 1977, after the Left Front came to power. A coincidence? Not if you calculate the caste composition of successive Left Front ministries: About two thirds of the ministers come from the top three jatis (Brahman, Boddis, Kayasthas). Perhaps you did not notice that West Bengal was the last major state to come out with an OBC list to implement Mandal. You might say, the CPM believes in class, not caste. Fair enough, but then why is the CPM in Delhi so aggressive about championing Mandal? Why does it present itself as more Mandalite than thou?

Or read the data supplied by the West Bengal government to the Sachar Committee. With 25.2 per cent of Muslim population, the state government has provided just 2.1 per cent of the government jobs to Muslims. West Bengal has the worst record of all Indian states in this respect. Gujarat has just 9.1 per cent Muslims and has 5.4 per cent Muslims among government employees. The irony, of course, is that the CPM was the first party to come out with a statement demanding implementation of the Sachar Report!

Will the CPM stop playing games? A few months ago the Party held an unprecedented State Secretariat meeting to discuss the Cricket Association of Bengal elections. The CM was openly backing Kolkata's police chief only to be opposed by his own sports minister and Jyoti Basu. The Party finally declared that the CPM will not play politics with games, at least not with cricket. But what about playing games with politics? Will the CPM stop that as well?

Perhaps we should ask: Can the CPM stop playing games? Or are these games essential for survival for a party that has lost touch with the times, has lost faith in its own ideology and has come to fear its own cadre and election machine. Satyajit Ray's Shatranj ke Khiladi was a brilliant depiction of the games nobility played at the time of its historic decline. Alimuddin Street may not have time for such bourgeois indulgence, but the point of this film would not be lost on an avid cinema buff like Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee. Sometimes it is not the player who plays the game; it is the game that consumes the player.

The writer is a political scientist at the CSDS, New Delhi

http://www.indianexpress.com/story/26169.html













CAG report debunks Orissa claims on PSE reform

BHUBANESWAR: Notwithstanding tall claims made by the Orissa government on sweeping reforms in public sector enterprises (PSEs), the functioning of government companies and statutory corporations has shown no sign of improvement. In fact, due to faulty and delayed decisions, PSEs have suffered financial losses of over Rs 200 crore.

"There were 13 cases of loss amounting to Rs 73.47 crore on account of faulty planning; inadequate provisions in the contract for safeguarding financial interest; undue benefit to buyers, sellers and contractors; failure to discharge contractual obligations; non-collection of entry tax and poor recovery action", according to the latest report of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) laid in the Orissa Assembly last week.

There were instances of avoidable and wasteful expenditure amounting to Rs 5.41 crore in three cases dues to injudicious procurement of iron ore, conductors and vacuum interrupters and avoidable payment of interest", it added.

Interestingly, the Orissa Hydro Power Corporation (OHPC), a product of power sector reforms in the state, continued supply to its employees and local residents, blissfully forgetting that it required a distribution license for such activities. The failure to take timely remedial measures led to revenue loss of Rs 22.12 crore.

Gridco, the state's lone power transmission company, coughed up a penalty of Rs 5.69 crore as it failed to fulfill the supply commitment made to a trading company.

The poor follow-up for recovery of dues coupled with inadequate punitive measures for seizure of financed assets by the Orissa State Finance Corporation (OSFC) led to doubtful recovery of Rs 28.71 crore.

Idcol and its subsidiaries, like the Idcol Kalinga Iron Ore Works and Idcol Ferro Chrome and Alloys Ltd, have suffered financial losses of Rs 15.10 crore due to procurement of iron ore at a higher rate, failure in effecting sales of chrome ore in time and failure in increasing the crushing capacity of lump ore.

However, the most shocking revelation made by CAG is that the Orissa State Cashew Development Corporation has suffered massive revenue losses of Rs 65 crore.

The loss is because the Corporation failed to replant trees fully in vacant patches and in the damaged area after the supercyclone and also failed to replace old and senile trees.

Similarly, the Orissa Construction Corporation Ltd suffered revenue losses of Rs 49 crore, due to its heavy dependence on government works, delayed execution of works due to inappropriate fixation of target, coupled with improper and delayed engagement of job workers.

The CAG report has virtually debunked the Orissa government's assertion that it was restructuring and revamping public sector undertakings by inculcating professionalism in management under the Orissa Public Sector Enterprise Reforms Programme.

http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159766




 







Stir for separate 'Kosala' state intensifies in Orissa

Bhubaneswar, April 1 (IANS) Demand for a separate Kosala state in Orissa has intensified further with hundreds of agitators holding mass demonstration in the capital city even as the state celebrated its 72nd formation day Sunday.

About 1,000 activists of the Koshali Ekata Manch (KEM), an organisation that wants a separate state comprising 11 of Orissa's 30 districts, demonstrated in front of the residence of Governor Rameshwar Thakur Sunday shouting slogans.


The team led by KEM chief Pramod Mishra submitted a memorandum to the governor demanding statehood and inclusion of Koshali language in the 8th schedule of the Indian constitution. He threatened to intensify the agitation if the government did not meet their demands.

For the past 15 years, several other organisations too have been seeking a separate state comprising the backward districts of Bargarh, Bolangir, Boudh, Deogarh, Jharsuguda, Kalahandi, Koraput, Nuapada, Sambalpur, Subarnapur and Sundergarh in western Orissa.

Known as the Kosala region, these districts have often been in the news for sale of children, death due to malnutrition and high infant mortality rate.

Though the backwardness of the region has aroused national and international concern over the years, the situation has mainly remained unchanged.

Although leaders of various political parties are opposed to the idea of a separate Kosala state, the demand has found sympathy among the people of the region.

KEM activists across western Orissa observed April 1 as a protest day, Mishra said. Similarly, people from the region who are living in New Delhi also observed the day as a black day, he added.

http://news.monstersandcritics.com/india/news/article_1285554.php/Stir_for_separate _
Kosala_state_intensifies_in_Orissa












Vedanta puts money before the gods of India's Dongria Kondh

Their thick, ancient forests shelter leopards, elephants and even the odd tiger, and their slopes are home to an isolated people, but the "curse" of eastern India's Niyamgiri hills lies beneath the soil.

Massive deposits of bauxite have brought Britain's Vedanta Resources to this corner of the state of Orissa, where it has built a $900 million (R6.5 billion) alumina refinery.

Just a stone's throw from its gleaming new facility, a few hundred people gather in the shade of mango trees in Lanjigarh in mid-March for the latest protest against the company.

Among them is Dickcha Majhi, who walked for five hours from her village to the small town. She is a member of the 8 000-strong Dongria Kondh people, who worship an earth goddess and revere the hills as their protector, Niyam Raja.

"She is our mother and he is our beloved lord," she says, with rows of colourful beads around her neck, golden rings through her nose and through her ears, her frizzy hair held down with a dozen metal hair clips. "If you hand the hill over, the hill god will eat us."

As eastern India engages in an increasingly controversial rush to industrialise and exploit its vast mineral resources, Vedanta's plans to turn the top of the Niyamgiri range into open-cast mines has emerged as a key battleground. It is a battle not about whether to industrialise, but how to do it, and how to compensate the losers.

Conservationists say the mining firms could and should have chosen other hills, instead of risking the rich biodiversity of Niyamgiri, and have taken the issue to the supreme court. On the ground, farmers worry their traditional lands and livelihoods will disappear once mining begins. They are being corralled by local Congress Party politician Bhakta Charan Das, who promises to stage a mass march on the site in mid-April.

"By the time they reach here, the site will be gheraoed [encircled] by 50 000 people and the administration will be paralysed," he says.

An elephant corridor, and the only known home of the rare golden gecko in Orissa, the hills were proposed as a wildlife sanctuary in the 1990s. The Wildlife Society of Orissa dismisses Vedanta's pledge to spend millions of dollars protecting wildlife.

"How will they manage the wildlife?" asks Biswajit Mohanty. "Seventy-three million tons of bauxite will be taken out. You can't mitigate the effects of that."

The Vamsadhara river rises from the range and more than 30 streams flow from the mining site, providing water that sustains hundreds of thousands of people, conservationists say. Mining will destroy those sources, they argue.

In September 2005, a supreme court committee recommended that "the use of forest land in an ecologically sensitive area should not be permitted".

It condemns the ministry of environment and forests for a "blatant violation" of its own guidelines for the refinery to be built without getting clearance to mine in the hills, much of which is protected forest under Indian law.

But Vedanta, along with the state and central governments, have fought back hard. The company says the bauxite lies in the top 25m to 30m of the 1 000m high hills, and promises to protect water sources from contamination.

It will fill up pits with residues as it goes along, and plant new trees, says the refinery head, Sanjeev Zutshi. The supreme court will refer the case to the forest advisory committee, an expert panel. But that will only happen when the court and the government resolve a separate row about who should sit on that committee.

Meanwhile, Vedanta is forging ahead. Some of the pillars to carry a conveyor belt from the mine to the plant have already been built.

Zutshi says 17 locals are working in the refinery and 50 more are being trained. Hundreds might get jobs from local contractors as shovel men to sweep out spillage and drain slurry. But employment for all is simply not possible.

"One big issue which is difficult to address is the issue of employment," he says. "These people unfortunately are not educated at all, most of them are illiterate."

Instead Vedanta says it has sponsored health and education in local villages as well as alternative income-generating projects. But the firm's claim to popular support was belied by February's local elections, where Congress-backed candidates running on anti-Vedanta tickets dominated, says Das.

Two hours' drive away on a rocky, dirt road, a few Dongria Kondh men and women sit outside their thatched roof huts, their malnourished children beside them, berries fermenting in the sun to make home-made liquor.

Vedanta says the mines will not affect the slopes on which these people live, only the summits and ridges, which they worship. But already people here fear the worst.

"The earth is our mother," says Verang Majhi, rejecting any talk of compensation to leave ancestral lands. "Would you leave your mother for money?"

As dusk draws in and the lights of the refinery dominate the night sky, Reuters visits the village of Bandhaguda, right up against the wall of the plant. Daka Majhi says all 32 men of his village were jailed for seven days last year for staging a peaceful protest outside the refinery. Women were threatened by police while Vedanta completed the wall around the plant, cutting the people off from their pond, cremation grounds and much of their fields.

Zutshi contests that version of events, and says repeated efforts have been made to reach out to the villagers, even offering them resettlement at one point, only to be obstructed by a handful of people who want "heaps of money".

Vedanta, he insists, is not the bully that politician Das made it out to be. Nor can it afford to be.

"The days are gone when you can impose yourself, surround yourself with goons and policemen, and browbeat every Tom, Dick and Harry," he says. "It's not going to work, it's not a long-term solution at all."

http://www.busrep.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=&fArticleId=3758331












Farmers killed in Chhattisgarh for giving land to industry

RAIPUR, India (Reuters) - Maoist rebels killed two farmers in Chhattisgarh for allowing their land to be acquired for a planned steel plant, police said on Sunday, as the country debates industrial projects being set up on farmland.

The killings took place in a village in Dantewada district in Chhattisgarh, which is the worst hit of at least 13 out of 29 states affected by Maoist violence.

"Over 40 armed Maoists raided Bhansi village and killed two tribal villagers by slitting their throats for agreeing to surrender their land for Essar Steel's planned plant," senior police officer O.P. Pal told Reuters by telephone.

Bhansi village is about 400 km south of Raipur.

Police said Maoists had warned residents in the area not to hand over their land in return for financial compensation for the steel plant of Essar Steel Ltd., which had signed a deal with mineral-rich Chhattisgarh in 2005 for investing 70 billion rupees in the project in Dantewada.

The acquisition of land by companies and state governments for industrial units and special economic zones (SEZs) has become a hot issue in India.

Fourteen villagers protesting a planned chemical hub were killed in a clash with police last month in West Bengal. The local communist government later backtracked over placing it on farmland after the violence.

The Maoists, who say they fight for India's poor peasants and landless labourers, organised a 24-hour strike across eastern India and Chhattisgarh to protest the killings, and a government policy that allows the setting up of SEZs on fertile agricultural land.

Tens of thousands of people have been killed in Maoist violence in the past three decades.

In response to farmer protests earlier this year, the Union government put all proposed SEZs on hold.

An Essar Steel official said the land acquisition process for the plant in Dantewada was in the final stage, and that the state government had assured the company about 600 hectares (1,480 acres) of government and private land by June this year.

Farmers have had their land taken to make way for factories for decades in India, but in recent months isolated protests have joined into a national movement against the accelerating industrialisation of the economy.

http://in.today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=businessNews&storyID=2007-
04-01T195517Z_01_NOOTR_RTRJONC_0_India-292887-2.xml&archived=False












IFDA farm projects likely to be rolled out

NEW DELHI, APR 1 : Three projects of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) may be implemented in the country, this year, if the government sets up necessary infrastructure for its implementation.


Tejaswini rural women's empowerment project for select districts in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, approved by IFAD in December 2005, is in pipeline for implementation. IFAD has assured to extend a loan of $ 39.5 million for implementation of this project which involves a total investment of $ 208.7 million. This 8-year project intends to strengthen women's self-help groups (SHGs) by fostering links with banks and micro-finance institutions, improving livelihood opportunities by developing skills and fostering market linkages.

IFAD has also approved a similar project in December 2006 for empowering women in the mid-Gangetic plains (4 districts in UP and 2 districts in Bihar). This 8-year project entails an investment of $ 52.5 million against which IFAD has agreed to extend a loan of $ 30.2 million.

Another project for developing post-Tsunami sustainable livelihood opportunities in coastal Tamil Nadu was approved by IFAD in April 2005. This project entails an investment of $ 68.8 million and IFAD has agreed to extend a loan of $ 30 million. "We have been assisting projects in India since 1979 and have so far approved loans amounting to $ 564.4 million for 21 projects. Every year we approve to support one new project in India by extending loan within the range of $ 35 million. Our loan component may be small compared to the total investment but we arrange co-financing from different global agencies for the project," IFAD president, Lennart Bage told FE. IFAD also provides a small amount of grant for projects. Last year it gave a grant of $ one million to the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) and this year it has supported Uttaranchal Grameen Vikas Samiti with a grant of $ one million for innovation for reducing drudgery in women.

Bage further said that agreements for the projects are signed with the Union government which decides whether it should be implemented as a central government project or as a state government project by creating necessary infrastructure. Grants are mainly for research and innovations.

Thirteen IFAD-assisted projects have been completed so far which includes livelihood security project for earthquake-affected rural households in Gujarat, Mewat area development project, two Andhra Pradesh participatory tribal development projects, rural women's empowerment in select districts in Bihar, Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, Maharahstra rural credit project, Orissa tribal development project, Uttar Pradesh public tubewell project, Madhya Pradesh medium irrigation project, Sunderban development project, Rajasthan command area development project and Bhima command area development project.

"Our evaluations show that these completed projects benefited thousands of rural households. Basing on our past experiences we are eager to assist more projects in India," said Bage. There still 5 on-going projects in different parts of the country like livelihood improvement projects in the Himalayas and in the Orissa tribal belt, national micro-finance support programme being implemented by SIDBI,

Jharkhand-Chhattisgarh tribal development programme and northeastern region community resource management project for upland areas.

Bage outlined IFAD's India strategy for 2005-09 which includes providing access to micro-finance which he says has been very effective in women's self-help groups. Other aspects of IFAD's policy are to improve livelihood opportunities for communities in semi-arid tropicial regions with better water management and new farm technologies, introducing development activities in the densely populated and impoverished mid-gangetic plains, improving productivity for coastal fishing communities through sustainable means, developing partnerships with NGOs and corporate sector to re-inforce community-based approach and promoting policy change through project activities.

Bage said with Indian economy growing at a fast rate, the farmers need to link up with the markets for ensuring better living conditions. He also suggested that farmers should come together a set up processing units so that they can directly stand to benefit from the sales of their value-added products. Micro-finance institutions should attract deposits from the local people to encourage savings and their own viability.

http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159772












 
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#120 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Sat Mar 31, 2007 10:05 pm
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Fluorosis affecting the health of Jharkhand villagers

Ranchi, Mar 31: Residents of the remote village of Chukru, which lies 20 kilometers from Jharkhand's Palamu District headquarters are experiencing various physical disabilities due to the presence of excessive fluoride in the ground water of the area.

Every second person -- children as well as adults -- is suffering from deformed limbs, cataract, or premature ageing.luorosis hit the village in 1980 when the Government constructed borewells here to solve the drinking water problem of the village.

A boon soon became a curse, as the excessive fluoride content in the water started affecting the health of the villagers.

According to a test carried out by a private organisation in 1995-1996, the ground water in the region contains excessive fluoride.

" Children born in the village after 95-96 are not healthy. Our health is also deteriorating, we cannot do much work. Now, we have started drinking water from the river. We have appealed to the government to solve this problem, but no action has been taken so far," said Prabha Ram, one of the villagers.

However, Nagendra Prasad Singh of the State Public Health Department said that water filters have been installed in the village and efforts are on to ensure the availability of pure and safe drinking water to the village.

"We have constructed 19 bore wells with water filter device under the National Employment Guarantee Scheme in three villages," said Prasad.

Villagers' complain that only one water filter device has been installed in this area, which is damaged.luorosis is a condition caused by the excessive intake of fluorine and is commonly of two types - skeletal fluorosis and dental fluorosis.

As the names suggest, the first affects the bones and the latter affects the teeth.

Doctors say that surgery is the only option to deal with flurosis that too after the fluoride content in the body is brought down.

http://www.dailyindia.com/show/129873.php/Fluorosis-affecting-the-health-of-Jharkhand-villagers

 

 

 

 

 

 

Few takers for library project

Ranchi, March 30: Over Rs 40 lakh was spent in the UGC-sponsored "ambitious" Inflibnet project way back in 1996, but only five teachers, 27 postgraduate students and research scholars of Ranchi University availed its "incomplete" services.

In the past 10 years, top officials of the university failed to ensure that as many as 4,000-odd research works (carried after early '70s) and approximately 1.12 lakh books of the university get a place on the Inflibnet web, which covers 115 universities across the country.

"The story dates back to 1996 when UGC sanctioned Rs 6.5 lakh to the university to set up an Inflibnet centre as per its mandate that students can access reputed journals, research conducted by all the universities so as to avoid duplication and bibliographical details of books available in the universities," said an employee of the centre revealing how RU sat over the funds for five successive years after purchasing three computers and earmarking space for the centre on the first floor of the central library building at the Morabadi campus.

Basanti Jain, who took over as librarian in 2001 after predecessor H.N. Singh, said how the centre was closed till 2004 before it was reopened. "A server (of Rs 70,000), two more new computers and a software for university library (SOUL) was bought in 2005. But there was no computer professional to enable us to feed the data related to research work and books," said Jain, who has retired today.

It was in mid-2005 when a computer professional S.K. Sinha was deputed from the tabulation centre to Inflibnet centre to realise the project. But there is acute scarcity of manpower as besides Sinha only one ad hoc employee was rendering services to feed the research and book data of RU so as the same get incorporated on the Inflibnet website.

Interestingly, the research data fed by the team is only in bibliographical form and no one could go into abstract and original texts of the research work conducted by RU teachers and scholars. As of today, the final data are yet to be prepared for sending it to the Ahmedabad main centre of Inflibnet. "Bibliographical details of about 4,000 research work and and only about 2,000 books (out of 1.2 lakh total books at the central library) could be fed," said Sinha.

As of now, after the Inflibnet centre started operation in 2006, services have been availed by five teachers and 27 research scholars and PG students showcasing the aptitude of teachers and students. Top university officials do not want to give details why the service could not be started here.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070331/asp/jamshedpur/story_7588967.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

Check ID, stay connected
- Thousands of cellphones likely to go dead from April 1

Ranchi, March 30: Cellphones of thousands of pre-paid subscribers will be de-activated from April 1 because they have failed to verify their details with respective operators.

Fresh verification of mobile phone subscribers is being conducted all over the country following a directive of department of telecommunications, which has levied Rs 1,000 penalty for each violation of verification after March 31. DoT directive had come in November to strengthen verification system following intelligence reports that many pre-paid subscriptions were working on fake addresses and bulk connections were issued to one person.

G. Nagendra Nath, GM (mobile), BSNL, Jharkhand, said only 6,000-7,000 remained to be verified, of a total of 5 lakh subscribers. "They had taken connection through 14 BSNL franchisees in the state. We have given them ultimatum to submit fresh verification forms by tomorrow evening or their numbers would be barred from midnight," he said.

Since June 2006 no subscriber has been given a SIM without proper verification, including physical check, said Nath, adding that they "will not be able to give more time to the subscribers to verify their details with the BSNL since deadline ends on March 31".

"Numbers of such subscribers, who did not verify themselves will be de-activated from April 1," he said.

A Reliance India Mobile official said they were on the job since January, "and barring a few hundred of the total four-lakh plus subscribers in Jharkhand, all submitted fresh verification forms". Those who did not submit their papers have already been barred, he added.

"In fact, we gave a talktime of Rs 100 more to the subscribers who filled fresh forms," he said.

Ashok Singh of Reliance Telecom said that barring 20,000 odd subscribers, all 4.5 lakh customers had followed the direction.

"Numbers of many subscribers were barred, but activated again once they submitted fresh documents. Those who failed to comply remained de-activated. Even now, we are getting 2000-3,000 verification forms every day and hope to complete the process by tomorrow evening," he added.

Tata Indicom, AirTel, which claims to have about 20 lakh subscribers in Bihar and Jharkhand, and a new player, AirCel, are also on the job.

 http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070331/asp/frontpage/story_7586930.asp

 

 

 

 

 

Maoist rebels strike in Bihar

A group of 500 armed Maoist rebels blew up a road bridge, attacked a police station and a block office at Riga in Bihar's Sitamarhi district.

They also made an abortive attempt to loot a bank on Saturday.

The Maoists stormed the Central Bank of India branch at Riga and injured its manager and a Home guard while attempting to loot cash from the chest which they failed to break open, police sources said.

Superintendent of Police MRR Nair said that around 500 heavily armed CPI(Maoist) activists used dynamite to blow up a bridge snapping road communication between Riga and Dheng.

They later laid a virtual siege of the Riga police station and exploded several bombs and exchanged fire with the Bihar Military Police (BMP) and Special Auxilliary Police (SAP) personnel deployed there for over 45 minutes.

The securitymen, however, forced the Naxalites to retreat after the arrival of reinforcements from the district headquarters.

All the entry and exit points of the district were sealed and raids were being made at different places to apprehend the naxalites, the SP said.

Meanwhile, the authorities on Saturday night sealed the Indo-Nepal border in Sitamarhi district and SSB jawans were conducting combing operations.

http://www.ndtv.com/convergence/ndtv/story.aspx?id=NEWEN20070007377

 

 

 

 

 

 

'Gunda' banks lend trouble in Bihar

They have pass books, receipts and computerised accounts, and are run by gangsters. Local banks in Bihar's villages force farmers to take loans at high interest rates and beat them up when they default, reports CNBC-TV18.

 

Twenty two year old Mumtaz has been confined to her house for the last three months. She has no idea where her parents are. She only knows they are hiding somewhere after defaulting on a loan taken from a local private bankrun by local goons and is called, appropriately enough, the Gunda Bank.

 

There are many families like Mumtaz's, in the northern districts of Bihar. Most of them are small farmers forced to take loans from Gunda Banks at very high rates. These banks work under the shadow of the gun, with no formal offices or branches but they do have a structured system in place.

 

People complain that they were beaten up badly by the goons. The goons threaten to kidnap young women. But where do these lenders actually get the money to operate?

 

An anonymous Gunda Bank operator states, "We get the money from extortion and kidnappings."

 

The state's police, along with central agencies had tried earlier to break this moneylending network operated by criminals, but to no effect. Today, these Gunda Banks blatantly advertise on FM radio and yet, the government says it has no information on these banks.

 

The Dy SP of Naugachiya states, "Lenders and borrowers keep the matter between themselves. The police are never informed. This makes it very difficult for us to investigate."

 

People sitting in the power corridors love to believe that Bihar has changed but for those at the receiving end of the system the change is too slow to benefit the person in the last tier of the society. And unless that happens,  Gunda banks will continue to thrive.

 

http://www.moneycontrol.com/india/news/currentaffairs/biharlocalbanks/gundabankslendt/market/stocks/article/274078

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Quota: SC order triggers politicking in Bihar

 

PATNA: The Supreme Court stay on OBC quota in admissions to educational institutions has triggered intense politicking in Bihar dominated as the state has been by politicians owing their positions to the Mandalisation of politics in the early 1990s.

Railway minister Lalu Prasad chose to speak cautiously and said he will speak to PM Manmohan Singh on the issue. Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar, while apprehending caste tension in the state and the country, urged the PM to convene an all-party meet on the issue.

"It's high time all leaders claiming to be champions of OBC politics came together and pressurised the Union government to initiate measures for reversing the apex court order," said LJP national vice president Ranjan Prasad Yadav. While attributing the rise of all the major political parties in Bihar to OBC politics, Ranjan said, "Lalu, Nitish, Ram Vilas Paswan, Sharad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Mayawati... all of them will have to stand united on the issue."

In the 1990s, Mandalisation of politics hugely impacted politics in Bihar. It led to emergence of Lalu, Nitish and Ram Vilas as mass leaders and also saw the Congress fortunes dwindle.

The LJP maintains that the role of Lalu is important. "Lalu, who has enjoyed power in Bihar for 15 long years in the name of backward caste politics, is in a position to influence the Centre the most," said the LJP vice president.

Political adversaries of the RJD are accusing Lalu and UPA of not taking a firm stand on the issue. "There has been no opposition to this reservation from any political party. Yet, the UPA did not place the facts before the apex court properly as a result of which the court stayed the quota implementation," said Bihar deputy CM Sushil Kumar Modi.

Modi said this OBC quota was meant for Central technical institutions. "Bihar does not have a Central technical institute and there's already an OBC quota in admissions to state government institutes," he added.

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Quota_SC_order_triggers_politicking_in_Bihar/articleshow/1835375.cms

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

'Most Bengal households susceptible to financial risk'


Kolkata: 
A financial crisis is brewing in households of West Bengal, where awareness of life insurance is very high but there are few takers for it. An overwhelming majority of households are at risk financially.

This was revealed by a joint study, India Financial Protection Survey—How India earns, spends and saves, conducted by the Delhi-based leading think tank, National Council for Applied Economic Research (NCAER), and Max New York Life Insurance.

The study said 99% of households surveyed in West Bengal were financially at risk of losing their breadwinner. "In Kolkata, almost 58% of households said they would not be able to survive for more than six months, while 18% said they would manage for up to one year on their current savings. Only 3% in Kolkata said they would be able to survive more than a year after loss of the major source of household income," the survey said.

Insurance awareness in the state is about 95%, as against the all-India average of 78%, and 31.5% of households surveyed were insured as against 24.8% in India.

The survey has also said the state is characterised by misplaced financial optimism. The survey said, "The financial optimism was not based on facts. About 99% of the households felt they could not survive for more than one year on their current savings without the major source of household income, and yet 61% felt they were financially secure."

The study covered a stratified random sample of 3,900 households in the state. The data was collected between October 2005 and January 2006.

The study also said households in the state borrow mostly to cover routine expenditure. An 'alarming' 85% of households borrow from shopkeepers to meet routine expenditure, 64% borrow for health purposes, and 60% from moneylenders for weddings and childbirth.

 
 

http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159485

 

 

 

 

 

Work is worship in dynamic Surat

SURAT: El Dorado is out of the realm of myth. The city we knew as the diamond city, is where you strike gold! If that's poetic, here are the bare facts: The National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) has placed it at the top of class I cities in the country in terms of work to population ratio.

The UN named it the fastest growing city in the world. And, when 'New York Times' chose to chronicle the changing face of urban India, it also turned to Surat. So, raising a toast to the spirit of this city is Shankar Padhy.

When this 35-year-old native of Orissa graduated in 1994, he had no choice but to follow the family tradition of becoming a pujari.

"I just took a train and landed here," says Padhy, an accountant with a private firm and earns enough for his family.

Like Padhy, the multitude of migrants, who have left behind their impoverished homelands in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Orissa and West Bengal, have reaped a rich harvest from this city.

Today, 300 new migrants come to Surat every day and they all get sucked into city's workforce. The population growth has been phenomenal — from 15 lakh in 1991 to 40 lakh in 2007.

And, NSSO says 88 per cent of these people have jobs, leaving Mumbai, Delhi and Bangalore far behind. The population is expected to touch 60 lakh by 2020. Surat is undaunted by numbers.

And, why not? Its jewels in the crown —textile and diamond sectors — are in top gear. If 2.5 crore metre of yarn is spun out every day, enough to wrap the earth around its equatorial diameter twice over, diamond exports have touched a phenomenal Rs 70,000 crore annually.

Eye popping ? Wait till you hear the investment in the industrial belt of Hazira — a whopping Rs 1 lakh crore. The textile industry employs about six lakh people, the diamond sector another seven lakh.

Here, an unskilled worker can get trained in no time and begin to earn as much as Rs 10,000-12,000 a month.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Cities/Ahmedabad/Work_is_worship_in_dynamic_Surat/articleshow/1839362.cms

 

 

 

 

 

 

Youth fight for gender justice

Bhubaneswar, March 31 (IANS) When 22-year-old Laxmipriya Nayak from a small village in Orissa's Dhenkanal district asserted to her college mates and teachers that girls and boys are equal, she created quite a furore.

She was challenged to prove her mettle as an 'equal' and was ordered to climb coconut trees and cut paddy crops just like boys and men in their village. A gutsy Laxmipriya took the test head on and not only climbed the trees and cut the crops, she also achieved much more, writes Grassroots Features.

Laxmipriya and other men and women from the village and adjoining areas have not only strived to change stereotypical gender relations but also raised voices against rampant alcoholism that has often led to brutal domestic violence in their area.

Like Laxmipriya, there are thousands of other Change Makers (CMs) spread across South Asian countries like India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka, who have been spreading the message for a violence-free environment in their own homes and society.

The CMs are part of the 'We Can End Violence Against Women' campaign - a six-year, six-country South Asia regional campaign that addresses the root causes of discrimination against girls and women to end all violence against them.

The campaign, launched in India in 2004, works with nearly 350,000 men and women in 170 districts of 12 states that include Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh, Delhi and Orissa.

More than 300 men and women from India and abroad participated in the National Change Makers Assembly, organised by 'We Can' India at Bhubaneswar recently, which was marked by exchange of varied experiences, shared bonhomie and a renewed pledge to fight violence against women.

The CMs include youth, community members, religious groups, women leaders, persons with disability, panchayats members, etc, who believe that such violence is unacceptable.

Innumerable stories of 'change' marked by individual courage and attitudinal difference were exchanged during the meet and the participants took a common pledge to fight verbal, physical and mental abuse against women.

Manu, from Delhi, while sharing her experience said that prior to the 'We Can' campaign, she had always viewed all men with suspicion and also feared them. 'However, after my training I developed the confidence to talk with them and express my opinion. I also realised that for the campaign to be successful and to establish equal gender relationships, men and women have to work together,' said Manu.

The CMs also have the task of influencing 10 more people to join the campaign. CMs from Delhi narrated how they have initiated a special celebration programme upon the birth of a girl child in various parts of Delhi where gender bias exists.

Santosh from Delhi said that he is determined not to accept dowry even if it means going against his parents.

The story of Pushpa, a middle-class housewife from Maharashtra, was presented in the form of a play during the conference. Pushpa was unable to provide for the higher education of her children. She had initially decided to send only her son for higher studies but changed her decision when her daughter also expressed interest in further studies. She realised that her daughter should be given equal opportunity.

Likewise, a Youth Parliament organised by the Orissa campaigners was largely responsible for influencing the passage of the Domestic Violence Bill in the State Assembly and making it an Act in Oct 2006.

The experiences of other South Asian countries aren't very different. Lack of equal opportunities for women, incidents of rape, domestic violence, molestation etc is quite common.

In Sri Lanka, for example, while the campaign is progressing well in non-conflict zones, in other places of the strife-torn country, the members are facing difficulties. 'Sexual harassment, trafficking of women and children are some of the main issues on which the campaign has been working,' said Jessy Ariaratnam, district coordinator of the Manwar Women Development Federation.

Participants from Nepal said that since it is difficult to gather many people at one place for a meeting, the Change Makers themselves go to the people and motivate them through dramas and skits during popular festivals like Holi.

Though representatives from Bangladesh narrated some of their success stories, they also revealed that they have to work in difficult circumstances because of the rising fundamentalism in their country. 'Even so-called small attitude/behaviour changes in a family, that gives way to a more equal gender relationship, are significant, yet not easy to attain,' said Bhairavi, a CM from Andhra Pradesh.

In Nepal for example, parents of several CMs expressed displeasure at their children joining the campaign saying it would threaten their lives.

The fears are not always unfounded. Several Change Makers in India and other South Asian countries have indeed faced threats and intimidation from their detractors.

'I had received several abusive phone calls from a regressive group of boys and have even filed an FIR. But the experience has made me braver,' reveals Swapna Biswal, a college student from Orissa.

The 'We Can' campaign seeks to make a difference by creating five million Change Makers in South Asia by 2011. However, emphasis is now on the quality of their training.

http://news.monstersandcritics.com/india/features/article_1285219.php/Youth_fight_for_gender_justice

 

 

 

 

 

 

State fighting a losing battle

Naxalites of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) have an unambiguous plan to "further strengthen the people's army". Various Maoist documents attest to this objective, including the one on turning the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) into People's Liberation Army (PLA), adopted at the Unity Congress of the Maoists that concluded on February 1. The Maoists envision that, eventually, as the numerical strength of the People's Militia expands, what is now the PLGA would transform into the PLA. In Chhattisgarh alone, the People's Militia has an estimated strength of 35,000 men and women.

The Maoists also resolved at the Unity Congress to launch an all-India Tactical Counter-Offensive Campaign (TCOC), in order to put the state on the defensive, in the wake of the Maoist movement being weakened at the pan-India level. A succession of attacks followed across various affected states, peaking in the Rani Bodli slaughter.

On March 15, the Maoists attacked a temporary armed outpost in Rani Bodli village in Bastar region of Chhattisgarh and massacred 55 policemen, including personnel of the Chhattisgarh Armed Force and Special Police Officers. It was a chilling reminder of the lethal capacities of the Naxalites — their meticulous planning, fine execution, and large-scale deployment.

In Rani Bodli, several hundred members of the People's Militia, comprising ordinary men and women who otherwise have an avocation in life, were involved alongside well-trained, hardened Maoist cadres in the onslaught. Significantly, not a single villager in Rani Bodli reportedly came to the rescue of the police while they were being massacred. Besides, Chhattisgarh Home Minister Ram Vichar Netam admitted to the media on March 22: "Information at the grassroots level is not arriving at the government." This sharply illustrates the wedge that exists between the people and the 'state' in Naxalite-affected areas.

Successive governments both in Madhya Pradesh — of which Chhattisgarh was a part until November 1, 2000 — and for many years in the new state after it came into existence, adopted a hands-off approach towards the Naxalites, and allowed them to expand and consolidate their presence. While on the one hand, the state's police was left unprepared to face or fight the Naxalites, on the other, meagre efforts were made to accelerate the socio-economic development of the region. Thus, the state has failed to reach out to the people.

Resultantly, large swathes of southern Chhattisgarh are today "liberated areas". Moreover, it is, indeed, a matter of concern that there has been no change in the approach of the state even after it is widely recognised in officialdom that the focus of state response in order to stymie Naxalite influence — both of the Union Ministry of Home Affairs and the governments in various affected states — has been excessively tilted towards militarily crushing the Naxalites, rather than hastening the pace of socio-economic development. In this wake, the Naxalites would gain more than the state.

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1088144

 

 

 

 

 

 

Creating a new capital

The urban design of Naya Raipur promises to incorporate the best of international cities as well as traditional Chhattisgarh culture.
 
People at the Naya Raipur Development Authority are getting ready to create a whole new city from scratch. The new state of Chhattisgarh is getting a brand new capital city called Naya Raipur.
 
It's hard to believe but for the last six years since its creation, the state's Secretariat has been running from an old hospital building and its Vidhan Sabha is housed in a central government research centre.
 
Many of us would have heard about the plan for Naya Raipur, which has been around since 2002 but has never really taken off due to political compulsions. Change in governments at the centre and in the state kept the idea shelved till recently.
 
Now, as things stand, it seems like work should begin soon. And even as you read our report on the new city, the new master plan for Naya Raipur is being released in Chhattisgarh.
 
The Naya Raipur Development Authority (NRDA) has a total of 8,000 hectares to play with. There are about 22,000 hectares being left as buffer and green zone. The new city is about 20 kilometres from Raipur and just six kilometres from the airport.
 
In fact, the new city is in between two national highways — NH6 and NH 43, and the new city and the old one are separated by the airport.
 
The Chhattisgarh government could have tried to revive Raipur city itself but cleaning up the mess of bad roads, creaking infrastructure, narrow streets and a huge sewage problem would have been some task.
 
Also, Raipur does not have the environment to attract new knowledge-based and specialised industries like IT and biotech.
 
The urban design of the new city will incorporate the best of international cities as well as traditional Chhattisgarh culture. The city will be immaculately planned, says Joy Oommen, chairman of NRDA.
 
The design will be a grid pattern city plan. One of the major influences was Kuala Lumpur's new capital complex at Putrajaya. On the lines of Putrajaya, many water bodies have been planned at Naya Raipur. The main boulevard leading to the capital complex will be inspired by similar areas in Washington and Brazilia.
 
The design of the city though will not overlook Chhattisgarh culture. Local architecture will be encouraged and one can expect to see subtle elements in design like the Bastar arches and traditional tribal motifs on boundary walls and buildings.
 
The road designers for the new city are Sheladia, an American company. In trying to improve its public transportation, Delhi is now thinking of setting up dedicated bus lanes across the city, but the Naya Raipur road plan integrates special bus lanes from inception, and the roads will be either 60 or 100 metres in width.
 
Besides concentrating on road and city designs, 300 hectares are being developed for the capital complex and the new Vidhan Sabha.
 
Naya Raipur will get a world-class convention centre, a five-star hotel, an IT SEZ, a gems and jewellery SEZ, a theme residential township with a golf course, an amusement park, super speciality hospitals, commercial office space, museum, art galleries, entertainment parks, botanical garden, a law university, an education hub, a 60,000-seater brand new cricket stadium, a cultural centre, malls, sports complex, a logistics hub with warehousing, a transport hub and lots of other housing within 10-15 large townships and some smaller ones too.
 
A number of development would also happen around the large man-made water bodies (huge 30-50 hectare water bodies). In the future we could also see a night safari at Naya Raipur.
 
There will be a special scheme for government employees where they can own houses in the city. They will get special loans and will get higher HRA to service the loans.
 
S S Bajaj, CEO of NRDA, says that many projects will be done with public-private partnership and work should start very soon, after the master plan is released.
 
Oommen also reveals that many major national developers have bid for new SEZs here as well as for the convention centre and five-star hotel.
 
NRDA has got an initial grant of Rs 650 crore from the state government, Rs 200 crore from the centre (under the 12th finance commission). It is also taking a Rs 550 crore loan from HUDCO mainly for land acquisition and infrastructure development. For this, NRDA will be mortgaging land to HUDCO.
 
The city will be connected to Raipur with an expressway. Since the new city is being built within close proximity to the airport, the plan has taken care of future airport expansion plans as well.
 
The airport zone has lots of land left untouched for future expansion. In fact, the logistics hub being planned at Naya Raipur will be close to the airport for quick access.
 
A dedicated rail-cum-bus hub will streamline connectivity issues for the city. "We are developing a bus-based mass transport system with dedicated bus lanes across the city. There will also be a new rail connection as well as an expressway between Raipur and Naya Raipur," informs Oommen.
 
Locals in Raipur though are not too enthused by the plan, which many people believe might just end up like Gandhinagar (which just houses everything for the government). Alok Mahawar, consultant and building engineer who stays in Raipur, feels the new city might have a shortage of water.
 
"For one, the groundwater level in that area is already low and the NRDA is planning to get water from the Gangarel dam on the Mahanadi river, which is 70 kilometres from the new city. Another issue might be the distance of the new city from the railhead which is in Raipur," he says.
 
In the long-run though, the non-polluting knowledge based industries which will be setup in the new city should help Raipur as well with more employment.
 
Raipur will also get much needed recreation and entertainment options, which it completely lacks today.

http://www.business-standard.com/lifeleisure/storypage.php?leftnm=5&subLeft=5&chklogin=N&autono=279428&tab=r

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Date: Fri Mar 30, 2007 9:16 pm
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Jaduguda fallout

Despite the December leak of radioactive material into the rivers and rice paddies of Jharkhand, Indian officials are unwilling to admit that their uranium facilities pose a danger to anyone – least of all the affected local communities.


For the past four decades, the indigenous Santhals of Jaduguda, in Jharkhand's Singhbhum District, have lived in the massive shadow of the Uranium Corporation of India Limited (UCIL). India's ambitious and much-discussed nuclear programme is based on uranium mined in this area. In the villages of Jaduguda, most families have at least one member working in either the UCIL mill or the mines. As a result, people in Jaduguda enjoy a degree of prosperity unusual in this impoverished Indian state.

But it is hard to say that this relationship has been a positive one. Ill health is widespread, and accidents can occur anytime. Indeed, on 24 December 2006, in Dungridih village near Jaduguda, a pipe burst, discharging radioactive waste into a nearby rivulet. The pipe was being used to move the waste from a UCIL plant to a storage dam. No alarms went off at the plant, nor did anyone from the mill bother to warn the village people about the leak – although some Dungridih villagers did quickly alert UCIL officials. Lethal sludge continued to leach into the water for nine hours, killing fish and affecting nearby and downstream communities that depend on the watershed for both fishing and irrigation. Anil Kakodkar, the head of the Indian Department of Atomic Energy, when he visited Jaduguda in early February, noted only that there had been a "small" leak in the pipeline, and hastened to say that it was of no risk to anyone.

In the wake of the disaster, the Jharkhand Organisation against Radiation (JOAR), a local resistance group set up in the mid-1990s, has demanded that UCIL decontaminate the soil and water. According to Shri Prakash, a local documentary filmmaker and activist, the company has removed some of the sludge, but much of it remains on the banks, covered by mud.

It is still not clear why the pipe burst. Nor did UCIL make any effort, then or later, to provide an alternative supply of water to the affected community. But all this does not surprise the people here. They have a long history of battling UCIL and the fallout of its uranium mining. Although it is something of a monopoly employer and has an overwhelming presence here, official probes have found that UCIL does not observe even routine precautions when it comes to the lives and health of the local people. Workers, for instance, regularly take their uniforms home, to wash them casually at local water sources. This is not so much due to workers being unaware, but because UCIL provides them with no washing facility on site.

Over the last decade, the local and national press has regularly reported the unusually high incidence of ill health in the area, particularly that of congenital deformities in children. Local groups such as JOAR have also attempted to increase the public's knowledge of the situation in Jaduguda. In 1999, Shri Prakash made a film titled Buddha Weeps in Jadugoda, which documented diseases in the community, including congenital defects in newborns, sterility in young women, and lung disease in mine and mill workers.

Although UCIL management has denied any link between uranium mining and ill health in the area, in December 1998 the Bihar Legislative Council (Jharkhand at that time was still a part of Bihar) sent its environment committee to look into the situation. The subsequent report laid blame for the ill health of people in the area squarely on UCIL operations, as did an accompanying medical team. Following this, the council ordered the evacuation of 46 families to a minimum of five kilometres away from the site, and recommended putting up notice boards highlighting the site's hazards.

Dirty business


What makes uranium mining so hazardous? In a typical extraction process, usable uranium is extracted from the ore-bearing rock, which is ground and then leached with sulphuric acid. The acid picks up the required elements, leaving behind various radioactive waste products, known as tailings. As in similar operations around the world, open ponds are used in Jaduguda to store these tailings. (Dungridih, the site of the recent leak, is occupied by families originally displaced by the construction of such ponds.) Once the pond is created, liquids from the leaching process are left to evaporate; in Jaduguda, these liquids have seeped out and contaminated the area's groundwater. Furthermore, during the monsoon the radioactive slurry regularly overflows the ponds into nearby rice fields. Finally, as the tailings do dry up, a lung cancer-causing gas called radon is released. Being airborne, the radon can be transmitted for many miles, affecting a multitude of people.

In 2000, local grassroots groups conducted a health survey in Jaduguda. The aim was to record the actual public and occupational health status of the uranium mining and milling operations. The survey was conducted in the villages near the tailings ponds, as well as in 'control' villages further away. The survey team found a discernible rise in congenital deformities among people born after the start of mining operations in 1967. In the villages near the UCIL facility, of the nine children who died within a year of birth, eight had congenital deformities. In the control areas, on the other hand, of the six recorded premature deaths, all were due to reasons such as diarrhoea, fever and premature birth. In the nearby villages, 52 men and 34 women had deformities, in contrast to just seven of each in the control areas. The team also recorded extremely high levels of chronic lung disease in UCIL's miners and millers.

None of this should take anyone in power by surprise – neither the UCIL management nor government officials. Jaduguda's is not an isolated story in the realm of uranium mining, either regionally or internationally. Indeed, it is not even unique to the poor industrial regulations of a developing country. In Canada, for instance, two decades of uranium mining in the Elliot Lake area contaminated 80 kilometres of the Serpent River system, including as many as 10 lakes. In the United States, 22 uranium mills, now abandoned, have left behind an estimated 25 million tonnes of tailings in mostly unsupervised ponds. In these areas, too, uranium mining and milling has been linked to high rates of birth defects. Apart from contamination during storage and recycling of tailings, the experience of these countries has also highlighted the danger of mishaps. In Canada, there have been 30 breaches from tailings dams in the Elliot Lake area alone. The US Nuclear Regulatory Commission admits to at least 15 instances wherein radioactive liquid has been accidentally spilled. In a span of 18 years, there have been two floods, six pipeline failures and seven dam breaks in the US alone.

Following the Dungridih leak, JOAR and other groups have called for the emplacement of inspection mechanisms and procedures to routinely monitor the quality and safety of UCIL's facility, its equipment and working procedures. They have also recommended periodic monitoring of the exposure of local communities to radioactive and hazardous chemical contaminants. Of course, the uranium that originates in Jaduguda retains its risks even after it leaves the area – at nuclear-energy plants, in India's weapons stockpiles, or in tests that endanger unwary communities that inhabit the adjacent spaces, as in Pokhran. For its part, the Indian Department of Atomic Energy denies even the possibility of radiation leaks, declaring that all of its establishments strictly follow procedure, and are monitored regularly.

UCIL is now ready to start mining operations in other areas – Mohuldih, Banduhurang and Baghjanta in Jharkhand, Nalgonda and Kapada in Andhra Pradesh, and in the West Khasi Hills of Meghalaya. Huge deposits of uranium ore have been discovered in these areas, and UCIL hopes cumulatively to extract up to 3000 tonnes of ore per day. In each of these places, local communities are protesting the requisition of their land and the dangers of its use for uranium mining. Despite this, and notwithstanding the situation in Jaduguda, the uranium-mining industry is bullish in India, and the Ministry of Environment and Forests has given a conditional clearance to the Nalgonda project. As with projects from the 'green revolution' to the push for large dams, uranium mining seems to be another arena where local communities pay the price for national 'progress'.

http://www.himalmag.com/2007/april/report_4.htm

 

 

 

 

 

Small fries feel the heat

Ranchi, March 29: Dinesh Sahu, a vendor selling plastic toys, was an unhappy man today as he could not earn a single penny to feed his seven-member family.

The man, who used to earn Rs 100 per day, remained busy shifting his makeshift toyshop from a corner near the Ranchi Women's College Science block.

However, Sahu was not alone.

There were many vendors like him, who remained busy throughout the day today with the beginning of the anti-encroachment drive after a gap of about five months. Last time, it was carried out in October.

The district administration hit a soft target today during the daylong anti-encroachment drive carried out in various parts of the city following a Jharkhand High Court directive.

Over 100 illegal constructions were demolished under the drive and most of the people affected were makeshift shop owners and roadside food stalls.

The drive was carried out on the either sides of Circular Road under Lalpur police station and a few parts in Chutia under Chutia police station.

However, there was no information of any damage to any big establishment during the drive.

Sarfaraz Ahmed, a youth who earn to run his six-member family by selling exercise books and pens, said the drive came as a curse for poor like him.

"We are not encroachers. We just put up our stalls beside the road during the college hour to sell stationary items to the students. We are poor and by selling these items, we earn a square meal for our families. We are stealing money or doing anything wrong. Despite this, district administration target us during the anti-encroachment drive," he said.

When asked, subdivisional officer Deepankar Panda said the drive was being carried out on the directive of the Jharkhand High Court. The drive, Panda said, would continue for some more days.

"It is not that we target poor people, we look for encroachers and in this phase, only makeshift stall owners encroached illegally. We have demarcated 12 areas and have deputed 12 teams under the leadership of a magistrate for carrying out the work. We have checked it properly, no big establishment falls under the encroached area," he said.

District public relation officer Mukula Lakra said the drive would continue till April 6. "We have prepared a schedule for it," he said.

Encroachment has always been a matter of concern for the district administration. It is a nightmare for both pedestrians and drivers, he added.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070330/asp/jamshedpur/story_7584360.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dacoits in police net
 

Bokaro, March 29: Five youths, one of them a senior office-bearer of the JVM, of an inter-state dacoity gang were arrested today and stolen goods were impounded.

Apart from the politician — Pappu Jha — who was planning to contest Assembly elections in the future, the others arrested have been identified as Ranthu Singh, Rakesh Tewary, Mukesh Tewary and Charak Baraik. All of them, capable of speaking in English fluently, were arrested from their residences in Bahittand, Lohanchal Colony and Kurmidih.

The police displayed several electronic gadgets, which they claimed to have recovered from the arrested youths in the 19 to 21 age bracket.

The law-enforcers are looking for the kingpin and other members of the inter-state gang, which has reportedly committed dacoities in Jamshedpur, Ranchi and Dhanbad.

The dacoits had, with other members of their gang, robbed the residence of an industrialist and director of Mittal group, R.D. Singh, a week ago. The industrialist, in his statement, had said the dacoits spoke English and had dinner at the place where they commit robbery.

After investigation, the police zeroed in on Pappu and Charak and detained them for questioning. The neighbours of the accused had told the law-enforcers that the two were drinking heavily for the past two days and were frequently talking to someone in English over their mobiles. The police arrested the other three thereafter.

According to the police, printouts of the call details of the mobile phones used by the arrested persons would help trace their accomplices.

Superintendent of police (SP) of Bokaro Priya Dubey said the gang members were detected by their habits — both living and talking.

 http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070330/asp/jamshedpur/story_7584326.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

'Female foeticide may cause terrorism'

PATNA: Is there any relationship between female foeticide and terrorism? This question may sound absurd, but renowned population scientist Ashish Bose believes that the ever-increasing female foeticide in different states of India would ultimately lead to terrorism.

If the youths are jobless and find no women to marry, they are likely to turn terrorist, he says.

Addressing the students and faculty members of Patna University (PU) at Patna Science College geology auditorium here on Thursday, Bose, who had coined the popular term BIMARU states (for Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Orissa) in the 1980s, has recently coined a new term, DEMARU, for Daughter Eliminating Male Aspiring Rage for Ultrasound which has become quite prevalent nowadays in the states of Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Western Uttar Pradesh.

Even the existing laws against female foeticide fail to deter the educated people of these states from indulging in this unethical and criminal activity.

Bose, who happens to be a member of the National Population Commission, spoke at length about the state of health, rapid rise in population and under-development in such BIMARU states as Bihar and Jharkhand against the background of national scenario.

He expressed his deep concern over the prevailing scenario and the slow process of population stabilisation in the region.

He cautioned the intelligentsia against the unbridled pace of population increase and while suggesting ways for controlling population growth, he argued that both the government and civil societies would have to strive harder than ever before to save the region from demographic disaster.

Earlier, inaugurating the lecture series organised by the Population Research Centre of Patna University, vice chancellor Y C Simhadri observed that among all the states in the country, Bihar recorded the fastest rate of increase in population during the last census decade (1991-2001) adding about 18 million people to India's total population (which is equal to the population of Australia).

prevailing scenario of high fertility combined with the heavy burden of disease in the state are attributed to under-development, bad governance and low levels of social investment in health and education, Simhadri added.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/Cities/Patna/Female_foeticide_may_cause_terrorism/articleshow/1830413.cms

 

 

 

 

 

 

Thwart The Anti-Development Political Conspiracy Of The Opposition: Jyoti Basu

IN a long interview published in Ganashakti daily on March 28 , former Bengal chief minister Jyoti Basu has spoken on various issues concerning development and opposition to it.

 

On industrialisation during Jyoti Basu's tenure as chief minister and prospects: Bengal could reach its present position overcoming a lot of obstacle. We must occupy the prime position in industrial development in the country soon. Despite our efforts, we have had to confront and overcome a series of obstacles. The obstacles principally comprised central policies including freight equalisation policy, license raj, and the discouragement shown to industrialists about investing in Bengal. 

 

The central government would not invest directly in Bengal as an example of discrimination. Discrimination was also evident in the acts of the planning commission and of the all-India financial institutions. The central government would cooperate with but a few selected states. Discrimination was made against Bengal as against Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and the north-eastern region.

 

From its inception, the Bengal Left Front government gave priorities to land reforms, agricultural growth, decentralised rural democracy through the Panchayat system, seat reservation in the Panchayats for women, voting rights for those 18 years of age, improvement in agri-production, emphasising on cottage and small scale industries. We have underwritten the interests of the poor, the khet mazdoors, and the share-croppers. We have redistributed land among the landless. 

 

Our Left Front government would never run from the Writers' Buildings—we move forward taking along all workers, employees, officers, and above all, the mass of the people in all our endeavours. Decentralisation of administrative and financial powers has been done to ensure the involvement of every section of the people with the act of development. What became an obstacle was the policy of discrimination and deprivation of the union government. 

 

We can cite examples of such obstacles. We had to wait for 11 years merely for the permission to set up the petro-chemicals complex at Haldia. In addition, when we approached prime minister Indira Gandhi for the electronics complex at Salt Lake, the response after a period of one year was that permission could not be given because it was near the Bangladesh border. We then went ahead on our own to allot 300 acres of land for the complex to be set up. Today more than 30 thousand young men and women work at that complex.

 

Priority areas for infrastructural development: We had reckoned with the existing problems and had started work on setting up new industrial areas. Problems included that of power, and this was because all the agencies, including the planning commission and the central government itself had erred. The typical response of the then Congress-run union government to our request for improvement in power generation was that there would not be any further demand for power in Bengal. Then we came to office and set up the Bakreshwar plant and the Kolaghat plant. CESC set up plants at Budge budge and Titagurh. Slowly the power situation took a turn for the better. A better ambience for industrial investment was created. There was a problem of navigability in the Ganges River because of silting. We have repeatedly drawn the attention of the union government in this regard. 

 

We set up several townships like at Rajarhat and Siliguri where land acquisition was never a problem. Kolkata has several flyovers with planning, participation by and loan from Japan but without conditionalities. The conditional World Bank loan we had refused. The ADB gave us loan without conditionalities.

 

Following the changes wrought in the union government's policies, license system was scrapped and the freight equalisation policy partially withdrawn in the new economic policy of 1991. I would urge upon the entrepreneurs and industrialists to invest in Bengal. I would ask the workers to enhance production. The workers must struggle for their hard-earned rights. They must also look to the interest of the industry itself. 

 

In the past, some industries had grown during the Congress regime when Dr B C Roy was the chief minister. We had not posed any opposition to the initiatives. Durgapur went into a depression but now a fresh wave of investment has appeared. 

 

Post 1994 industrial policy scenario: The Left Front government declared its industrial policy in 1994. The issue was discussed in the Party and was approved at the 1995 Chandigarh Party Congress. The capitalists invest for profit. Industry is needed for development. We welcome foreign investment and technology in mutually beneficent and appropriate sectors. We welcome indigenous investment without forsaking or weakening state sector and joint sector. We have travelled across USA, England, and Japan explaining our stand. The investors there had shown interest.

 

There was a negative propaganda against Bengal. We have had to face questions at places like the London School of Economic, University of Berkeley, and Oxford. We had to iterate that there was good work culture in Bengal. Over the years, the misgivings have gone. I have also gone to Holland and Germany. Siemens could be brought back. In the past, Bengal had been at the top of the list of industrialised states. We must get back to that position. From the efforts put in by the present chief minister and his colleagues, this will be a possibility sooner rather than later.

 

Problems of industrialisation and their resolution: For long periods, we have had effective success in agriculture. We have secured complete self-dependency in food production. We are not out-of-our mind that we would destroy our agriculture and build industries. The principal is to set up industries where there is fallow land. If such land were not available in quantities, we would go in for single-crop, and later multi-crop land. The Tata motors were shown land parcels for the automobile factory elsewhere and they chose Singur. The industries minister has explained the terms and conditions involved. There has been provision made for compensation and rehabilitation. Other proposals for investment are in the pipeline: Jindal's steel project at Salboni, Videocon in north Bengal. There are no problems regarding land in these projects. We want an even growth in the state. Big players in info-tech are coming: Wipro, IBM, Cognizent etc. We need land for industries and we must enhance the level of consciousness. We must tell them that industrialisation is needed to tackle the problem of unemployment. We had not anticipated the reaction of the people that would occur in this way. We should have taken steps earlier to increase the people's consciousness. Some amount of perplexity has persisted. This state-of-affairs will surely pass.

 

Opposition to development and tackling the issue: The opposition is engaged in political sabotage to deter the developmental efforts. They are not able to fight politically. They have all banded together—the Trinamul Congress, the Maoists, the Naxalites, and the SUCI. The extreme right has joined hands with the extreme left. The role of the Congress is not at all good. The chief minister has repeatedly said that if the people of Nandigram do not want industries, there would be no industry set up there. Nevertheless, peace would not return even then and certain developments occur! We have to be more careful about land acquisition. Land maps have been created now and we have to move according to the maps. A huge amount of lies are uttered in campaign of disinformation against us about Nandigram, and such campaign had taken place in the past as well especially in 1967 and 1969, and after 1977. We must take to the streets and through campaign, profile the real picture before the people.

 

The misunderstanding among LF partners: There should not be a front within a front. We exhort upon the constituents not to forge such fronts. This will weaken the LF and give advantage to the opposition. The United Fronts of 1967 and 1969 broke up and yet, it was through campaign-movement that Left Front grew up later. The LF fought the 1977 elections and won. One or two members of the LF raise the issue that they are not able to know everything that goes on. If there is such lack of coordination, we have to acknowledge it and take corrective measures. The process of discussion must go on. There should be bi-partite discussions held as is being done now, and later the discussion carried onto the LF meetings. The people must realise that it is the government of the Left Front and not of the Party alone. The core committee must be made more active. However, all problems must be tackled at the level of the Left Front. Separate meetings would hardly be of any use.

 

Left Front and Left Front government: The major principals of the LF government must be decided at the level of the Left Front. The LF must take decisions based on discussions. The LF government would then take the next steps based on the principal decisions taken at the LF. There would be a review later on regarding the steps taken. The implementation process must be further accelerated. The work of the various government departments must be reviewed. The ministers of our Party must review the work of the departments they run. Similarly, the ministers of the constituent parties running their respective departments must review their work. Review must be made of pending developmental projects like the Teesta project of the irrigation department and the road projects. Through such efforts, the successful implementation of the state LF government's projects would be ensured.

 

Task of the Party workers now: There had been some misunderstanding over the recent developments including that in Nandigram, among our LF constituents, and within the Party. We have held state committee meetings. We have taken a united decision to tackle the present situation. The opposition is indulging in lies and misleading the people. At the same time, they are murdering our Party workers, and ousting them from their places of residence. These are all works of sabotage. This had happened earlier in Keshpur in Midnapore. We had said then that they must return to their places of residence before the autumn festival. 

 

At Nandigram, several thousands of people have been rendered homeless. Normalcy must be returned as soon as possible. We have learned from the Keshpur experience. We shall not allow anarchy to happen in the state. The big responsibility on our Party workers is to tackle the situation unitedly.

 

Implementation of the LF government's programme in the days ahead: The LF government works within an ambience of limitation. The LF government is not in a position to set up Socialism. It will try to safeguard and advance the people's interests within its limited capabilities, to the greatest extent possible. The power of the LF government lies in its pro-people outlook. Running such a government within the parliamentary system is an example, here in this country, and abroad. We have received a massive support from mass organisations of workers, peasants, students, youth, women, refugees, et al. 

 

I retired from government on the eve of the formation of the sixth LF government. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee then deputy chief minister, assumed the responsibility of the chief minister. The government has worked with success. We had gone deep amongst the people in the run up to the last Assembly elections, and we had explained the pro-people policies of the Left Front government.

http://pd.cpim.org/2007/0401/04012007_jb%20interview.htm

 

 

 

 

 

Channel goldrush

 

As if there weren't enough, a spate of new television channels will launch this year against all rational thinking, reports Shuchi Bansal
 
If you want a feel of what's happening in India's broadcasting sector, meet 38-year-old Delhi-based media consultant Sanjay Salil. The news channel specialist is handling a number of projects for wannabe broadcasters in Delhi, Punjab, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and the North-east.
 
Clients's names may be a strict no-no, but he admits: "Among others, I'm setting up channels in the news and lifestyle space for newspaper owners, politicians, filmmakers, builders and rich NRIs." On average, he fields 20 queries a month from people keen to own a television channel.
 
His thriving business — the company, Mediaguru, moved to a swank new office in Noida recently from a small basement operation in Shivalik — reflects two things. One, that Salil is clearly riding on the success of his first two projects — Channel 7 (now IBN 7) for Dainik Jagran and Manorama News for Kerala's premier print company, Malayala Manorama.
 
Two, and more important, that India's media and entertainment segment is flourishing. Nearly 30 new television channels — national or regional — in the entertainment and news genre are in the pipeline. Already, over 250 channels beam over the Indian skies and reach nearly 70 million cable and satellite TV homes.
 
In view of the growing craze of companies and individuals wanting to be part of the action in the broadcasting space, it's imperative to ask some basic questions. First, why is everyone so keen on owning a channel? Is the television business minting money? Again, do we have the wherewithal to distribute them, and why should a viewer watch them?
 
One of the largest channel bouquets perhaps will come from INX Media and INX News set up by former Star Group CEO Peter Mukerjea's wife
 
Indrani. Mukerjea is bound by a non-compete agreement with Star and cannot engage in the broadcasting business for the next four months. But that hasn't deterred him from taking the plunge through his wife's company along with former Hindustan Times editor Vir Sanghvi who will be CEO of the news business.
 
On the anvil is an extensive 12-channel television network. Quiz Mukerjea, who seems to spend more time in the Taj Mahal Hotel's tea lounge in Delhi than in Mumbai, about his new business and he grins: "INX Global is a recruitment firm. So many new channels are coming and I am hiring for those." 

COST YOUR NEWS
Description

Amount (In Rs crore) yearly

Lower Limit

Upper Limit

Capital expenditure 40 50
Pre-operative 15 20
Total 55 70
OPERATIONAL EXPENDITURE
Distribution 20 20
Marketing 8 10
Salary 36 40
Newsgathering/
production/programming
18 20
Transponder/ bandwith 3 5
Adminstration/ miscellaneous 12 15
TOTAL 98 130
Cash losses not included. It takes a news channel 3-5 years to reach operational breakeven
 
Another 18 channels, mostly in the news genre, are being promised by Madhur Mittal, managing director, Triveni Infrastructure Development Company. A real-estate developer who likes to monitor his office through close-circuit cameras, Mittal has already acquired "Sadhna", a religious channel, for Rs 15 crore.
 
Television software company BAG Films' channel plans are also an open secret. Four channels and an investment of Rs 400 crore is on the drawing board, say company insiders. Plans are afoot to set up an earth station in the company's sprawling Noida complex. Add to this another three channels from the NDTV stable that will hit the small screen in the next six months. Former STAR CEO Sameer Nair will be in Delhi in the coming week to announce his plans for NDTV's entertainment channel.
 
A host of reasons, other than power and influence, are driving people into the television business. For many the "churn" theory is credible. "The broadcast industry is cyclical in nature and goes through a churn every 5-6 years. Star Plus has been number one for seven years. Now the game is changing. It's the right time to get in," says the managing director of a company eyeing the TV business.
 
Adds Sanjay Salil: "Look at English news. There are no clear market leaders today. Shares of Hindi news channels also change constantly." He believes there's a market for local and region-specific news channels rather than at a national level.
 
The bullish industry reports also offer an excuse to take the leap. ADEX India, a division of TAM Media, reports that television advertising grew at a healthy 22 per cent in 2006.
 
The latest PricewaterhouseCoopers report on the media and entertainment industry predicts that the medium will continue to grow at 22 per cent Compounded Annual Growth Rate (CAGR) for the next four years taking the television industry from its current size of Rs 19,100 crore to Rs 51,900 crore by 2011.
 
Do reports exaggerate numbers? No way, says Timmy Kandhari, executive director of the media and entertainment practice at PwC. "The industry is easy to understand. The Indian economy is growing, and in a growing economy companies allocate more funds to advertising."
 
Agrees Narendra Tripathi, vice president, NDTV Media: "India can take many more channels. Advertising is not dipping in a hurry." Many new product categories such as healthcare and auto ancillaries will start using television for commercials. "Five years ago who would have thought hosiery brands such as Lux, Amul and Cozy would be big on news channels?" he asks.
 
Channel owners are training their eyes on subscription revenue as well. After all, at Rs 12,000 a year, it is almost twice the size of television advertising estimated to be between Rs 6,000 and Rs 7,000 crore. "This will grow to 25,000 crore in four years," says KPMG's media practice head Rajesh Jain.
 
In the absence of addressability and transparency in the cable business, hardly 12-14 per cent subscription revenue accrues to the broadcasters. "With increased number of CAS (conditional access system) and DTH homes, broadcasters must claim a 30-40 per cent share of this revenue," says Jain.
 
Increased TV penetration also has potential. TV homes could grow from 112 million to 200 million. And cable penetration (read pay TV market) could grow from the current 70 million to all TV homes. Entry of CAS and new DTH players like Reliance ADAG and Sun TV will expand the pay TV market.
 
"Organised distribution will boost revenues. So will the greater demand for TV software in the export market and across media platforms. View this in the backdrop of 15-20 per cent increase in ad spends plus further penetration of the medium. The short term story looks positive," says C V L Srinivas, media consultant and former head of the media agency Maxus.
 
Is positive business outlook the primary reason for the explosion in the sector? Very few industry experts admit it, but the single most compelling reason driving people into the electronic media segment is the high valuations that the TV companies get.
 
Remarks Reliance Entertainment president Rajesh Sawhney: "When companies with ad revenues of Rs 200 crore get valued at Rs 2,000 crore, people sit up and take notice." Besides, if you invest Rs 50 crore in a channel and sell it for Rs 150 crore, it looks like an attractive business to be in, he says referring to a channel sale some months ago.
 
It's easy to be starry-eyed about valuations. Set up a TV company and take some known faces on board. Get the company valued and sell small stakes to private equity investors. "You are not putting in your own money and since the markets are buoyant, the game seems to be working," says a media industry source. Sawhney, whose company is also exploring business opportunities in the segment, warns: "Short term to medium term there will be cash flow challenges. There is no pot of gold waiting for you."
 
That is the crucial point. How many television channel companies are profitable? Of the 10 Hindi news channels hardly three are making money. The CEO of a news channel admits that it is making losses of nearly Rs 5 crore a month. "How many companies are ready to lose that kind of money?" he asks. "This is not to say that there is no scope in this business, but for the first four years balance sheets will be red all over," he adds.
 
The state of the Hindi mass entertainment market is no different. You need a minimum Rs 500 crore to set up one channel on the lines of, say, Star Plus. Media industry sources say that of the top three channels in this category, one is already bleeding, though financial details are hard to access.
 
Privately, top entertainment channel executives admit that their profit margins have been squeezed by 20-30 per cent due to huge cost escalation and stagnant revenues. Advertising is getting fragmented and at 15 per cent a year, growth rates in this genre are slower than those in TV overall.
 
More channels mean more business for Rajesh Kamat, head of the TV production house Endemol's India operation, but he's incredulous about its sustainable growth. "One wonders about the kind of money being pumped in and whether the returns will be as high. If you ask me, the ad pie is growing but not as much to accommodate such expansion."
 
Besides, the distribution pipes are also choked and the growing subscription revenue theory does not hold. "The distribution matrix will not change overnight. It will take at least three years," says Sawhney. CAS isn't helping broadcasters either. In fact, pay channels like NDTV have gone free to air in CAS notified areas to prop up their declining viewership. "So what subscription revenues are we talking about here?" asks a cable industry expert. The PE investors may have bought the addressability story but it's not cutting ice with the consumer.
 
In the short term, the DTH growth story is also flawed. While the penetration of boxes may improve, even DTH platform owners are constrained for capacity. There are simply not enough transponders to take on so many more channels.
 
Besides, those waiting for broadcasters share of subscription revenue to improve may find Sunil Khanna's remark impertinent: "Who says broadcasters will get more from the Rs 25,000 crore that distributors will collect. There will be a fight for that money, too," says the head of Reliance's DTH business.
 
There are other challenges as well. The supply chain is choked. There is a shortage of script writers and creative directors. "And where are the studios to create all this programming? There is a tremendous shortage of floor space," says a senior Star India executive. Clearly, the new broadcasters on the block will have to invest in their own infrastructure.
 
Programming issues lead us to another question. Why should a consumer buy and watch these channels unless there's startling content differentiation? Says Sunil Khanna: "Advertising and subscription revenue will follow only if you have content which people are willing to see and pay for." Agrees Timmy Kandhari: "The adage that 'content is king' will be truer than ever before."
 
However, he does not believe people are being attracted to the segment for the sake of valuations. "It is not a valuation game. The market is quite intelligent. The fact is, it's expanding and of the total media market, television will be 50 per cent by 2011."
 
Also, you get a valuation when you have a footprint in the broadcasting market. "TV18 and NDTV have established themselves. New people coming in will have to first sell their bouquets," says Kandhari. Adds TV 18 CEO Haresh Chawla: "If people are looking at our valuation and starting a business, they must remember that we own all the must-watch channel brands built over eight years."
 
However, Chawla says many serious long-terms players are entering the market too. "The market may be fragmenting but it can absorb these changes. How many channels have shut down in India in the last 10 years?" he asks.
 
While media industry experts are sceptical about over-expansion, they do not feel the business will burst like the dotcom bubble of 1999. The economy will support the growth though only the top four channels in each category will make money.
 
"The rest will either merge or be acquired," predicts Salil. His contention is that corporate India will enter the broadcasting sector through acquisitions. "That will be the turning point in the business," says Salil, as he takes a call from a shipping tycoon in Bangladesh who hired Mediaguru to launch the country's first 24-hour private news channel. Maybe Salil will need a still bigger office soon.

http://www.business-standard.com/common/storypage_supp.php?autono=279432&leftnm=2&subLeft=0&chkFlg=Features

 

 

 

 

 

 

Villages around Nalanda to be developed

PATNA: Two hundred villages around a proposed international varsity at Nalanda will be developed in Bihar.

A day after the Bihar assembly unanimously approved the University of Nalanda Bill for setting up an international university, the villages around the proposed site are hopeful that the university will establish linkages with them that will result in their economic development.

Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, in an assembly speech earlier, said the government planned to develop 200 villages around the Nalanda University-the famous Buddhist centre of learning-like in the days of yore.

"At least 200 villages used to be attached to the ancient Nalanda University. We plan the same for the proposed university, to create a near-original ambience and to benefit the local population," he said.

The chief minister had requested the Patna-based K.P. Jaiswal Institute to start identifying villages that used to be attached to the ancient university. All the basic amenities, including, schools, roads, safe drinking water and electricity, will be provided in these villages and job opportunities will also be created for the villagers.

Nobel laureate Amartya Sen and British businessman Meghnad Desai have agreed to be part of an international group of consultants for setting up the university. The state government will also rope in experts from Singapore and Japan for the university.

Japan and Singapore have shown interest in investing about Rs.4.5 billion ($100 million) in the university. Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama has offered to donate Buddhist artefacts to the proposed university.

Nitish Kumar described the bill approved by the state assembly early this month as a great opportunity. The University of Nalanda Bill, 2007, states that the international university would strive to create a world free of war, terror and violence.

"This (bill), which is not only for Bihar or even India, will act as a facilitator for what will emerge as a centre for renaissance of the east. I strongly feel that the university will become a reference point for international relations and a centre for peace and resolution of disputes," he said.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/India/Villages_around_Nalanda_to_be_developed/articleshow/1816343.cms

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tata Motors in biggest ever inclusive development project at Singur

KOLKATA, MAR 29 :  Tata Motors has pledged to undertake inclusive development at its Singur plant on a scale not seen in the company's other sites at Jamshedpur, Pune and Uttarakhand.

"We are looking at inclusive growth at our plant in West Bengal on a scale much bigger than what we have done anywhere else," managing director Ravi Kant said Thursday while delivering the Sir Jehangir Ghandy Memorial Lecture organised by the Calcutta Management Association.

Later in the day, Ravi Kant went to Singur accompanied by commerce & industry secretary Sabyasachi Sen and West Bengal Industrial Development Corp managing director Debashis Som to review the progress of the project work.

To highlight the importance of Singur for the state's economy, Kant rattled off names of Tatas rivals, the likes of Mahindra & Mahindra, Bajaj Auto and Ashok Leyland, who have set up their auto ancillary units at Uttarakhand near Tata Motors' another upcoming plant. These big names could get attracted to Singur as well.

"Our Uttarakhand plant would go on stream early next week and we have some 40 auto ancillary vendors who have now set up their units," Kant said.

On the social front, Kant talked of steps that the company would take or has already taken to involve the local people.

Some of the steps are: getting the women of Singur involved in the project; helping the local youths acquire skill to make them employable at Tata Motors' own plant or facilities of the vendors; helping others to get self employment and tying up with various vocational training institutes.

"For inclusive growth, we have already involved the women of Singur to operate a canteen for those who are working at the site. For creating skill in automobile engineering we have already tied up with Bengal Engineering College. And to enhance employability elsewhere, we have tied up Ramakrishna Mission for imparting vocational training. Some other tie-ups with other organisation are also being considered," the Tata Motors MD said.

Kant said he find nothing wrong in either asking for incentives from the state government or deciding to set up the plant on farmland, issues that have raised dust and were also raised by CMA members at Thursday's meeting.

"Incentives by local governments to attract investments is not something unique to Indian states – it's prevalent in Western countries as well. We have decided to set up the Tata Motors European Technology Centre in United Kingdom. Other centres were also eyeing the project. It was then for the local governments to decide what they want to do to attract the project," Kant said.

As for setting up the plant on farmland, Kant said: "It was not us who identified Singur. We were shown six sites, out of which we picked up Singur. It is the prerogative of the state to decide which site to offer us."

http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159519

 

 

 

 

 

 

Santa Claus visits the Tatas

- Freebies from a debt-ridden government

The uproar over Nandigram — and Singur — in West Bengal will not die away soon. Competitive democracy has its own laws; those opposed to the party ruling in the state will try to squeeze the maximum advantage from the discomfiture it has brought upon itself.

Speculation continues on the riddle as to why, despite repeated assurances to the contrary, the state administration fell back on a colonial-type police offensive to re-assert its authority in Nandigram. The underlying reason, informed sources suggest, was a strong message from the Salim group, who were promised vast stretches of land in the area for their chemical hub project; they might move away elsewhere, the message said, if the land was not handed over to them within the next few weeks. That set the panic bell ringing; the sequel has been horrifying.

Nothing illustrates more glaringly the spell globalization has cast on the country, even on those whose ideology and praxis should have prepared them to cope with it in a better manner. Industrialization, the rationale of which few will dispute, is being taken to be synonymous with industrialization under private auspices. To talk of industrial growth in the state sector is assumed to be heresy. Questions such as whether a particular private project will actually lead to a net increase in employment or output are discouraged too. Fables are having a field day: the private sector means efficiency to the nth degree, public enterprise is the other name for sloth, incompetence and wastage. The stunning achievements of the National Thermal Corporation, Bharat Heavy Electricals, Nalco, the Oil and Natural Gas Commission, the Gas Authority of India or the Indian Oil Corporation in recent years are conveniently ignored. Also brushed aside is any reference to the huge resources at the command of public sector fiscal agencies such as the Life Insurance Corporation of India and the Unit Trust of India.

As in the other poorer countries, here too fiscal devices are introduced at the behest of US-led international financial institutions to compel ruling politicians to desist from taking new initiatives in the public sector. The Fiscal Responsibility and Budgetary Management Act is being applied to admonish both the Centre and state governments not to 'fritter' resources on public sector extravaganzas. There is, in consequence, a gradual maturing of the belief that industrial activities are a natural monopoly of private entities, foreign as well as domestic.

The Left Front in West Bengal is the product of a historical movement which had as its credo the expansion of public goods and industrial growth through the deus ex machina of the public sector. Those currently in charge of the Front government in the state have apparently convinced themselves that, in the era of globalization, ideological shibboleths are poison, development ipso facto is development sponsored by the private sector, the government has only the residuary obligations to acquire land, on behalf of private tycoons, on which industry is supposed to be set up, and, in addition, provide costly infrastructural facilities the private sector will not build on its own because of their low profitability.

Once development is defined in such constricted terms, maximizing the rate of return for private operators becomes the only criterion by which to judge success. The logic is simple: if private profit expands, capitalists feel good; if capitalists feel good, they will expand their activities and the economy will have growth. The state government does not dare to enquire whether activities undertaken by capitalists will be on the basis of any careful analysis of costs and benefits, or whether in deciding the technology for the investments undertaken, alternative choices will be considered. Fifty years ago, when official faith in economic planning was still extant in the country, any investment proposal would be examined, taking into account the expected rate of income growth, the expected rate of employment growth and the expected rate of surplus or profit. With the eclipse of the planning era, such elementary practices have gone the way of all flesh; the only desideratum regarded as relevant is the expected rate of generation of private profit.

This transformation is illustrated most luridly by the details the state administration in West Bengal has finally been forced to disclose concerning the agreement it has reached with the Tata group apropos the small car project at Singur. The Tatas are, of course, rolling in money. Only a couple of months ago, they invested a sum roughly the equivalent of Rs 50,000 crore to take command of a giant international steel complex. To persuade this fabulously rich group to start a modest-sized car factory here, the state government has already spent something around Rs 150 crore to acquire close to 1,000 acres of land. The least that was expected was that it would recoup this amount from the Tatas. Nothing of the sort. Instead, the Tatas have been handed over this entire tract of land on a ninety-year lease without any down payment at all. For the first five years of the lease, they will pay only one crore rupees; for the next twenty-five years, the payment will increase by 25 per cent at five-year intervals; for the next thirty years payment will be raised at five-year intervals by 33 per cent; for the final twenty years, the rent will be only Rs 20 crore per year.

The discounted present value of what the Tatas have agreed to pay, any respectable accountant will vouchsafe, will hardly exceed Rs 50 crore. Equally necessary to take into account here are the historical trends in the rate of inflation and the likely explosion of real estate values through the decades of the 21st century. The conclusion is incontrovertible: the government is, really and truly, making a free gift to the Tatas of the land in Singur.

That is, however, only a minor part of the story. The state government is, in addition, offering the Tata group a gift coupon in the way of a loan worth Rs 200 crore carrying a nominal interest of only 1 per cent (as against the rate currently charged by the banks of at least 10 per cent); the principal, one suspects, is never intended to be returned. Finally, in terms of the lease agreement, the entire proceeds for the first ten years of the value-added tax on the sale of this precious car in West Bengal are proposed to be handed back to the Tatas, again at a nominal interest of only 1 per cent. If 40,000 cars are sold every year in West Bengal — not an unreconcilable assumption — with a value- added tax at 12.5 cent, this particular act of magnanimity on the part of the state would ensure an extra bonanza of more than Rs 500 core for the Tatas.

All told, therefore, the group is being offered the allure of around Rs 850 crore by the state government, apart from their being spared the bother of acquiring the land through their own efforts. The deal does not though mention what the Tatas are, in exchange, offering West Bengal. There is not even a stray reference to the likely employment, direct or indirect, consequent to the setting up of the plant. Were the employment generated not to exceed 10,000, that would just about equal the number of share-croppers and landless farm workers displaced at Singur following the acquisition of land. The state's outlay of Rs 850 crore would be for nothing.

Suspend the debate over the ideology of development. Also steer clear of the pastime of apportioning moral responsibility for the deaths and other incidents in Singur and Nandigram. Forget for the moment the dubious economics too. What about one's sense of aesthetics though? Does it not appear obscene that a state government, carrying a burden of debt of more than Rs 150,000 crore and with a countless number of problems, would offer a freebie of Rs 850 crore to an industrial group which has made an outlay of over Rs 50,000 crore only the other day to satisfy their expansionary ego overseas?

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070330/asp/opinion/story_7580979.asp

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bamboo Gate Obstructs $12 Billion Investment

Indian villagers protest against the plans of South Korean steel giant

In eastern India the state of Orissa has attracted big corporations like the world's number one steel company Arcelor-Mittal, South Korean steel giant Posco and many domestic players like Tatas, Jindal, Ambanis and others. However, it is unable to implement several projects.

The reason? In all the cases, the government has to confront locals who are unwilling to vacate their lands to make way for the industries.

Take the instance of South Korean steel maker, the Pohang Steel company (Posco), which signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the government of Orissa for the setting up of a 12 million ton per annum (mtpa) greenfield steel plant near Paradip Port, at an investment of Rs 5,200 crore (US$12 billion) in June 2005.

The company's investment proposal is considered to be the biggest foreign direct investment (FDI) into India.

But this top global company has failed to acquire an inch of land for its proposed plant even though it has been assured of 4,004 acres of land for the purpose.

The local people have raised an outfit titled Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS), which literally means Posco resistance group, to oppose the company.

Even the company officials were unable to enter into the proposed plant site area to undertake survey work due to stiff resistance at the ground level.

The company's top officials have already "wasted" 21 months in their bid to get the land in order to execute construction.

A top Posco executive said that they might be forced to call it a day in India, if things did not fall in line soon.

Posco officials have, meanwhile, approached all the concerned authorities including the government of India's ministers for commerce, finance, and steel, and Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh.

But all in vain.

The locals have their reasons to oppose the entry of Posco into the area because it is there that their houses are located on multi-crop lands.

Posco's proposed project area, Erasama of Jagasinghpur, which was devastated by a 1999 Super Cyclone, is a rich area so far as agriculture economy is concerned. Farmers produce betel leaves, which have a thriving market in India.

Posco is supposed to acquire seven villages of the area.

One of the major villages is Dhinkia, where 1,266 acres of land was to be acquired by Posco.

But the villagers of the area have erected two bamboo gates to obstruct outsiders from entering the village. These have been standing for 21 months.

So a bamboo gate, literally, is obstructing the entry of foreign direct investment worth $12 billion, said an official.

"How can we sacrifice the lands for a steel plant?" Asked PPSS president Abhaya Sahu, who is a native of the village.

Sahu is not the only person who is opposed to Posco. Many villagers refuse to accept rehabilitation and compensation in order to vacate their lands, and have rejected the rehabilitation and resettlement offer of the government of Orissa.

"We do not want to sell away our integrity and self-esteem. We do not need any help for a living. We are self-sufficient and never hope for handouts from anyone under the sky," said Manorama Khatua, a woman agitator who is among the 500 persons that have formed "self-sacrifice" squads, ready to commit suicide for their cause.

In this situation, the Orissa government and its Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik find it "very difficult" to force the villagers to vacate the land.

"We would never use force [them] to vacate lands for the company," said Orissa home department principal secretary T.K. Mishra.

Posco is not the only global company that faces problems in Orissa.

The world's numero uno steel company Arcelor-Mittal has signed an MOU with the state government for setting up of a 12mtpa steel plant in Orissa's mining belt, the Keonjhar district. It is also caught in a similar situation.

The company has proposed to invest Rs 40,000,00 million in its greenfield project.

The villagers at Patna, the proposed plant site for Arcelor-Mittal, oppose the company's plans.

"Mittal may be richest person in the world. But we love our land, forest and mines. We would not allow it to be given to any company," said Duryodhan Majhi, a local leader.

While the Orissa government has signed at least 45 MOUs with different companies for setting up of steel industries, it has failed to find room for the big ticket investments.

"At least 24 small and medium companies have, however, started production within last three years," Orissa Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik claimed.

The top bureaucrats in the administration recall how they had to suffer after police opened fire at Kalinga Nagar killing 13 tribals during a land acquisition for Tata Steel, who recently acquired Corus Steel.

Jajpur district magistrate Dr Arabinda Padhee blames the Maoists for encouraging the locals' agitation against the industries.

Orissa attracts investments from different parts of the globe for its rich minerals, surplus power and cheap labor.

Orissa is rich in iron ore, and has an estimated 33.2 percent of the total Indian reserve.

With this huge deposit of iron ore Orissa has been able to attract Posco to invest in a big way. But the billion dollar question is whether the government will be able to hold and carry on all these investments and translate them into reality, or will they remain on paper?

While the number of MOUs is rising by leaps and bounds, the problem at the grass root level is equally daunting, say corporate honchos.

Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the Arcelor-Mittal Group L.N. Mittal said the speed at which the process of land acquisition is happening is a "genuine" problem, he was echoing the concerns of the mega steel companies, which are facing uphill task to acquire farm land for their greenfield projects.

"All the greenfield plans are facing the same problem. Local people should understand that plants would help the process of development," he said.

Similarly in Nandigram of West Bengal, a neighboring state of eastern India, plans to seize farmland for a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) for a Singapore based multinational company were shelved after police killed 14 protesters.

Officials in Orissa feel the Nandigram killing will cast a shadow over Orissa's attractiveness as star investment destination.

But the Orissa government's steel and mines minister Padmanabh Behera is hopeful about settling the problem within three months.

He says the government's rehabilitation and resettlement policy for displaced farmers is among the best, offering cash and employment for at least one member of each family losing all its land.

http://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?no=352974&rel_no=1

 

 

 

 

 

 

Maoists' poor hotbed is rich in ore

Maoists are not the favourites of Bastar tribals. For the traditional inhabitants of forests, these men represent death, terror, destruction and a perpetuation of poverty. For businessmen, they act as natural repellants.

For a state so rich in mineral wealth, the tribal parts of Chhattisgarh have had remarkably little investment in the last two years. While the Vedanta group set up shop at Korba for aluminium and also a captive power plant with an investment of around Rs 15,000 crore last year, this is far away from Naxalite areas. Not one paisa has been invested in Kanker and Dantewada -- both loaded with iron ore, but also the heart of Naxalite insurgency.

It was on May 8, 2005, that Maoists picked out a mining unit of Hindalco, India's largest aluminium and copper producer, for the biggest guerrilla attack on a corporate facility in the country.

Around 200 Maoists stormed and shut down operations of Hindalco's aluminium mining unit at Saridih in the Maoist heartland and razed several buildings in the complex. Production remained affected for about a month.

The second attack came a year later. On February 10, 2006, hundreds of Maoists raided the magazine of National Mineral Development Corporation (NMDC), India's largest iron-ore producer, manually carrying away enough explosives to fill six trucks.

The NMDC's entire stock of explosives, used in mining, was stored at Hiroli in Dantewada district and was guarded by the Central Industrial Security Force.

On October 30, 2006, rebels raided NMDC again, this time at Bacheli, and destroyed a conveyor belt. Production remained affected for more than 15 days, causing a huge loss to the mining major.

Though the rebels have opposed the proposed steel plants of Tatas and Essar in the Bastar region, stating that they would not allow the companies to exploit minerals, they have not come out in the open.

The villagers are opposing land acquisition by both companies. But the Maoists are yet to share the dais with them, as in Nandigram.

http://inhome.rediff.com/money/2007/mar/17mao.htm

 

 

 

 

 

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Date: Thu Mar 29, 2007 8:36 pm
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Common man poorer, MLAs richer in Jharkhand?

Ranchi, March 29 (IANS) The people's representatives in Jharkhand are getting richer while those who elevate them to positions of power are getting poorer, if the salaries of local legislators and poverty figures in the last five years are anything to go by.

The 10th Five Year Plan (2002-07) had a target of reducing poverty by five percent in the state. But a report of the state rural development ministry says the number of poor families increased by 100,000 during this period.

In 2002, the total number of families living Below the Poverty Line (BPL) was 2.35 million, only to go up to 2.45 million in December 2006.

The salaries of legislators and ministers, however, have doubled in the last five years. And a move is afoot to increase them further.

Five years ago, a legislator was getting Rs.16,000 a month. He now gets Rs.34,400. A minister earns Rs.39,500 as against Rs.18,000 earlier. The chief minister's salary was Rs.19,000. Now it is Rs.42,500.

Sources said a move is afoot to increase the salary of the legislators to Rs.42,000.

'The number of families living below the poverty line has increased due to a rise in the prices of basic commodities like food grains, oil, petrol, diesel and other things. The United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government that rules Jharkhand now is responsible for it,' said C.P. Singh, a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) legislator.

Asked about legislators' salaries, he said: 'Poverty alleviation work should be done but the rise in prices also affects the budget of legislators.'

In Jharkhand, 52 percent families live below the poverty line. The state produces only half the food grains it consumes and milk production is just 30 percent of the requirement.

 http://news.monstersandcritics.com/india/news/article_1284255.php/Common_man_poorer_MLAs_richer_in_Jharkhand

 

 

 

 

 

 

Court orders free treatment for HIV-infected child

New Delhi, March 28 The Delhi High Court Wednesday directed the government to bear the cost of treatment of a child, who was allegedly inflicted with HIV after blood transfusion in the state-run Safdarjung Hospital here.

While disposing of the petition with the directions, Justice B.D. Ahmed asked the central government to admit the nine-year-old in the same hospital for free treatment.

'The government should bear all the expenses including for the treatment of the patient,' said the order.

Naseem Ahmed, a resident of a village near Ranchi in Jharkhand, had filed a petition seeking direction to the government for free treatment and to meet other expenses of his child, Faizan, who had been under treatment for the past five years.

Ahmed's counsel Sugriv Dubey said in his petition that Faizan was being treated at a Ranchi hospital for anaemia. He was referred to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) here for further treatment in 2002.

The AIIMS, however, had refused to treat him and sent him to the Safdarjung Hospital.

The petition alleged that the child was given HIV-infected blood without scanning the same during the blood transfusion in the hospital.

The authorities, however, deny the allegation saying that the hospital had a proper mechanism to scan the blood given to patients.

http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/45227.html

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dead' officials get promotions in Bihar

PATNA: Nothing is impossible in Bihar. Even the dead and retired government officials in the state get promotions!

Dozens of government officials who have either died or retired figure in the promotions list of the registration department in Buxar district, about 125 km from Patna.

"Yes, some dead and retired officials are in the list," admitted Raj Kumar Jha, an official of the Buxar district administration.

According to official sources, most of those in the list of 48 promoted officials had either died or retired long back. "It was a clear case of official apathy and negligence," Jha said.

He added that it was a serious matter and an inquiry would be conducted to ascertain how their names had appeared in the list.

Rashtriya Janata Dal leader Haridnarayan Choudhary said this had exposed the government's claim of good governance.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
A day in the life of a school in Bihar

On a bright Saturday morning, we are hurtling down the Patna-Hajipur road to make it in time for the morning assembly at a government school in rural Bihar.

Once we leave Hajipur -- the constituency that had set a record for electing Ram Vilas Paswan to Parliament with the highest-ever margin in the 1989 election -- the road becomes narrower with traffic on both sides. Save some bumpy patches, it is turning out to be a fairly smooth ride, till the car stalls by a cluster of small stalls at the roadside.

We are already running late, the Saturday school timing we are told is 8 am to 11 am, and there is no chance of finding a mechanic in a village where the few shops haveno boards to indicate the name of the place we are stranded in.

The driver tries his driver routine, the car is pushed but after a few tantalising gasps, the vehicle stops breathing. That is it.

We start thinking of a backup plan when two young men appear, exchange a few words with the driver. One of them very casually sits in the driver's seat while his companion helps push the car.

A few minutes later, the car roars back into action and the two men walk away just as casually as they had appeared -- as if it was just a usual occurrence -- without even giving us a chance to say 'thank you.'

"He was a driver too," says Abbasbhai, our driver, and I think of visuals of stalled cars with harried drivers caught in the middle of whizzing traffic in Mumbai, where no one, barring perhaps the traffic police, stops to lend a hand.

This is Bihar, known as India's lawless state, where my editors had sent us with many warnings of 'Be careful, stay safe.' But that morning on that road at a place we didn't know, we couldn't have had a better way.

The assembly is delayed. Some students are still walking in, touching the feet of their teachers as they pass them by. A few bend down and touch ours too. While the students gather for assembly, some sweep the classrooms before classes begin.

We are told it is the students who clean the classrooms and premises, including the toilets. The school has no peons, and barring the cook -- who prepares khichdi for lunch every week day which is given free to all school children from Class I to V in the state government schools -- the school has no additional support staff.

The children do not wear uniforms because they have none. The government hopes to provide uniforms to all children and cycles for girls but that is yet to arrive.

The children walk to school from neighbouring villages, most of whose parents are uneducated, poor farmers. They carry books in a cloth bag. Some bring with them a gunny sack, over which they sit for classes under a cluster of mango and litchi trees.

There are classrooms for every class but because the number of students -- 1,023 -- cannot be accommodated in the classes, the students from class I to IV sit in the ground outside.

The assembly is conducted by students, while the teachers stand in attendance. Two barefooted little girls in frocks lead in the singing of Vande Mataram, Sare Jahan se Accha and the National Anthem. A little off tune, the singing is followed by stories about hygiene and a round up of the news and sports news by two boys.

'Namaskar, yeh hai aaj ki khabrein' says one boy and goes on to read the news of the day to the rest of the school. 'Aur ab khel samachar inse suniye, and the sports news of the day is provided by his partner.

A PT routine is included and the assembly lasts 50 minutes. The Islampur Middle School is the only middle school in the Goraul block in Vaishali district in central Bihar.

Like all government middle schools, the children here do not pay any fee. All girls and boys from the so-called scheduled castes are entitled to free books, says Assistant Teacher Shyam Nandan Thakur.

Many children pass on their books to those who cannot afford books once they move to a higher class, says the teacher.

Far from private English medium schools in India's cities where parents queue up overnight for forms and try everything in their power to get their children admitted to the best schools, in government-run schools like this one, girls are given lessons on topics that are taken for granted by privileged kids.

Lessons that are given through Meena -- a nine-year-old cartoon character, who propagates education, gender equality, denounces child marriage and child labour.

Developed by UNICEF to change perceptions and behaviour that hamper the survival, protection and development of girls, the programme was initiated in this school in 2005.

'Meena Manch' -- a group of girls from the school -- assembles twice a month to listen to Meena's story and discuss a topic that is relevant to girls in their community.

I am struck at the confidence of the little girls. One of them gets up and asks me to introduce myself, looking straight into my eyes.

Once the story with a moral is told for the day, the girls sing an educative song in Bhojpuri and display some karate kicks, their anklets ringing in unison with every kick.

The girls tell us that their sisters also go to school. They zealously tell us the story of how they were able to prevent the marriage of their 14-year-old school-mate by going and speaking to her parents and telling them about the demerits of child marriage.

How many of us would go and speak up for friends if injustice was being done to them, I wonder?

Bihar has the lowest literacy rate in India. Only 47 per cent of its population is literate, girls are worse off at 33.1 per cent.

The Islampur school could be a far cry from other schools in many villages and towns in Bihar where schools exist in deplorable conditions, where there are not enough teachers, where students don't have toilets, where children are taken away to help their parents in the fields, where girls in the minority community are sometimes withdrawn from school after they reach puberty.

One of the reasons why villagers withdraw their children from school is a commonly held view that once children start attending school regularly, the first thing they do is stop helping out in the chores at home as they did before. They don't want to go to the fields, will not plough, will not milk the cows or rear milch cattle.

"They feel a child who has studied will not do this, but who hasn't will do all this. So parents think education is not proving beneficial for them. Unless the child acquires some skill, for a guardian his education is of no use," says Anjani Kumar Singh, the IAS officer, who is director of the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan scheme in Bihar.

"We are making every effort to build the school infrastructure, separate toilets are being made for boys and girls that will be managed by students and teachers," continues Singh, who has a long experience with education in Bihar.

"There have been instances in schools where teachers have kept a toilet locked for their own use or where toilets have gone into disuse. In schools we also have a child cabinet (which consists of student office-bearers ), which sees if nails are trimmed and hygiene is being maintained, that toilets are being cleaned. Effective child cabinets do exist in some form or the other in most schools."

I want to be a teacher or singer," said a girl, who was quickly joined by a bunch of girls rattling out their dreams and ambitions as children the world over are want to do. "We are going to participate in a competition in Hajipur, so wish us luck," said another.

For the children in government schools, the Nitish Kumar government in Bihar has done something that was never done before in the state's school system.

It has provided Rs 5,000 to every school for an excursion. So among the ruins of the famed Nalanda University, in between the busloads of Japanese, Korean and Sri Lankan tourists, run school children, on a trip many of them take for the first time.

"There are children who have not seen a police station, a railway station, so the Rs 5,000 is being used so that children can see places of interest in their area," says Anjani Kumar.

At the Islampur Middle School, only one girl from the Meena Manch has traveled as far as Kolkata. Another bunch traveled to the state capital Patna to participate in a competition. No one else has ever traveled beyond Hajipur, an hour's distance away.

At the Islampur Middle School, the children are towards the end of their school day. The teachers under the tree outside sing rhymes alongside the children. Mr Thakur, the assistant teacher, shows us the computer room which has three computers -- introduced six months ago -- which he says is used by the children to paint and learn the use of wordpad.

He also shows us the ongoing construction of classrooms so that the children sitting outside finally have a classroom. The state government is recruiting 200,000 primary and elementary teachers and constructing 100,000 classrooms this year. Last year, 70,000 teachers were appointed.

I am not sure how much three computers help in a school with over 1,000 students. Neither can one vouch for the quality of education. But the classrooms are full at this school, the teachers are teaching, the students are neatly dressed even if they don't have uniforms and bear the familiarity of their curriculum at the end of their school year.

Also, the children we meet all sound confident.

"Yes, education has deteriorated in Bihar over the years. There was a time when the syllabus of Patna University was almost like Oxford. But you may be surprised, two-three recent surveys done at the all India level have shown that the quality of primary education is good in Bihar. We are not saying it, they are," says Anjani Kumar Singh.

In the heartland of India's most illiterate state, a difference is being made. Better still, it can be felt.

http://specials.rediff.com/news/2007/mar/29sld1.htm

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Growth alone doesn`t reduce poverty
 
 
Several states have witnessed higher GSDP growth and higher poverty at the same time.
 
Poverty levels in the country have fallen from 26.1 per cent in 1999-2000 to 21.8 per cent in 2004-05, based on the mixed recall period consumption method. Those for rural areas fell from 27.1 to 21.8 while those for urban areas fell from 23.6 to 21.7 per cent. While the poverty estimates for 1999-00 and 2004-05 are not strictly comparable with earlier poverty estimates, some broad conclusions can be drawn on the rate of decline of poverty vis-à-vis the rate of growth of the economy.
 
Both the rate of decline in poverty and income growth between 1993-94 and 1999-00 have been the highest for the six periods given in Table 1. Yet, the elasticity of poverty reduction (0.78) is exactly the same as that between 1983 and 1987-88. Does this mean that the trickle-down hypothesis is working for poverty reduction? The correlation between aggregate income growth and rate of decline of poverty is not very strong ( 0.47). However, it also provides sufficient evidence against rejecting the trickle-down hypothesis. The trickle-down hypothesis is stronger for urban areas — the correlation between aggregate income growth and rate of decline of poverty for urban areas is 0.73, while the same for rural areas is 0.36. 
 
POVERTY VS GROWTH
Table 1:  Poverty, growth and elasticity
  Rate of Decline of Poverty
  (% p.a.)
Average GDP Growth
(% p.a.)
Elasticity of Poverty Reduction 
w.r.t. Aggregate Growth
Period Rural Urban Total Agriculture Industry Services Total Rural Urban Total
1973-74 to 1977-78 1.53 1.98 1.66 3.87 5.95 5.26 4.75 0.32 0.42 0.35
1977-78 to 1983 2.48 1.71 2.36 2.74 4.80 5.20 4.04 0.61 0.42 0.58
1983 to 1987-88 3.80 1.63 3.32 0.06 6.02 7.03 4.23 0.90 0.38 0.78
1987-88 to 1993-94 0.79 2.73 1.28 4.90 5.99 6.54 5.84 0.14 0.47 0.22
1993-94 to 1999-00 5.18 5.11 5.21 2.97 6.96 8.83 6.63 0.78 0.77 0.78
1999-00 to 2004-05 4.26 1.68 3.57 1.76 6.65 7.66 6.01 0.71 0.28 0.59
Note: GDP growth up to 1993-94 is based on real GDP at 1993-94 prices and at 1999-00 prices thereafter.
Source: Based on Planning Commission's data on Poverty Estimates and CSO data on GDP Growth.
 
While at an aggregate level there has been some evidence of the trickle-down hypothesis, the cross-sectional evidence of trickle down between 1999-00 and 2004-05 is rather weak. The correlation between the rate of decline in poverty (RDP) and gross state domestic product (GSDP) growth between 1999-00 and 2004-05 is 0.20, suggesting a weakness in or the absence of trickle-down. All major states witnessed a positive GSDP growth between 1999-00 and 2004-05, while the incidence of poverty increased in Delhi, Goa, Haryana, Jammu and Kashmir, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Dadar and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu. 
 
Table 2:  Increased poverty with growth (%)
States

Incidence of Poverty
(%)

Rate of Increase of
Poverty
(% p.a.)
Average Annual 
GSDP growth (%)
1999-00 2004-05    
Delhi 8.23 10.17 4.32 8.83
Goa 4.40 12.03 22.28

6.23*

Haryana 8.74 9.86 2.44 6.86
Jammu and Kashmir 3.48 4.21 3.90 4.55
Maharashtra 25.02 25.17 0.12 5.13
Rajasthan 15.28 17.53 2.79 5.39
Dadra and Nagar Haveli 17.14 30.60 12.29 NA
Daman and Diu 4.44 7.98 12.43 NA
Note: *Up to 2003-04, NA: Not Available
Source: Based on Planning Commission's data on poverty estimates and CSO data on GDP growth
 
Even after excluding states that experienced an increase in poverty, the evidence of trickle-down (correlation coefficient = 0.30) is weaker than that observed at the national level. Among the states which experienced a decline in the incidence of poverty between 1999-00 and 2004-05, the magnitude of the RDP varies from 2.22 per cent in Kerala to 16.77 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh. Between 1999-00, the average annual growth rates of Andhra Pradesh (6.54 per cent), Gujarat (6.85 per cent), Haryana (6.86 per cent) and Kerala (6.88 per cent) were of a similar order while the RDP varied drastically. It was 6.77 per cent for Andhra Pradesh, 2.41 per cent for Gujarat and 2.22 per cent for Kerala and the incidence of poverty increased in Haryana by 2.44 per cent per annum. Similarly, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh were able to achieve an RDP of 16.77 per cent and 16.11 per cent respectively between 1999-00 and 2004-05 with a corresponding average annual growth in GSDP at 4.86 per cent and 5.23 per cent. Undivided Bihar with a 5.01 per cent average annual growth of GSDP between 1999-00 and 2004-05 was able to achieve an RDP of 4.95 per cent. However, poverty in Rajasthan and Maharashtra increased by 2.79 per cent and 0.12 per cent per annum respectively, despite their GSDPs rising by 5.39 per cent and 5.13 per cent respectively. Clearly state level policies with regard to poverty alleviation, safety nets and developmental activities are mainly responsible for divergent trends of poverty reduction vis-à-vis economic growth.
 
This is not the first time that rural poverty has declined faster than urban poverty has. This was observed in earlier periods also —1977-78 to 1983, 1983 to 1987-88 and 1993-94 to 1999-00. The ratio of rural to urban RDP at 2.54 observed between 1999-00 and 2004-05 is slightly higher than the 2.34 observed between 1983 and 1987-88. Both these time periods coincide with a low average agricultural GDP growth (0.06 per cent in 1983 to 1987-88 and 1.76 per cent in 1999-00 to 2004-05).
 
What are the reasons for the faster decline in poverty in rural areas compared to urban areas? Rural employment estimates suggest that rural employment alone is not growing fast enough to reduce rural poverty faster — the shift of the labour force from the less profitable and stagnant agricultural sector to the more profitable and growing sectors could, however, be the reason for the faster decline in rural poverty levels. Provisional results of the fifth economic census suggest that between 1998 and 2005, the average annual growth of enterprises in rural areas— at 5.53 per cent— has been nearly 50 per cent higher than the growth of enterprises in urban areas. At the same time the growth in employment offered by these enterprises in rural areas at 3.33 per cent has been nearly twice the employment growth in urban areas. Between 1999-00 and 2004-05, five states, namely, Assam, undivided Bihar, Tamil Nadu, undivided Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal accounted for 72 per cent of the decline in the number of rural poor across the country. A combination of higher agricultural growth rate and higher employment growth in non- agricultural/farm (excluding crop production and plantation) activities led to a decline in the absolute numbers of poor in these states. While in undivided Bihar it was higher agricultural growth that led to the decline in the number of rural poor, in the case of Tamil Nadu and undivided Uttar Pradesh it was higher non-agricultural growth that was responsible. In short, the politics and economics of Indian states are so divergent that it is difficult to pinpoint a single factor responsible for the change in poverty or any other developmental indicator.
 
The author is Associate Director, Fitch Ratings India Private Ltd. The views are personal
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
A new recipe for sweet success

KOLKATA: Lakhs of bees are being ferried across the shallow waters of the Sunderbans everyday, giving rise to a new breed of honey collectors in search of the sweet elixir. This is the new way honey business is done in Bengal.

Twenty-six year-old Tarun Das has been collecting honey through the 'box' method for the past few years. His modus operandi - boxes of bees are bought from a local bazaar and ferried to the islands by boat. The bees are allowed to escape from the boxes and into the forest areas adjoining their villages.

Once the insects detect nectar in a flower, they dance around it in circles, signalling others in the swarm. Eventually they return to the boxes to begin forming a honeycomb. This continues daily for one-and-a-half months when the nectar is finally wringed out through a mechanised drum. Sometimes though the bees need some coaxing to leave the boxes, especially when they lay eggs or are sick.

The pioneers of this form of harvesting sourced the bees from Italy but today they are bought from Punjab. A collection season spans one and a half months in summer in the Sunderbans and usually yields 35-50 kg, which is sold for as high as Rs 150-200. Income can be as high as Rs 25,000 in a year, a princely amount in an area of extreme poverty.

However, Das rues that the state government takes a cut in the form of Rs 8 per box. Plus there are middlemen who like to get their palms greased for helping out with the transit pass which is a requirement for collectors in the the area. According to a Forest Department official, the method is not illegal but only those with permits can enter into the reserved area.

The Forest Department does permit small groups to enter the forest twice a year, from mid-March to end-April. The new method has its advantages.

Collectors don't have to risk their life in the forest; many have reportedly been killed in tiger attacks. Honey yield too is assured. Once the season gets over in the Sunderbans, the honey hunters move on to create a buzz elsewhere in West Bengal. Their's is not exactly a boxed-in existence.

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1087734

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sikkim Teesta Hydro project of NHPC: Craving a path to Disaster

Tara Dhakal, Sikkim: National Hydropower Commission (NHPC) has started the Teesta river project for hydro- electric power generation in Sikkim , India that is craving a path to disaster. It has been conceived without adequate participation from the people. Now the construction process has disrupted the lives of many people without just and adequate compensation. The extensive use of dynamite detonation has destroyed people's houses, their land and livelihood. In addition, invaluable rich flora and fauna has been severely destroyed. NHPC project have been a disaster to the rural highlands communities who have lost fields, grazing lands and access to water sources due to the project. This has pushed them to the edge in their struggle for survival. In addition, the construction process has had extensive negative environmental impacts adding to the already fragile mountain ecosystem. The traditional livelihood of the mountain people are shattered already, their houses are cracking down due to the force of dynamite blasting, which have further weakened road network and it's surrounding mountain belts causing massive land slides and soil erosion. Sikkim is an example of how indifferent and ignorant Government policies could ultimately destroy livelihood of the people.

In the name of development, disaster has been prescribed with the destruction of rich natural habitats of beneficial plants and herbs and traditional knowledge that runs among the mountain people with ultimately displacing them. All these destruction of natural resources and uprooting of the mountain people will not fetch economic outcome that the government is thinking that it would achieve through generation of electric power by constructing and controlling the flow of river by constructing dams. At the end, when glaciers are retreating at an alarming rate, such project would serve no purpose than a complete failure.

Many of the victims are waging a struggle to assert their right to life and livelihood. However, in this process they have suffered human rights abuses. Opposing NHPC is opposing the government .When people whose rights were violated tried to voice their concerns with both the project and related government officials they were arrested and beaten up by police and hooligans sent by the government. Political suppression in the form of threat of victimization of families, forced job transfers, abuse and manhandling by government hooligans, and destruction of properties/livelihood by hooligans that has been imposed since many decades is the reason behind our silence. It is human behavior that everyone values their own life and family and this adds to our compulsion to an extent that we do not even exercise our fundamental rights of freedom of speech and expression. Leave alone people, even local media are politically suppressed. Mainstream media does not represent our issues. We the Sikkimese have become victims of such projects and political suppression. The Government of India is least bothered about the plight of its citizens. Indian democracy boasts of being the largest democracy in the world which is the biggest irony for citizens of Sikkim.

The author is Ford International Fellow

Source: (Unpublished) Submitted to Jharkhand News Network by Tara Dhakal

 

 

 

 

 

Schemes not enough to shape dreams

New Delhi, Mar 28 
The Planning Commission is of the view that no single scheme of the government alone can liberate people from the low-end poverty.

There is a need for re-designing the welfare schemes and process of the implementation and arriving at convergence for better delivery. Jharkhand, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Bundelkhand Uttar Pradesh need adequate focus.

"Do not expect that all the basic needs of the poor would be covered under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA). Social mobilisation and convergence of people's rights can considerably help in the process. Our experience shows that self-help groups (SHGs) have led to empowerment of the people, particularly the women," said Planning Commission member BN Yughandar.

Speaking at the occasion of the release of the book—Capturing Imagination of Stakeholders—authored by KS Gopal, Yughandar said there has been cruel dilution of employment assurance schemes in which the concept has shifted from "demand-driven" to that of allocation and from "worker-driven" to that of "patronage-driven". Hence schemes should be re-designed and their implementation finetuned.

 
 

URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159325

 

 

 

 

 

 

Villagers turn against family over Dalit son-in-law

[RxPG] Jajpur -, March 29 - An upper caste family has been denied access to wells and shops in an Orissa village after their daughter married a Dalit man, the distraught family said Thursday.

'- are not allowing us to draw water from the village well and tube wells for the past one month. We are forced to depend on the water of a polluted pond,' lamented Mayadhar Sahoo, father of 20-year-old Sabita.

All four shops in Badman village in Jajpur district, around 120 km from Bhubaneshwar, have refused to sell essential commodities to the Sahoo household following pressure from the villagers.

'We are being forced to trek three kilometres to purchase essential goods,' said Malati, Sabita's mother.

Sabita Sahoo broke age-old caste barrier by marrying Dilip Mallik, a Dalit of the same village, in a temple last month.

Although her family was opposed to the marriage and did not attend their wedding, villagers held a meeting and decided to ostracise the Sahoos, according to the girl's father.

'After she got married, the villagers told us to perform a death ritual for our daughter. When we refused, they started discriminating against us,' the farmer said.

The villagers are not bothered about law.

'Sabita has tainted the status of the upper caste people by marrying a Dalit,' said Raghunandan Dash, a villager.

'Since she is 'dead' for us, her family must perform death rituals. Unless and until they do that, we will continue to boycott them,' he asserted.

The local Dalit Manch has written to the National Human Rights Commission, the state Human Rights Commission, the chief minister and the governor, urging them to take action against the erring villagers.

http://www.rxpgnews.com/india/Villagers-turn-against-family-over-Dalit-son-in-law_21493.shtml

 

 

 

 

 

 

Trapped tribals in survival mire

MANGAPET/CHATTISGARH: Wailing parents scooped up the bones of loved ones as eight cremated corpses smouldered by the road, the latest victims of a Maoist rebel war that has put tens of thousands of tribal people in the crossfire.

"Where were the police? They were drunk, hiding with their weapons," shouted Gopal Ran Udhe, who lost his son in a Maoist attack on a police post that killed 55 police and tribal militia members, in one of the worst rebel attacks in decades.

Villagers recounted how tribesmen, surrounded by nearly 500 rebels, quickly ran out of bullets for their 80-year-old rifles. Maoists bombarded the base with homemade bombs made from lunch boxes. The majority of victims were government-hired tribal militia, 'Special Police Officers', who critics say are an example of how ill-equipped tribal people are  put in the front line by authorities  looking for ways to beat the rebels. The region is now a stronghold of up to 4,000 well-armed Maoists, police say, who  roam the Chhattisgarh forests.

"Naxalites take away our food. The police come and harass us," said Madvi Kosa, a villager whose son was one of the 55 killed. "We want to be neutral but it is becoming impossible," he said. While many tribal people at first gave support to Maoists, most have turned against the rebels who they say killed community leaders, suppressed their religion and stole their food. Over the last two years, an anti-Maoist movement among tribal people known as Salwa Judum (Campaign for Peace) has surfaced, and some 50,000  villagers have been pushed into refugee camps in a plan to defend them. However, criticism has grown that the movement was forced on villagers by a government unable to defend its own people.

The state is one of the most thinly policed in India. Police keep to their bases, afraid of landmines and ambushes. Surrounded by wire fences, the refugee camps have forced villagers off their lands. Hundreds of tribals have still been killed in the last two years.

"Initially, Salwa Judum was welcomed," said Lalit Surjan, a senior scribe. "It has since been taken over by the government and grown huge. We have been asking them to call off Salwa Judum because the state just can't protect them."

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1087737

 

 

 

 

 

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#117 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Wed Mar 28, 2007 9:49 pm
Subject: Wednesday, March 28, 2007
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   Wednesday, March 28, 2007     




 
 
 

 
 
 
 
In Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh local politicians fight against conversions to Christianity

The rising number of conversions is worrying local authorities who accuse Christians of stealing from the poor and carrying out all sorts of vile acts. In Jharkhand there is a growing demand that Tribal converts be denied government benefits. In Andhra Pradesh campaigns of open intolerance are underway.

Tribal leaders and politicians in the Indian state of Jharkhand have complained against what they view as an "invasion" by converts and want the state to deny them public benefits. In Andhra Pradesh public campaigns against Christian missionaries and converts are currently being organised.

In Jharkhand Tribals were lumped together with converts to religions like Christianity in the 2001 census. "But Tribals must be put under a different column to maintain their separate identity," said a member of the Adi Dharma Parisad, a tribal body. "The country's Tribals should be brought under one religion—Adi Dharma (or Supreme Natural Law)—so that they can get the benefits provided by state and central governments."

Similarly, for Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Christian converts should not be included in the Tribals category and are not entitled to the benefits that belong to that group.

"There should be a separate column for Tribals' religion in the census. Converted Tribals have access to Christian missionary schools and benefit from jobs whilst real Tribals are deprived," BJP lawmaker Chandresh Oraon said.

In Jharkhand Tribals constituted 40 per cent of the total population in 1950 but now they are about 27 per cent (2001). Christians, who were almost non existent in 1950, are now 4 per cent.  

The literacy rate among the tribal population is less than 40 percent as opposed to the state average of 54 per cent.

About 52 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, most of them Tribals.

In the southern State of Andhra Pradhesh, campaigns against the growing number of Christian converts are also being mounted.

Swami Swarupanandendra Saraswati, head of the Visakha's Sarada Peetham, said that large-scale, uncontrolled and untracked Tribal conversions to Christianity are a threat to the state. He accused the government of doing nothing.

"Just as one cannot change his mother, one cannot change his religion," he said, urging people to chase away the "lying missionaries".

On February 11, he formed a group whose task is to stop Hindus to convert to Christianity and bring back converts to the Hindu fold. He called on a local Andhra Jvothy newspaper to write about the pending danger of conversions.

Following an article last Sunday titled "Changing winds: New religion takes root," many people marched on state agencies in the north-eastern part of the state to protest against Christian conversions.

In this atmosphere, Tribal and Hindu leaders claim that missionaries are attacking traditional tribal beliefs, culture and customs, importing an alien culture, cheating Tribals in order to get rich. For instance, Damavanthi Naidu, head village in Seethampet, complains that after people convert no one celebrates traditional festivities.

Some local Tribal leaders and BJP officials slam missionaries for using foreign money to get people to convert, taking advantage this way of the economic problems Tribals and poor people face.

Others like BJP district secretary Tankala Durga Rao claim that missionaries use religion as a pretext to "steal" from Tribals.

There are even some local leaders who claim that the Christian faith is responsible for many vile things like laziness, this according to Arika Kannayya, a local tribal committee leader.

But for Ma Ramana Madiga, a leader of the state-based Telugu Desam Party, people are drawn to this religion because it has no backward castes or tribes. If Hindu temples and institutions treated everyone with equal respect, the number of conversions would not be rising.

http://www.asianews.it/index.php?l=en&art=8856&size=A

 

 

 

 

 

 

PFC stretches bid deadline for Jharkhand project

MUMBAI, MAR 27 :  Once bitten twice shy, Power Finance Corporation (PFC) has discreetly deferred the deadline for submitting requests for qualification (RFQs) for the 4,000-mw Tilaya ultra-mega power project in Jharkhand to April 10 from March 20. The move assumes significance especially in the backdrop of PFC being in the midst of a controversy over an alleged misrepresentation by the Lanco-Globeleq consortium in the Sasan project.

Interestingly, PFC delivered a letter in this regard to the representatives of Reliance Energy, Tata Power Company and Adani Power, who were present until 5 pm on March 20 at the PFC office in New Delhi. Jindal Steel & Power and AES had couriered their RFQs. PFC sources confirmed this development but did not give reasons.

The PFC letter dated March 20, which is in FE's possession, said, "In continuation to our telephonic intimation yesterday (March 19, 2007), this is to confirm that the last date for submission of responses of RFQ scheduled on March 20 is hereby extended. The revised last date of submission of responses will now be 12.30 pm on April 10 and bids will be opened on the same day at 2.30 pm."

But industry sources contested PFC's version, denying any telephonic communication on March 19. PFC has formed a wholly owned subsidiary, Jharkhand Integrated Power Ltd, for managing the bidding process for the upcoming project.

According to the original plan, PFC had asked bidders to submit RFQs by March 20, while their short-listing based on responses to RFQs and issuance of request for proposal (RFP), were to have taken place on April 2. But now, the whole schedule has been revised.

PFC proposes to shortlist bidders and issue letters of intent before July 16 and subsequently sign agreements before September 17.

Power from the upcoming project would be bought through competitive bidding route by Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Harayana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Bihar and Jharkhand. The development of the Tilaya project includes establishment, operation and maintenance of a 4,000-mw coal-fired pit head power project. This will include mine development and transportation of coal from the proposed allocated captive coal mines at North Karanpura. The project site is located near Tilaiya village.

According to the RFQ, bidders' internal resource generation should equal at least Rs 1,140 crore or be equivalent of US dollars computed five times the maximum internal resources generated during any of the last five years' business operations. Bidders should have a net worth of Rs 1,000 crore and an annual turnover of Rs 2,400 crore

http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159195

 

 

 

 

 

 

New SSA funding pattern likely to hit 'weak' states

NEW DELHI: It could be a case of one step forward, two steps backward. Just when the elementary education scenario had started firming up, the new funding pattern of 50:50 (against 75:25 so far) between the Centre and the states for Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) could well turn the hope of a revolution to one more failed promise on education.

The states are already feeling the heat of the new funding pattern. For instance, Rajasthan came to HRD ministry with an annual SSA work plan of Rs 2,000 crore which was approved. But then the state said it could at best contribute Rs 800 crore to the kitty. In turn, HRD said Centre could make a matching contribution of Rs 800 crore. In no time, state plan was reduced to Rs 1,600 crore.

Though for Rajasthan Rs 1,600 crore is still more than last year's Rs 1,253 crore, other states would not be so lucky for they do not have the financial wherewithal to withstand the new funding pattern. States like Bihar, UP, West Bengal and MP are yet to come to HRD ministry to get their SSA work plans approved.

The worst sufferers of the new funding pattern are the north-eastern states. Having so far enjoyed a special status with the Centre footing 90% of the SSA bill, these states are now being told that they too will have to share 50% of the SSA cost. This has resulted in a mini-movement of sorts the among seven sisters with the Mizoram education minister galvanising the other N-E states. He has already sent letters to HRD ministry protesting against the move.
But the Centre appears to be unmoved. It has been nearly two months since HRD ministry's note for retaining the 75:25 funding pattern was sent for the Union cabinet's consideration. The note was the result of a communication between the ministry and the Planning Commission whereby the latter had said that in case HRD has an objection to the 50:50 pattern, it can move a cabinet note.

Officials at the helm of SSA point out that the repercussions of the new funding pattern would be felt mostly by states like Bihar, West Bengal, UP, MP and Assam, which after being at the bottom of the heap for years, had taken tentative steps in the right direction in the past two years. They just do not have the financial resources to make large allocations for SSA.

These states still lack infrastructure in terms of classrooms, teachers, textbooks and better learning tools.
With limited resources, these states might end up giving top priority for creating right infrastructure while necessary attention would not be given to enhancing the learning abilities of children. Various surveys on learning abilities have repeatedly shown children in these states lagging behind.

On the other hand, the southern and western states are better placed. States like Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat already have the necessary infrastructure in place. Though these states would equally suffer the new funding pattern, they can give priority to the learning outcome of children. This could further sharpen the existing divide between northern and southern states.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Generation X: Outlook vs Values
 

LUCRATIVE JOBS FOR freshers, enormous salary packages, killing competition, vulnerable minds, stressful lifestyle and aggressive attitudes— sums up the making of our youth. Several global ventures have opened multinationals in India providing high–income jobs to youngsters. On one hand where job opportunities have opened for our youth, the entire scenario has changed when it comes to their lifestyles, values and outlook.

 

The youth of today are the future of tomorrow. Are we ready to give the reigns of our nation in their hands? This has become a question of grave concern. It also leaves us wondering about where we are going wrong and what can be done to groom them into mature and responsible citizens.

 

Neeti, 29, is working in a call centre in Gurgaon. She relocated all the way from a small town in Bihar last year. She was lured into working in a multinational and agreed immediately on account of the handsome salary package. It had barely been a few months after Neeti joined that she transformed into a cosmopolitan queen. Her traditional wardrobe was revamped to an ultra- trendy one and her lifestyle too, underwent a leviathan change. For a girl who could barely step out of her house, she has become a corporate puppet who is successful and glamorous.

 

Kishan, 21, has comfortably adjusted to the urban lifestyle. He has come from Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh and has gladly changed his name to Ken. He feels that it sounds trendier. He further adds that if his parents ever got to know of it they will throw him out for good!  

 

Manik, 19, is working in the marketing department of a well known multinational. According to him the youngsters get heavy discount packages everywhere in addition to a high salary package and weekend parties. This leaves them wondering where to spend the money.

 

A lot of them hit vivacious pubs every week and end up consuming alcohol and fall prey to substance abuse. The foremost things on the mind of today's youth are money, sex, drugs and violence. They seem to be the latest trend. What leaves us gaping is the fact that education is no longer a priority. They have the option of falling back on distance education courses and get a degree through correspondence.

 

Arushi, 17, is giving her board exams but at the same time she is looking forward to finding a job through campus hiring. She no longer feels the need to excel in her papers as she is likely to find a job anyway.

 

Money is the prime factor that governs the life of our youngsters. A lot of money at a very young age leaves them with a hunger for more. Alcohol is served at most office parties and nobody goes to the extent of asking the legal age of the individual before serving it to him. Everybody knows that the legal age is 25 for consuming alcohol but few adhere to the norm.

 

Busy schedules and raging competition increases stress levels and make the youngsters highly aggressive and violent. They often indulge in serious fights over petty issues, succumb to grave injuries and destroy their lives.

 

Parthak, 22, a process associate in a corporate says, "With night shifts having become the norm, we get no time for ourselves. The strenuous working hours create a lot of pressure and for those of us who are studying multi-tasking is the only option left."

 

Many youngsters drop out of college and ruin their career on account of these jobs. Few years down the line they are left without adequate growth opportunities, education and have nothing to fall back on.

 

Sex remains the million dollar question. Access to freedom and funds leads the youth to experiment on the sexual front as well. They fall prey to sexually transmitted diseases and not all of them care to use contraceptives. These glaring facts point towards the increase in HIV rates and abortions. The youngsters might be educated but are they really responsible citizens who can bear the burden of this nation on their shoulders.

 

Substance abuse and alcoholism are other areas of concern. According to a study, more than sixty per cent of the youth in India are addicted to drugs, alcohol or both. Little do they realize that they are giving an open invitation to death.

 

The striking fact that still continues to attract our attention revolves around the high attrition rates in multi-nationals accompanied by restlessness in the youth. A need to educate the youth on the front of their civic duties has suddenly arisen. The crime rate can only be cut down if our youth share the burden. They need to understand their moral responsibilities towards the society and co-workers. They are the light of the nation and must bear forth our ideals to the next generation.

 

http://www.merinews.com/catFull.jsp?articleID=124593&catID=2&category=India&rtFlg=rtFlg

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Starvation deaths stalk West Bengal tea plantations

KOLKATA, India (Reuters) - At least 150 people have died of malnutrition in West Bengal in the past year after the closure of scores of tea plantations in what investigators say is a unique case of social breakdown in a heavily unionised sector.

"So many deaths in one period from chronic malnutrition has not been seen in any other organised sector before," Anuradha Talwar, an advisor to the Supreme Court, told Reuters after conducting an investigation into the deaths in West Bengal.

At least 16 plantations in West Bengal, in a remote part of the state near the Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan, were shut down two years ago after production fell and profits plummeted due to low yields from ageing tea bushes.

The Supreme Court has been investigating deaths at the plantations after several petitions were filed by former workers against the closures.

Experts say the deaths have stood out in a unionised sector like tea, where workers were given electricity, water, food as part of their emoluments.

While millions of Indians live in poverty, jobs in unionised sectors like tea are normally prized for the stability they offer workers.

India, the world's largest producer of tea, has had state regulations to protect formal workers for decades and unions are strong.

But in this case, union protection appears to have collapsed.

More than 15,000 workers in West Bengal have been struggling to survive without any alternative means of livelihood and depending on rats, wild plants and flowers for food, Talwar said.

"It was appalling to find how the world's largest tea producer treats its workers," Talwar, who is due to submit her report to the Supreme Court, said in Kolkata.

In many tea plantations in West Bengal, employers did not pay wages owed to workers following the shutdown, Talwar and tea workers' associations said.

A spokesman for the Tea Board, the umbrella organisation for tea companies, said an internal report on the situation had been sent to the government, but said the board could make no further comment because the matter was pending in courts.

The government wants the plantations to reopen.

"We are working on a plan to reopen the gardens by getting the employees to form a cooperative," Jairam Ramesh, junior commerce minister said from New Delhi.

"I have heard about reports of starvation deaths in tea gardens of West Bengal, but right now our focus is to find a solution to reopen the gardens," Ramesh said on Wednesday.

Medical reports and death certificates of many dead workers show severe malnutrition and anaemia, Talwar said.

"I will drink water, but I am not sure what I will feed my three children," Talwar quoted Phulmani Kharia, a 25-year-old woman in Varnavari, 660 km north of Kolkata as saying.

http://in.today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2007-03-28T153958Z_01_NOOTR_RTRJONC_0_India-292486-1.xml

 

 

 

 

 

 

Singur site safely sheathed

Kolkata, Mar 27  For Tata Motors, the last hurdle on the road to Singur has just been crossed. After the farmers, the West Bengal government has concluded a settlement with all four industrial units located within the 997-acre site for the small car project of Tata Motors in Singur.

Among the four, the agreement with the owners of a condom manufacturing unit—Padmasagar Export Company Pvt Ltd—has just been reached, with the company agreeing to shift after receiving compensation.

Padmasagar, a joint venture with a Malaysian company, had in February appealed against the acquisition before a division bench of the Calcutta high court. The state government then offered an out-of-court settlement.

The state, which is likely to issue a tender on Thursday for the disposal of these facilities, has roped in consultancy firm ICICI-Winfra, a joint venture between the state and ICICI, to handle the tender process.

"The owners of Padmasagar Export have agreed to an out-of-court settlement and we have already taken possession of their assets," a top official of the West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation said.

One step closer

Assets of the units will be disposed of through a tendering process drawn up by consultant ICICI Winfra
Though the units don't occupy much area, estimated to be around 15 acres, they are located strategically

The assets of all these four units would now be disposed of.

According to the official, Shanti Ceramics was paid Rs 14 crore, while Rs 3.5 crore was given to the owner of the multi-product cold storage unit. No figure was given for the condom unit.

 

 

URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159265

 

 

 

 

 

 

Most unwed mothers in tribal Orissa below 18

New Delhi, March 28 - Nearly 53 percent of unwed mothers in tribal Orissa are below the age of 18, says a study by an NGO.

Though there is no exact data with the government regarding the number of unwed mothers, experts believe that Orissa is home to 10,000 such women, of which over 70 percent belong to the 11 tribal dominated districts.

'Poverty, coupled with ignorance and innocence, compound the problem of unwed mothers in tribal Orissa. Nearly 53 percent of surveyed unwed mothers are below the legal marriageable age. It's shocking and unfortunate,' Amrendra Kishore, executive director, Indian National Trust for the Welfare of Tribals -, told IANS.

According to a sample survey by INTWOT, an NGO working in tribal Orissa, 103 unwed mothers of the 216 surveyed were between 14 and 18 years old and another 11 were between nine and 14 years.

The survey also found that among the tribal districts, Kalahandi accounts for 57 cases - and Phulbani reported 47 cases -.

Interestingly, the areas where primary health and education are still a far cry, sex stimulant drugs and blue films are easy available in grocery shops.

'Their easy availability is adding fuel to the fire. These teenagers are enticed into watching them with gifts, cosmetics and food items like mutton and chicken, which otherwise cost nearly twice the daily wages they earn.

'Deprived of worldly pleasures, these immature girls get easily trapped, and since sex is not a taboo in tribal communities they get physically involved,' said Kishore. He added: 'Is the value of a girl less than a kilo of chicken?'

However, police said tribal people never come forward to report such illegal cases and it compounds their problem.

'We have registered 10 cases of unwed mothers in 2006. Of these seven are charge-sheeted and three are pending, including the case of Hema Rana, a 15-year-old mother of a baby girl,' said Kalahandi Superintendent of Police S.C. Chauoupattanaik.

Giving Hema Rana's example as a model, Chauoupattanaik said her father reported the case too late. 'Sadhu Rana reported the case late to the police as they were involved in getting the case adjudicated in the village. The father wanted to marry off Hema to the boy involved.

'The department is trying its level best but the whereabouts of the boy are yet to be ascertained.'

Hema Rana is a resident of village Jampadar of Kalahandi. She is a Class 6 dropout of Turlapadar Middle School. About a year ago, Hema came into contact with Saroj Manjhi, a rich tribal youth who allegedly instigated her into having sex with him. When Hema got pregnant, Manjhi fled. Hema's angry father filed a criminal case against Manjhi.

http://www.rxpgnews.com/india/Most-unwed-mothers-in-tribal-Orissa-below-18_21305.shtml

 

 

 

 

 

 

Naxal attacks a nightmarish experience for tribal families

MARAIGUDEM: The raids by the CPI (Maoist) on a police station and adjacent Salwa Judum base camp, housing about 1,600 tribal families, at Maraigudem in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh from March 24 to 27 has caused considerable alarm.

The families were displaced in the wake of confrontation between the extremist group and the State-sponsored Salwa Judum campaign.

The raids were spearheaded by an assault group of 70 naxalites, accompanied by about 1,000 members of the party's village level "sanghams."

The naxalites, camping in nearby forests, launched attacks only after nightfall. They hurled petrol and soap bombs and resorted to heavy firing.

It was a nightmarish experience for the inmates of the tribal settlement, which lacks basic amenities. There is no power supply either at the camp or in the police station.

Dantewada Collector K.R. Pisda visited the camp on Tuesday and assured the inmates that all steps to protect their lives. They made a representation him, urging that the camp be shifted either to Gollapali or Konta, division headquarters. Mr. Pisda said their request would be looked into.

The first attack was launched in the early hours of March 24. The Salwa Judum activists responded quickly and retaliated with bows and arrows.

About 60 youths, designated as special police officers and armed with .303 rifles, thwarted the attack. The fierce fighting lasted for about three hours.

A Central Reserve Police Force unit camping in the village and some 30 personnel of the State civil and armed police joined the SPOs in beating back the Maoists. A CRPF officer said the naxalites suffered heavy casualties. Explosives, a .303 rifle and Rs. 27,000 were recovered.

The second night

Maoists laid siege to the village again the next night. There was sporadic firing all through the night, with the naxalites retreating to the forests at 5 a.m.

So was the case on the third and fourth day. No reinforcements could be sent to Maraigudem as the area lacked proper roads.

Some of the panic-stricken camp inmates have started migrating to safer places. The youth, shouldering the task of fortifying the camp, were engaged in the last few days in putting up wooden barricades to block the free passage of intruders.

http://www.hindu.com/2007/03/29/stories/2007032902161300.htm

 

 

 

 

 

 

No scope for spices here

JEYPORE: Spice cultivation is no more lucrative for farmers of Koraput district. In the absence of proper marketing facilities, many farmers have decided to quit the age-old practice.

Spices, mostly ginger and turmeric, are produced in plenty in Patanagi, Dasmantpur, Semiliguda, Nandapur, Lamataput, Laxmipur blocks and as many as 6,000 eke out a living through spice cultivation.

Farmers produce nearly 5,000 mt of ginger and turmeric every year due to favourable climatic conditions, good quality soil and adoption of new farming technologies.

But the rich harvest hardly changes their economic condition as most of their produce is sold at throwaway prices.

The farmers sell the spices between November and March in local markets of Koraput, Kakarigumma, Laxmipur, Semiliguda, Patangi Kundai and Padua villages with the help of middlemen.

They, however, rue that while ginger and turmeric fetch around Rs 35,000 per mt in other states, they hardly fetch Rs 10,000 in Koraput markets.

Farmers alleged that several private agencies of neighbouring Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu engage local middlemen to procure the spices from them at lower rates. "In such cases, the government agencies fail to compete with outside agencies," a farmer said.

Market sources said although procurers under State Cooperative Marketing Federation, State Seed Corporation and Horticulture Department have been engaged to collect spice stocks from farmers, the agencies procure only 10 percent of the total produce and private players take the lion's share.

"We procure spices from the farmers only for the purpose of seeds. They are paid according to the government support price," admitted a senior horticulture officer of Koraput circle, adding, the absence of storage facilities for the spices lead to distress sales.

There are no special cold storage facilities in the tribal areas. Sources said the procurers store the marketed spices at Vizianagram, Andhra Pradesh, or in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, and sell it in different markets whenever the prices increase.

On the other hand, district administration sources claimed that the farmers are regularly guided to market their produce at fair prices only to government agencies, block and panchayat-level officials.

Meanwhile, the State Seed Corporation is planning to spread procurement of ginger and turmeric to tribal areas for the farmers' benefit.

http://www.newindpress.com/NewsItems.asp?ID=IEQ20070327235717&Page=Q&Title=ORISSA&Topic=0

 

 

 

 

 

  Check out the web version of Jharkhand News only at  jharkhand.org.in  

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#116 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Wed Mar 28, 2007 9:49 pm
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   Wednesday, March 28, 2007     




 
 
 

 
 
 
 
In Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh local politicians fight against conversions to Christianity

The rising number of conversions is worrying local authorities who accuse Christians of stealing from the poor and carrying out all sorts of vile acts. In Jharkhand there is a growing demand that Tribal converts be denied government benefits. In Andhra Pradesh campaigns of open intolerance are underway.

Tribal leaders and politicians in the Indian state of Jharkhand have complained against what they view as an "invasion" by converts and want the state to deny them public benefits. In Andhra Pradesh public campaigns against Christian missionaries and converts are currently being organised.

In Jharkhand Tribals were lumped together with converts to religions like Christianity in the 2001 census. "But Tribals must be put under a different column to maintain their separate identity," said a member of the Adi Dharma Parisad, a tribal body. "The country's Tribals should be brought under one religion—Adi Dharma (or Supreme Natural Law)—so that they can get the benefits provided by state and central governments."

Similarly, for Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Christian converts should not be included in the Tribals category and are not entitled to the benefits that belong to that group.

"There should be a separate column for Tribals' religion in the census. Converted Tribals have access to Christian missionary schools and benefit from jobs whilst real Tribals are deprived," BJP lawmaker Chandresh Oraon said.

In Jharkhand Tribals constituted 40 per cent of the total population in 1950 but now they are about 27 per cent (2001). Christians, who were almost non existent in 1950, are now 4 per cent.  

The literacy rate among the tribal population is less than 40 percent as opposed to the state average of 54 per cent.

About 52 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, most of them Tribals.

In the southern State of Andhra Pradhesh, campaigns against the growing number of Christian converts are also being mounted.

Swami Swarupanandendra Saraswati, head of the Visakha's Sarada Peetham, said that large-scale, uncontrolled and untracked Tribal conversions to Christianity are a threat to the state. He accused the government of doing nothing.

"Just as one cannot change his mother, one cannot change his religion," he said, urging people to chase away the "lying missionaries".

On February 11, he formed a group whose task is to stop Hindus to convert to Christianity and bring back converts to the Hindu fold. He called on a local Andhra Jvothy newspaper to write about the pending danger of conversions.

Following an article last Sunday titled "Changing winds: New religion takes root," many people marched on state agencies in the north-eastern part of the state to protest against Christian conversions.

In this atmosphere, Tribal and Hindu leaders claim that missionaries are attacking traditional tribal beliefs, culture and customs, importing an alien culture, cheating Tribals in order to get rich. For instance, Damavanthi Naidu, head village in Seethampet, complains that after people convert no one celebrates traditional festivities.

Some local Tribal leaders and BJP officials slam missionaries for using foreign money to get people to convert, taking advantage this way of the economic problems Tribals and poor people face.

Others like BJP district secretary Tankala Durga Rao claim that missionaries use religion as a pretext to "steal" from Tribals.

There are even some local leaders who claim that the Christian faith is responsible for many vile things like laziness, this according to Arika Kannayya, a local tribal committee leader.

But for Ma Ramana Madiga, a leader of the state-based Telugu Desam Party, people are drawn to this religion because it has no backward castes or tribes. If Hindu temples and institutions treated everyone with equal respect, the number of conversions would not be rising.

http://www.asianews.it/index.php?l=en&art=8856&size=A

 

 

 

 

 

 

PFC stretches bid deadline for Jharkhand project

MUMBAI, MAR 27 :  Once bitten twice shy, Power Finance Corporation (PFC) has discreetly deferred the deadline for submitting requests for qualification (RFQs) for the 4,000-mw Tilaya ultra-mega power project in Jharkhand to April 10 from March 20. The move assumes significance especially in the backdrop of PFC being in the midst of a controversy over an alleged misrepresentation by the Lanco-Globeleq consortium in the Sasan project.

Interestingly, PFC delivered a letter in this regard to the representatives of Reliance Energy, Tata Power Company and Adani Power, who were present until 5 pm on March 20 at the PFC office in New Delhi. Jindal Steel & Power and AES had couriered their RFQs. PFC sources confirmed this development but did not give reasons.

The PFC letter dated March 20, which is in FE's possession, said, "In continuation to our telephonic intimation yesterday (March 19, 2007), this is to confirm that the last date for submission of responses of RFQ scheduled on March 20 is hereby extended. The revised last date of submission of responses will now be 12.30 pm on April 10 and bids will be opened on the same day at 2.30 pm."

But industry sources contested PFC's version, denying any telephonic communication on March 19. PFC has formed a wholly owned subsidiary, Jharkhand Integrated Power Ltd, for managing the bidding process for the upcoming project.

According to the original plan, PFC had asked bidders to submit RFQs by March 20, while their short-listing based on responses to RFQs and issuance of request for proposal (RFP), were to have taken place on April 2. But now, the whole schedule has been revised.

PFC proposes to shortlist bidders and issue letters of intent before July 16 and subsequently sign agreements before September 17.

Power from the upcoming project would be bought through competitive bidding route by Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Harayana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Bihar and Jharkhand. The development of the Tilaya project includes establishment, operation and maintenance of a 4,000-mw coal-fired pit head power project. This will include mine development and transportation of coal from the proposed allocated captive coal mines at North Karanpura. The project site is located near Tilaiya village.

According to the RFQ, bidders' internal resource generation should equal at least Rs 1,140 crore or be equivalent of US dollars computed five times the maximum internal resources generated during any of the last five years' business operations. Bidders should have a net worth of Rs 1,000 crore and an annual turnover of Rs 2,400 crore

http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159195

 

 

 

 

 

 

New SSA funding pattern likely to hit 'weak' states

NEW DELHI: It could be a case of one step forward, two steps backward. Just when the elementary education scenario had started firming up, the new funding pattern of 50:50 (against 75:25 so far) between the Centre and the states for Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) could well turn the hope of a revolution to one more failed promise on education.

The states are already feeling the heat of the new funding pattern. For instance, Rajasthan came to HRD ministry with an annual SSA work plan of Rs 2,000 crore which was approved. But then the state said it could at best contribute Rs 800 crore to the kitty. In turn, HRD said Centre could make a matching contribution of Rs 800 crore. In no time, state plan was reduced to Rs 1,600 crore.

Though for Rajasthan Rs 1,600 crore is still more than last year's Rs 1,253 crore, other states would not be so lucky for they do not have the financial wherewithal to withstand the new funding pattern. States like Bihar, UP, West Bengal and MP are yet to come to HRD ministry to get their SSA work plans approved.

The worst sufferers of the new funding pattern are the north-eastern states. Having so far enjoyed a special status with the Centre footing 90% of the SSA bill, these states are now being told that they too will have to share 50% of the SSA cost. This has resulted in a mini-movement of sorts the among seven sisters with the Mizoram education minister galvanising the other N-E states. He has already sent letters to HRD ministry protesting against the move.
But the Centre appears to be unmoved. It has been nearly two months since HRD ministry's note for retaining the 75:25 funding pattern was sent for the Union cabinet's consideration. The note was the result of a communication between the ministry and the Planning Commission whereby the latter had said that in case HRD has an objection to the 50:50 pattern, it can move a cabinet note.

Officials at the helm of SSA point out that the repercussions of the new funding pattern would be felt mostly by states like Bihar, West Bengal, UP, MP and Assam, which after being at the bottom of the heap for years, had taken tentative steps in the right direction in the past two years. They just do not have the financial resources to make large allocations for SSA.

These states still lack infrastructure in terms of classrooms, teachers, textbooks and better learning tools.
With limited resources, these states might end up giving top priority for creating right infrastructure while necessary attention would not be given to enhancing the learning abilities of children. Various surveys on learning abilities have repeatedly shown children in these states lagging behind.

On the other hand, the southern and western states are better placed. States like Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat already have the necessary infrastructure in place. Though these states would equally suffer the new funding pattern, they can give priority to the learning outcome of children. This could further sharpen the existing divide between northern and southern states.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Generation X: Outlook vs Values
 

LUCRATIVE JOBS FOR freshers, enormous salary packages, killing competition, vulnerable minds, stressful lifestyle and aggressive attitudes— sums up the making of our youth. Several global ventures have opened multinationals in India providing high–income jobs to youngsters. On one hand where job opportunities have opened for our youth, the entire scenario has changed when it comes to their lifestyles, values and outlook.

 

The youth of today are the future of tomorrow. Are we ready to give the reigns of our nation in their hands? This has become a question of grave concern. It also leaves us wondering about where we are going wrong and what can be done to groom them into mature and responsible citizens.

 

Neeti, 29, is working in a call centre in Gurgaon. She relocated all the way from a small town in Bihar last year. She was lured into working in a multinational and agreed immediately on account of the handsome salary package. It had barely been a few months after Neeti joined that she transformed into a cosmopolitan queen. Her traditional wardrobe was revamped to an ultra- trendy one and her lifestyle too, underwent a leviathan change. For a girl who could barely step out of her house, she has become a corporate puppet who is successful and glamorous.

 

Kishan, 21, has comfortably adjusted to the urban lifestyle. He has come from Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh and has gladly changed his name to Ken. He feels that it sounds trendier. He further adds that if his parents ever got to know of it they will throw him out for good!  

 

Manik, 19, is working in the marketing department of a well known multinational. According to him the youngsters get heavy discount packages everywhere in addition to a high salary package and weekend parties. This leaves them wondering where to spend the money.

 

A lot of them hit vivacious pubs every week and end up consuming alcohol and fall prey to substance abuse. The foremost things on the mind of today's youth are money, sex, drugs and violence. They seem to be the latest trend. What leaves us gaping is the fact that education is no longer a priority. They have the option of falling back on distance education courses and get a degree through correspondence.

 

Arushi, 17, is giving her board exams but at the same time she is looking forward to finding a job through campus hiring. She no longer feels the need to excel in her papers as she is likely to find a job anyway.

 

Money is the prime factor that governs the life of our youngsters. A lot of money at a very young age leaves them with a hunger for more. Alcohol is served at most office parties and nobody goes to the extent of asking the legal age of the individual before serving it to him. Everybody knows that the legal age is 25 for consuming alcohol but few adhere to the norm.

 

Busy schedules and raging competition increases stress levels and make the youngsters highly aggressive and violent. They often indulge in serious fights over petty issues, succumb to grave injuries and destroy their lives.

 

Parthak, 22, a process associate in a corporate says, "With night shifts having become the norm, we get no time for ourselves. The strenuous working hours create a lot of pressure and for those of us who are studying multi-tasking is the only option left."

 

Many youngsters drop out of college and ruin their career on account of these jobs. Few years down the line they are left without adequate growth opportunities, education and have nothing to fall back on.

 

Sex remains the million dollar question. Access to freedom and funds leads the youth to experiment on the sexual front as well. They fall prey to sexually transmitted diseases and not all of them care to use contraceptives. These glaring facts point towards the increase in HIV rates and abortions. The youngsters might be educated but are they really responsible citizens who can bear the burden of this nation on their shoulders.

 

Substance abuse and alcoholism are other areas of concern. According to a study, more than sixty per cent of the youth in India are addicted to drugs, alcohol or both. Little do they realize that they are giving an open invitation to death.

 

The striking fact that still continues to attract our attention revolves around the high attrition rates in multi-nationals accompanied by restlessness in the youth. A need to educate the youth on the front of their civic duties has suddenly arisen. The crime rate can only be cut down if our youth share the burden. They need to understand their moral responsibilities towards the society and co-workers. They are the light of the nation and must bear forth our ideals to the next generation.

 

http://www.merinews.com/catFull.jsp?articleID=124593&catID=2&category=India&rtFlg=rtFlg

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Starvation deaths stalk West Bengal tea plantations

KOLKATA, India (Reuters) - At least 150 people have died of malnutrition in West Bengal in the past year after the closure of scores of tea plantations in what investigators say is a unique case of social breakdown in a heavily unionised sector.

"So many deaths in one period from chronic malnutrition has not been seen in any other organised sector before," Anuradha Talwar, an advisor to the Supreme Court, told Reuters after conducting an investigation into the deaths in West Bengal.

At least 16 plantations in West Bengal, in a remote part of the state near the Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan, were shut down two years ago after production fell and profits plummeted due to low yields from ageing tea bushes.

The Supreme Court has been investigating deaths at the plantations after several petitions were filed by former workers against the closures.

Experts say the deaths have stood out in a unionised sector like tea, where workers were given electricity, water, food as part of their emoluments.

While millions of Indians live in poverty, jobs in unionised sectors like tea are normally prized for the stability they offer workers.

India, the world's largest producer of tea, has had state regulations to protect formal workers for decades and unions are strong.

But in this case, union protection appears to have collapsed.

More than 15,000 workers in West Bengal have been struggling to survive without any alternative means of livelihood and depending on rats, wild plants and flowers for food, Talwar said.

"It was appalling to find how the world's largest tea producer treats its workers," Talwar, who is due to submit her report to the Supreme Court, said in Kolkata.

In many tea plantations in West Bengal, employers did not pay wages owed to workers following the shutdown, Talwar and tea workers' associations said.

A spokesman for the Tea Board, the umbrella organisation for tea companies, said an internal report on the situation had been sent to the government, but said the board could make no further comment because the matter was pending in courts.

The government wants the plantations to reopen.

"We are working on a plan to reopen the gardens by getting the employees to form a cooperative," Jairam Ramesh, junior commerce minister said from New Delhi.

"I have heard about reports of starvation deaths in tea gardens of West Bengal, but right now our focus is to find a solution to reopen the gardens," Ramesh said on Wednesday.

Medical reports and death certificates of many dead workers show severe malnutrition and anaemia, Talwar said.

"I will drink water, but I am not sure what I will feed my three children," Talwar quoted Phulmani Kharia, a 25-year-old woman in Varnavari, 660 km north of Kolkata as saying.

http://in.today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2007-03-28T153958Z_01_NOOTR_RTRJONC_0_India-292486-1.xml

 

 

 

 

 

 

Singur site safely sheathed

Kolkata, Mar 27  For Tata Motors, the last hurdle on the road to Singur has just been crossed. After the farmers, the West Bengal government has concluded a settlement with all four industrial units located within the 997-acre site for the small car project of Tata Motors in Singur.

Among the four, the agreement with the owners of a condom manufacturing unit—Padmasagar Export Company Pvt Ltd—has just been reached, with the company agreeing to shift after receiving compensation.

Padmasagar, a joint venture with a Malaysian company, had in February appealed against the acquisition before a division bench of the Calcutta high court. The state government then offered an out-of-court settlement.

The state, which is likely to issue a tender on Thursday for the disposal of these facilities, has roped in consultancy firm ICICI-Winfra, a joint venture between the state and ICICI, to handle the tender process.

"The owners of Padmasagar Export have agreed to an out-of-court settlement and we have already taken possession of their assets," a top official of the West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation said.

One step closer

Assets of the units will be disposed of through a tendering process drawn up by consultant ICICI Winfra
Though the units don't occupy much area, estimated to be around 15 acres, they are located strategically

The assets of all these four units would now be disposed of.

According to the official, Shanti Ceramics was paid Rs 14 crore, while Rs 3.5 crore was given to the owner of the multi-product cold storage unit. No figure was given for the condom unit.

 

 

URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=159265

 

 

 

 

 

 

Most unwed mothers in tribal Orissa below 18

New Delhi, March 28 - Nearly 53 percent of unwed mothers in tribal Orissa are below the age of 18, says a study by an NGO.

Though there is no exact data with the government regarding the number of unwed mothers, experts believe that Orissa is home to 10,000 such women, of which over 70 percent belong to the 11 tribal dominated districts.

'Poverty, coupled with ignorance and innocence, compound the problem of unwed mothers in tribal Orissa. Nearly 53 percent of surveyed unwed mothers are below the legal marriageable age. It's shocking and unfortunate,' Amrendra Kishore, executive director, Indian National Trust for the Welfare of Tribals -, told IANS.

According to a sample survey by INTWOT, an NGO working in tribal Orissa, 103 unwed mothers of the 216 surveyed were between 14 and 18 years old and another 11 were between nine and 14 years.

The survey also found that among the tribal districts, Kalahandi accounts for 57 cases - and Phulbani reported 47 cases -.

Interestingly, the areas where primary health and education are still a far cry, sex stimulant drugs and blue films are easy available in grocery shops.

'Their easy availability is adding fuel to the fire. These teenagers are enticed into watching them with gifts, cosmetics and food items like mutton and chicken, which otherwise cost nearly twice the daily wages they earn.

'Deprived of worldly pleasures, these immature girls get easily trapped, and since sex is not a taboo in tribal communities they get physically involved,' said Kishore. He added: 'Is the value of a girl less than a kilo of chicken?'

However, police said tribal people never come forward to report such illegal cases and it compounds their problem.

'We have registered 10 cases of unwed mothers in 2006. Of these seven are charge-sheeted and three are pending, including the case of Hema Rana, a 15-year-old mother of a baby girl,' said Kalahandi Superintendent of Police S.C. Chauoupattanaik.

Giving Hema Rana's example as a model, Chauoupattanaik said her father reported the case too late. 'Sadhu Rana reported the case late to the police as they were involved in getting the case adjudicated in the village. The father wanted to marry off Hema to the boy involved.

'The department is trying its level best but the whereabouts of the boy are yet to be ascertained.'

Hema Rana is a resident of village Jampadar of Kalahandi. She is a Class 6 dropout of Turlapadar Middle School. About a year ago, Hema came into contact with Saroj Manjhi, a rich tribal youth who allegedly instigated her into having sex with him. When Hema got pregnant, Manjhi fled. Hema's angry father filed a criminal case against Manjhi.

http://www.rxpgnews.com/india/Most-unwed-mothers-in-tribal-Orissa-below-18_21305.shtml

 

 

 

 

 

 

Naxal attacks a nightmarish experience for tribal families

MARAIGUDEM: The raids by the CPI (Maoist) on a police station and adjacent Salwa Judum base camp, housing about 1,600 tribal families, at Maraigudem in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh from March 24 to 27 has caused considerable alarm.

The families were displaced in the wake of confrontation between the extremist group and the State-sponsored Salwa Judum campaign.

The raids were spearheaded by an assault group of 70 naxalites, accompanied by about 1,000 members of the party's village level "sanghams."

The naxalites, camping in nearby forests, launched attacks only after nightfall. They hurled petrol and soap bombs and resorted to heavy firing.

It was a nightmarish experience for the inmates of the tribal settlement, which lacks basic amenities. There is no power supply either at the camp or in the police station.

Dantewada Collector K.R. Pisda visited the camp on Tuesday and assured the inmates that all steps to protect their lives. They made a representation him, urging that the camp be shifted either to Gollapali or Konta, division headquarters. Mr. Pisda said their request would be looked into.

The first attack was launched in the early hours of March 24. The Salwa Judum activists responded quickly and retaliated with bows and arrows.

About 60 youths, designated as special police officers and armed with .303 rifles, thwarted the attack. The fierce fighting lasted for about three hours.

A Central Reserve Police Force unit camping in the village and some 30 personnel of the State civil and armed police joined the SPOs in beating back the Maoists. A CRPF officer said the naxalites suffered heavy casualties. Explosives, a .303 rifle and Rs. 27,000 were recovered.

The second night

Maoists laid siege to the village again the next night. There was sporadic firing all through the night, with the naxalites retreating to the forests at 5 a.m.

So was the case on the third and fourth day. No reinforcements could be sent to Maraigudem as the area lacked proper roads.

Some of the panic-stricken camp inmates have started migrating to safer places. The youth, shouldering the task of fortifying the camp, were engaged in the last few days in putting up wooden barricades to block the free passage of intruders.

http://www.hindu.com/2007/03/29/stories/2007032902161300.htm

 

 

 

 

 

 

No scope for spices here

JEYPORE: Spice cultivation is no more lucrative for farmers of Koraput district. In the absence of proper marketing facilities, many farmers have decided to quit the age-old practice.

Spices, mostly ginger and turmeric, are produced in plenty in Patanagi, Dasmantpur, Semiliguda, Nandapur, Lamataput, Laxmipur blocks and as many as 6,000 eke out a living through spice cultivation.

Farmers produce nearly 5,000 mt of ginger and turmeric every year due to favourable climatic conditions, good quality soil and adoption of new farming technologies.

But the rich harvest hardly changes their economic condition as most of their produce is sold at throwaway prices.

The farmers sell the spices between November and March in local markets of Koraput, Kakarigumma, Laxmipur, Semiliguda, Patangi Kundai and Padua villages with the help of middlemen.

They, however, rue that while ginger and turmeric fetch around Rs 35,000 per mt in other states, they hardly fetch Rs 10,000 in Koraput markets.

Farmers alleged that several private agencies of neighbouring Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu engage local middlemen to procure the spices from them at lower rates. "In such cases, the government agencies fail to compete with outside agencies," a farmer said.

Market sources said although procurers under State Cooperative Marketing Federation, State Seed Corporation and Horticulture Department have been engaged to collect spice stocks from farmers, the agencies procure only 10 percent of the total produce and private players take the lion's share.

"We procure spices from the farmers only for the purpose of seeds. They are paid according to the government support price," admitted a senior horticulture officer of Koraput circle, adding, the absence of storage facilities for the spices lead to distress sales.

There are no special cold storage facilities in the tribal areas. Sources said the procurers store the marketed spices at Vizianagram, Andhra Pradesh, or in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, and sell it in different markets whenever the prices increase.

On the other hand, district administration sources claimed that the farmers are regularly guided to market their produce at fair prices only to government agencies, block and panchayat-level officials.

Meanwhile, the State Seed Corporation is planning to spread procurement of ginger and turmeric to tribal areas for the farmers' benefit.

http://www.newindpress.com/NewsItems.asp?ID=IEQ20070327235717&Page=Q&Title=ORISSA&Topic=0

 

 

 

 

 

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#115 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Tue Mar 27, 2007 8:49 pm
Subject: Tuesday, March 27, 2007
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   Tuesday, March 27, 2007      




 
 
 

 
 
 
 
Jharkhand road mishap kills 16

 Tuesday, March 27, 2007 (Garwah): At least 14 people, mostly poll personnel bound for Palamau where a Lok Sabha by-poll is due on March 29, were killed and 20 others injured when the bus they were travelling in fell into a gorge in Garwah district.

The mishap occurred when the bus' driver tried to avert a collision with a car coming from the opposite direction near a bridge at Tendi More in Ramna, about 25 km from Garwah town.

The bus hurtled into a 15-foot gorge, said Inspector General of Police A K Sinha.

Seven of the injured were in a serious condition. The poll personnel, mostly teachers, had left Ranka for Garwah.

At least 12 of the injured were brought to Rajendra Institute of Medical Sciences in Ranchi, sources said.

 http://www.ndtv.com/convergence/ndtv/story.aspx?id=NEWEN20070007012

  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Jharkhand tribals protest inclusion of converts

Ranchi, March 27 (IANS) The tribals in Jharkhand are concerned over the 'invasion' of the converted people who avail of government benefits even as the real community remains deprived of education and job opportunities.

In the 2001 census report, the original tribals have been clubbed with those who converted to religions like Christianity. Now the tribal community demands that there should be a religion column in the census form to separate the original tribals from the converts.

"The tribals should be put under different columns to maintain their separate identities," said Narayan Bhagat, a member of the Adi Dharma Parisad, a tribal body.

He said: "The tribals of the country should be brought under one religion - Adi Dharma - so that they can get the facilities provided by the state and central governments."

Tribal leaders in parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are unhappy that converted Christians also get tribal status in the census and can avail of the facilities given to tribals.

The issue was raised in the state assembly in the ongoing budget session by four Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) legislators.

"There should be a separate column for tribals' religion in the census. Converted tribals avail of facilities in Christian missionary schools and benefit from jobs while the real tribals remain deprived," said BJP legislator Chandresh Oraon.

"In the present census, tribals are clubbed with those who converted to other religions. There should be a separate column to segregate the converted from the tribals," he added.

The tribal population has registered a sharp decline in the last five decades. In 1950 the tribal population was 40 percent of the total population of Jharkhand, only to go down to 27 percent in the last census. The Christian population, which was negligible in 1950, has gone up to four percent.

The literacy rate among the tribal population is less than 40 percent as against the state's 54 percent. In Jharkhand, 52 percent of the population lives below the poverty line and most of them are tribals .

http://www.indianmuslims.info/news/2007/march/27/india_news/jharkhand_tribals_protest_inclusion_of_converts.html

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
SC raps Bihar for poor education facilities

NEW DELHI: A cash-crunched Bihar government has landed itself in a predicament after the Supreme Court directed it to fulfil its undertaking submitted before the apex court that it would revamp the entire education infrastructure to introduce "oriental" learning by well-trained teachers.

Currently, the number of trained teachers is far less than the vacancies in the state that was under Lalu Prasad's RJD for 15 years and is now governed by BJP's Nitish Kumar. The state is under judicial action to act now, or face contempt for not doing its duty for the welfare of children.

According to the Comptroller and Auditor General's (CAG) report last year, at least 1732 schools in Bihar had only one room and 4398 upper primary schools had no rooms for their headmaster. Another 1275 schools did not have buildings to house them. Complete sets of books were never made available to any school thereby depriving the benefit of the Sravshikhsa Abhiyan Scheme to a large number of children in Bihar.

The CAG also revealed that model schools for girls were neither proposed nor opened in the test-checked districts. The government also failed to introduce retention drive in any of the districts. Instead, the government spent a whopping Rs 1.68 crore for purchasing 247 computers in four districts which are lying unutilised due to the non-existence of buildings and computer-trained teachers.

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1087441

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Lo, tigers also fled from Bihar
 
PATNA: So poor had been the law and order situation in Bihar during the last one decade or so that many traders, doctors and other professionals bid adieu to the state. Though not for the same reason, tigers too left the state as if for nowhere.

The CAG report for 2005-06 suggest a sharp fall in tiger population in the state during the past five years. The number of big cats in Valmiki Tiger Project has gone down mysteriously with as many as 23 of them missing during the last three years. There is no confirmation whether they died, were killed or just strayed away.

According to the report, there were 56 tigers in the project in 2002 35 male, 17 female and four cubs. But the number came down to 33 by 2005. Eighty per cent of these 33 pug marks sighted during 2005 were located in buffer zone and habitat areas outside the tiger reserve.

The report, however, does not mention the reason behind the fall in tiger population at the Valmiki tiger reserve which came into existence in 1990. It does say that regular tiger sighting was not done and monthly reports on tiger mortality were not submitted by range officers. In fact, no mortality survey was conducted between 2000 and 2006, the report says.

Another reason, as indicated in the CAG report, could be the illegal activities in the project area. About 150 villages are situated within one km of the periphery of the protected area and these villagers have to pass through the protected area for communication as there are no alternative routes. Also, these villagers have been grazing their cattle in the forests.

Besides, the villagers are engaged in felling of trees and other illegal forest activities like poaching, the report says, adding forest guards do not have arms and ammunitions.

No less stunning is the fact that 2150 hectares of forest land was encroached by the Nepalese about two decades back. But no action was ever taken to get it vacated. However, in case of encroachment of another 186 hectares of land, 67 hectares were restored while court cases for the remaining encroached land are pending.

The CAG report says due to the poor management of the tiger project, promotion of wildlife tourism, as envisaged in the 1998 guidelines of the government of India, could not be planned.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

State Pulse: West Bengal: Cars, not land 

What the debate on Singur hasn't touched - Abhijit Banerjee, (Ford Foundation International Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology)

A remarkable fact about the recent debate about Singur is that it is so much about land, and so little about cars. Yet a thousand acres of land is really not very much, given that the state has over 1.3 crore acres of cultivated land, and even Mamata Banerjee cannot be entirely serious when she talks about the absolute sanctity of agricultural land. After all, if someone really believed that, then why stop at Singur?

The New Town at Rajarhat, I am sure, could be double-cropped (and so, for that matter, could Chowringhee). Would she support a policy of no further urbanisation: Why not agitate to put policemen at Howrah station to turn back aspiring migrants, who are, after all, probably the most important reason why cities grow and agricultural land turns into housing estates.

A hundred thousand cars additionally a year, on the other hand, is serious business. After all, in 2005, the total number of cars sold was just over a million. And cars are what economists call a 'public bad'. When I buy a car, it makes me happy (or at least that is the presumption) but it makes everyone else worse off. The suspended particles that get released into the air when I drive my car, will eventually contribute to killing someone and the carbon dioxide that results from burning hydrocarbons, even George Bush seems to have realised, might end up killing us all. My new car also contributes to worsening the traffic, lengthening the working day, and encouraging the murderous manoeuvres of drivers late for work...

Less obviously, it alters the political economy of transportation. Before I bought my car, I was a devotee of public transportation. Even if I had owned a two-wheeler, when it was raining or when the sun was blazing, or when I wanted to travel with friends or family, I was happy to take a bus or a train. When a new metro was built, I cheered. When the government turned the state transport corporation into a sinecure for drivers who no longer felt like driving and conductors who refused to conduct, I agitated.

Now that I own my small car, I am largely indifferent to the fate of public transportation. Indeed if all the buses stayed off the streets one day, my driving would actually be less stressful.

Every time someone buys a car, the pressure on politicians to deliver better public transportation goes down. The people who get hurt by this realignment of political priorities are the poor, those who cannot imagine buying a scooter, let alone a car.

They need public transportation the most, and yet in terms of the ability to influence politicians, they tend to lag behind the lower middle classes. Therefore, when the lower middle class exit the public system, the poor lose their most effective champions. This is why a one lakh rupee car, targeted exactly towards the lower end of the middle classes, is likely to be particularly perverse in its effects.

The mystery, for me, is why a leftist government decided to make a showpiece out of a project for building small cars, when it would have much more sense for it to agitate for higher taxes on all cars. Since cars make everyone else pay for the driver's pleasure, the driver needs to pay society back, and a special tax on every new car purchase is the best way to get there. Figuring out what that tax ought to be would take some work, but I would not surprised if it turned out to be in the lakhs.

This is not to say that the West Bengal government should not try to attract the Tatas, nor that they should, as Medha Patkar has been telling us, stick only to agro-industries. Indeed, why not a different vehicle project? Given the state of roads in rural India, suvs are actually often the only available form of transportation-the one way, other than walking or cycling, of getting out of a village, especially during the monsoon. In medical emergencies-when pregnancies suddenly start going horribly wrong or a child's fever refuses to subside-having access to one of these can make the difference between life and death. Why not invest in developing a newer, cheaper, very much more energy efficient version of the Tata Sumo, still the archetype of an suv in rural India?

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Rising crimes
 
HUBLI: The spate of dacoities, robberies and other crimes in the twin-cities and elsewhere in the district have left the citizens a worried lot.

The last three months have witnessed an alarming increase in the crime rate here. And the disturbing fact is the failure of the police to effectively check the growing trend, despite their tall claims. Incidents of dacoity and robbery in the twin cities and the district during the last few days are mind-numbing. This year, there has been 35 pc increase in burglaries till date. Residents feel unsafe even during daytime, for many incidents of daylight robberies have been reported in the recent past, the latest being a burglary reported close to the police commissioner's office.

To add fuel to fire, communal clashes were also reported at Toravi Akkal of Hubli and Navalur of Dharwad on Sunday night giving the police some more sleepless nights.

Why is the crime rate increasing? "I feel the entire north Karnataka region is going the Bihar way where such dacoities and robberies are an every-day affair. Like Bihar, the rising crime here also reflects socio-economic imbalance. Moreover, the nature of population has changed. The divide between the rich and poor has also increased. Unemployment has also turned people into thieves. Illiteracy and the vicious environment of corruption and nepotism have also led to increase in crime here", explained Kiran Mahendrakar, a businessman.

Are the police doing enough to bring a sense of security in the minds of people? Basavaraj Hulimani and Akkamma, an aged couple from Vidyanagar, said: "In our times, we never even locked our doors. Now the night turns into a nightmare, as we are terribly apprehensive of robbers or dacoits attacking our house. We do not think the police are doing anything for public safety. Daylight robberies have really shaken our faith in law and administration. There is no police patrolling at all during night and that's what is required."

What is the solution for curtailing the rising crime graph? "I strongly feel that there is laxity on the part of the police department. There is no determined investigation even after the FIR is registered. The police must increase patrolling and follow-ups.

"The regular trained police personnel, who can handle crime, are not much in number, so crime investigation is delayed. So many police personnel are merely providing security to VIPs. This should change" said Satish Chandra, a bank officer.

"The police should initiate community policing seriously. It can involve senior residents and other volunteers to cooperate with them in forming mohalla committees, which will take action to ensure the safety of their mohalla. The police should come out from their stations and interact with people. Vulnerable areas should be identified and patrolling system should be reviewed accordingly," asserted Vishwanath Hiremath, a teacher
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Orissa village turns tide against drought
 
Sambalpur -, March 27 - By the early 1980s, Padiabadmal, a remote tribal village in Orissa's Sambalpur district had lost its forests. Lost with it were the village's age-old mechanisms to cope with drought till a farmer pioneered a movement to bring back its lost glory.

'Since 1982, our village has become testimony to a new phenomenon - large scale migration in search of jobs outside,' says Mahadev Bhoi, a 65-year-old farmer who has seen his village through both phases - prosperity and penury. 'Before the '80s, although we had years of drought and migration, we were not too distressed,' he says.

The village had a good forest cover and traditional water harvesting structures, which helped in coping through drought years.

But, Mahadev, an ordinary farmer with four acres of land, is also witness to another phase of development, which he has led in his village.

He has successfully experimented with traditional knowledge and wisdom of harvesting rainwater and conserving ecology. The youngsters have followed his example and the village has turned its grey topography to green once again. Migration has stopped since 2004, reports Grassroots Features.

'We have four acres of land, and paddy was the principal crop even when I was a child. However, we had indigenous seeds at home and had other crops to sustain the farming. We had paddy at crop fields and millet at the uplands and field bonds,' says Mahadev.

As a young farmer, he convinced his father to start vegetable farming and they succeeded to some extent. 'We had a particular type of water harvesting structure near our crop fields and that sustained our vegetable farming besides helping the paddy fields,' says Mahadev. 'As time passed, however, for some reasons I can't recall, the villagers started facing difficulties.'

Things changed so drastically that the villagers migrated en masse in search of jobs and the village wore a deserted look each drought year.

'It continued almost for two decades when Manav Adhikar Seva Samiti -, a voluntary organisation, came to us and discussed our plight in 2001,' says Nrushingha Charan Naik, president of Brajeswari Krushak Club, which was formed after MASS motivated and organised the villagers.

The village plan that we made with help of MASS helped us revisit all those areas and indigenous technology, informs Puspashree Nayak, a senior programme officer with the organisation. But, when it came to reviving some of the structures, the difficult task was to decide who would start first? No farmer wanted to take a risk because MASS didn't offer an easy grant. 'People had to contribute a major portion of the work through labour and we only offered meagre grants,' says Nayak.

Mahadev decided to experiment yet again. He constructed a huge 200 sq ft 'paenghara' -, which cost Rs.7,000. MASS provided him with 80 percent of the cost and he had to contribute the rest in the form of labour.

The first revival by Mahadev brought him instant benefits. Besides saving his crops, he could also start growing multiple crops. In a year's time, about 11 farmers constructed such paengharas.

With the water scarcity situation easing, migration also stemmed to a large extent. The challenge then was to look beyond paddy and practice sustainable farming, which required crop diversification. But breaking the shackles of current agriculture practices in their village was not easy for the villagers and Mahadev.

During his younger days, deviations in rainfall patterns were not too extreme. The villagers, therefore, were happy with their paddy production and never thought of supplementary cultivation or diversification of their cropping patterns. However, repeated failures of the kharif crop have forced the villagers to think beyond paddy.

Here too Mahadev took the lead. He began diversification of crops with kulthi and berseem crops. The villagers succeeded in their initiatives as those crops require little rainfall. Mahadev then thought of vegetables and other crops.

The villagers now have two types of collectives - a farmer's club and all-women self-help groups - - and have taken several initiatives to drought-proof their village. The villagers have studied traditional drought resistant seeds of paddy that had earlier helped them to cope with drought years. 'We have also started collecting other types traditional seeds,' informs Nayak.

Currently, there are as many as five women SHGs in the village. It is a matter of pride for the SHG members that all the public representatives to the local grassroots-level body are members of their federation. 'With these kinds of initiatives, we feel empowered as our vulnerability has decreased considerably,' says Premshila Bhoi, president of one of the SHGs.

Not only has availability of water increased but food production is also on the rise. The village institutions are taking up social issues too. Most importantly, the village has decided to take up forest protection to sustain all these efforts.

'Unless the forests are conserved, no water conservation efforts will succeed,' says Mahadev, a hero at 65.

Will other villages get champions like him?

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
I LEFT THE NAXALS, JOINED SALVA JUDUM

Only 19, former Naxalite Badri Nath Atami now teaches fellow adivasis how to fight the Naxals.

I ran away from home in 2002, when I was 16. I walked to the Dantewada railway station and took a train to Hyderabad where I got a job with a company called Krypton Novelties. I supplied gift items to shops and was happy with my job. My parents would call my employer to check on me, but they had stopped speaking to me.

One day some people came up to me and asked me to get Rs 50,000 per month from my employer. If I didn't, they said, they would blow up his factory and kill me in the bargain. They called themselves Naxalites.

 
'I killed 12 people as a Naxal, including village sarpanches, panchayat officials and an ASI'
My employer refused and I feared for my life. I had no idea what Naxalism was, but I thought, that a life extorting huge sums from businessmen would be much better. I left my job and joined the Naxalites in January 2003. Their camp was in Khammam district, bordering Chattisgarh. Spread across a huge area in the jungle surrounded by hills, it must have covered at least five square kilometres.

Nine months of intensive training followed. They taught me how to make bombs, how to operate weapons, how to protect myself in the face of an attack. The arms training began with a .303 rifle. Then they gave me a 12-bore rifle, and soon I was operating automatic weapons: SLRs (self-loading rifles), AK-47s and finally, Light Machine Guns. My family presumed I had died. Training over, I was inducted into the Central Military Dalam, cpi (Maoist)'s highest military body.

We would go from village to village in Dantewada, organising night meetings to attract support and tell the villagers not to side with the police. I graduated to taking part in operations, many of which I led. I killed 12 people as a Naxal, some of them village sarpanches and panchayat officials. I even killed an Additional Sub-Inspector. Often we would go to a village and barge into the house of the wealthiest family. We would distribute their wealth among the villagers. If the family resisted, we would murder them.

We used to place pressure bombs — ordinary things with explosives inside them — strategically in places where policemen used to rest during their patrols. The moment a policemen would sit on a pressure bomb, he would explode into pieces. Landmines were effective in blowing up police and government vehicles.

By the end of 2003, I began introspecting: Why was I doing this? For whose benefit? So one day I got up and went back to the factory in Hyderabad. They kept me again. But they got suspicious and two months later sacked me.

So I returned to Gumalnar to an emotional homecoming. My parents forgave me and I went to Raipur. In January 2006, Chaitram Atami asked me to join the Salva Judum. They made me a trainer in the Salva Judum camp in Gidam block. It felt strange that I was doing this all over again, but this time I felt proud of what I was doing. I was serving my village and my country.

http://www.tehelka.com/story_main28.asp?filename=Ne310307_I_left_CS.asp

 

 

 

 

 

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#114 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Mon Mar 26, 2007 9:36 pm
Subject: Monday, March 26, 2007
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   Monday, March 26, 2007      




 
 
 

 
 
 
 

Research Calls: SAIL

KR Choksey Research recommends a 'buy' on Steel Authority of India (SAIL) at a price of Rs 103, as it expects that rise in prices of steel internationally will lead to improved realisations for the company.

 
Globally, steel prices have risen about 7-8 per cent over the last couple of months and are expected to remain strong following healthy demand in Asia, Europe and the US.
 
SAIL is the largest integrated steel company in India, with a hot metal production of about 15 million ton and a market share of 25 per cent. It operates four integrated steel plants and three special steel plants in the country.
 
Further, it also has its own captive iron ore, dolomite and limestone miles. It now plans to increase its hot metal production capacity from the existing 14.6 million ton to 23 million ton a year by 2012.
 
In addition, to meet the increased power requirement due to augmented capacity, it plans to set up two power plants of 500 mw each in two separate joint ventures with NTPC at Bhilai and with Damodar Valley in Jharkhand. At the price of Rs 103, the stock is valued at about 8 times its trailing twelve month earnings.
 
Shasun Chemicals
 
Angel Broking recommends a 'buy' on Shasun Chemicals at a price of Rs 101, with an 18-month target of Rs 145. Shasun Chemicals is a generic drug-maker with a small foray in active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) and plans to enter the formulations exports, especially in regulated markets of Europe and the US.
 
The company has forged an alliance to market 22 products of Glenmark Pharmaceuticals and Alpharma, and expects a United States Food and Drug Administration (USFDA) approval of its facilities in order to launch its products by the first half of FY08.
 
In FY07, the company acquired assets of Rhodia's custom synthesis business along with some proprietary technologies. The assets included USFDA and Medicines and Healthcare Regulatory Agency, UK (MHRA) approved contract manufacturing and custom synthesis manufacturing units, and technologies like hydrolytic kinetic resolution (HKR), aromatic bond formation (ABF) and trifluoro methylation.
 
This business clocks sales of £40 million (approximately Rs 343 crore) and has a pipeline of around 14 products in advanced stages of clinical trials and about 20 products in the preclinical phase.
 
The company is expected to grow at a compound rate of 45.1 per cent and 24.3 per cent in sales and net profit over FY06-FY09. At Rs 101, the stock is valued at 8.8 times and 7 times its expected FY08 and FY09 earnings respectively.
 
KPIT Cummins Infosystems Emkay Private Client Research recommends a hold on KPIT Cummins Infosystems at a price of Rs 114 with a target price of Rs 144.
 
Despite the negative impact of the appreciating rupee and lower billing days, EBITDA (earnings before interest, tax and depreciation) margin for the quarter has marginally declined by 30 basis points to 15.2 per cent.
 
On the other hand, lower effective tax rate of 3.2 per cent, on accounts of deferred tax assets, resulted a 10 per cent growth in the net profit to Rs 137.23 million.
 
Overall the December quarter proved to be quite a mixed bag. In revenue terms there was decent growth, however rupee appreciation and lower number of billing hours dampened the growth in the rupee term.
 
However a strong positive has been the company's ability to maintain its margins. Going forward strong medium term growth drivers are discerned from the strong ramp up in the non-Cummins Star customers accounts and improved performance from the acquired companies.
 
Emkay expects KPIT Cummins revenue and profit to grow at a CAGR of 37 per cent and 46 per cent to Rs 4,682 million and Rs 6006 million and Rs 535 million and Rs 698 million respectively.
 
KPIT Cummins trades at a P/E of 14.6 times estimated FY08 earnings. Adjusted for the recently concluded bonus issue and stock split, at the target price of Rs 144, the stock is valued at 15.5 times for estimated FY08 earnings.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

'WE HAVE TO PAY A PRICE TO FIGHT NAXALISM'

Unfazed by the criticism of Salva Judum, its founder and Congress leader Mahendra Karma tells Shivam Vij

that he's in the thick of a war

 
You are an Adivasi MLA from Dantewada. Has Naxalism affected you personally?

I have lost two brothers to it and have escaped attacks several times. Whenever I go to Dantewada, especially on padyatras to spread the message of the Salva Judum, there is the risk. My family and sons still live in my native village. Recently, on March 2, I was going on a motorcycle yatra with 150 others to Jagargunda, a village on the border with Andhra Pradesh. One of the motorcycles ahead of me triggered a pressure bomb. It could have been me.

Aren't you afraid?

This is not the sort of bogus fight that politicians are used to. In this fight, we will have to be prepared for anything. I am not new to this. I have been fighting the Naxals since 1989 when we started a jan jagran abhiyan among villagers and the Naxalites left, but soon they returned. I worked again on it when I was an independent member of the Eleventh Lok Sabha.

So what has this experience of working on the issue of Naxalism taught you?

The single greatest lesson I have learnt is never to compromise with the Naxals.

Does that mean you are against peace talks with them?

The Naxals aren't even offering to talk.

But if they do?

They just can't give up the gun. If they do, then perhaps we can talk.

Shouldn't the government initiate peace talks with them?

These are the people who are against the Constitution and the democratic system as a whole. We, on the other hand, are part of this democratic system and it is our responsibility to save it from the Naxalites. You must understand that they are terrorists.

What do you think of the way Maoists have joined democracy in Nepal?

That's what they will have to ultimately do in India.

But Naxalites say that Indian democracy has been a farce because developmental benefits haven't reached the people.

Okay, so let us throw the ball in their court: what have the Naxals done for the people? Have they empowered common people in any way? Has the standard of living in villages controlled by them improved? Why don't you understand that the Naxals want 'revolution', they want to change the system, and the tribals are the best fodder. But we who are fighting against the Naxals are also tribals. We have the same blood in us.

There are several kinds of terrorism. There is communal terrorism and local terrorism, but Naxalism is political terrorism of an international nature. Whatever be the form of terrorism, it isolates people geographically or communally. What the Naxals want amounts to secessionism. Democracy, on the other hand, is nobody's property, certainly, not mine. I haven't picked it up from Plato.

So what is the status of Naxalism in Chhattisgarh now according to you?

There is a big dent in it after a people's movement against it in the most-affected district of Dantewada. But Dantewada is still the centre of Naxal activity, not just in Chhattisgarh but in the entire country. This is where the root is. This is where I suspect the central leadership of he Communist Party of India (Maoist) resides. If we can wipe out Naxalism from Dantewada, we will have wiped it out from the rest of the country. And there is only one thing that can defeat Naxalism. It is called Salva Judum. For the first time has such a people's movement taking place. The Naxalites earlier called themselves 'People's War Group'. But what they are doing now is war against the people! Their very astitva (being) is being challenged.

Is it true that you are the initiator of Salva Judum?

I only gave it this name after I saw it come up on its own. Seeing a village rebel against Naxalites gave me the inspiration to lead them. They needed a political voice, which is what I gave them. I gave them leadership.

But some say that the Salva Judum was your creation with police help.

That is mere propaganda. After a month-and-a-half of the movement, the state government made the wise decision to support it. Given how alarming the problem of Naxalism is, why should the state not support it?

But if it is really a spontaneous movement against Naxalite oppression, why has it appeared only in Dantewada and not the rest of south Chhattisgarh and indeed the red corridor?

Just because others haven't risen up doesn't mean Dantewada's tribals are fools. It is not Dantewada's fault if others don't have the courage to stand up against Naxalism.

So why don't you take the Salva Judum movement to other areas?

Wherever we go, people stand up and join us. We have made a beginning with Dantewada. Until we don't become a Naxalism-free state, we will not stop. If there are places where there is local leadership willing to stand up against the Naxals, we are ready to support it.

But isn't it unfair for the state to arm tribals and pit them against Naxalites? It is widely alleged that many are forced to join the Salva Judum and relocate to camps.

The people of Dantewada want to fight. Hundreds have died at the hands of the Naxalites, but they still want to fight. They want to kill Naxalites. The state cannot fool lakhs of people. You go to Salva Judum camps and ask them. The people of Dantewada are not like the Kashmiri Pandits who left their homes when forced by the gun. We are fighters.

The Naxalites are known for violence against individuals and institutions that represent the state. Don't you think that the creation of Salva Judum camps has turned thousands of villagers into ready targets for the Naxals?

On the contrary, wherever there are Salva Judum camps, Naxal violence and oppression of villagers has come to an end.

Many allege that the budget for these camps has provided officials an unprecedented opportunity to bungle the funds. There are even allegations against you for corruption.

As you know the Naxals can succeed in killing me any day. Do you think a man who has given his life would care for money? As for officials, we are talking of a machinery where corruption is widespread, so I would not be surprised if there has been corruption. There should indeed be an enquiry.

What do you think have been the three biggest successes of the Salva Judum?

Firstly, the Naxalite network has been undermined. They used to work with tribal villagers, and the same villagers are now on our side. Secondly, 5,000 Naxalites have surrendered and become special police officers (SPO) with the Salva Judum.

Who decides who will be given SPO status and arms?

The government decides the terms, it's not my responsibility. But it is true that many who are associated with our peace movement have been made SPOs. Anyway, you didn't let me tell you the third and the most interesting achievement of Salva Judum, which is that politicians have started speaking against Naxalism. Earlier they were so afraid of Naxals that they didn't want to openly speak out against them. Only when the locals have dared that the political class has risen to the occasion.

In May 2006, you told Tehelka that Salva Judum would be able to finish the Naxals by June 2006. This is March 2007 and we have just witnessed the massacre of 68 Salva Judum and Chhattisgarh police officials in Dantewada.

We give such slogans to inspire our masses. But you will appreciate that the Salva Judum has spread to all of Dantewada by now.

Rights groups and fact-finding committees have found large-scale human rights violations and violence in the name of Salva Judum. You cannot write them off as Naxal sympathisers.

I don't care for so-called intellectuals who can't understand what a jan andolan is.

Has there been a single mistake committed by the Salva Judum? If you were to do it all again, is there anything you would you do it differently?

When such a jan andolan takes place there is always some upvad , some wrongs, but exceptions should not be presented as the rule.

KPS Gill said at the Tehelka summit last year that the Salva Judum was a Gandhian movement…

No doubt about that! It is a public movement for freedom just like the one Gandhi led.

But Gandhi's was a non-violent movement, and Salva Judum is about an eye for an eye…

Do you know how many people Gandhi's non-violence killed?

How many?

Twenty two thousand. They were killed by the British for following Gandhi's path.

The massacre in Ranibodli on March 15, isn't it proof that the Salva Judum campaign failed?

Not at all. This massacre was going to happen. It was decided in the ninth Congress of the CPI (Maoist). That's when I think they also decided to killed Sunil Mahatoji of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. The state and Central governments should take the Naxalite decisions and plans more seriously than they do. The Naxals do what they say.

Home Minister Shivraj Patil said in Parliament the other day that Naxal-related incidents in the country had dipped by 6.5 percent in 2006, but in Chattisgarh they increased by 57 percent. And 676 have died in 22 months and most of these were in Dantewada. You still think Salva Judum has not backfired?

Do the other states have a public movement against Naxalism? Obviously, Naxals are killing more in Dantewada because they are frustrated at tribals being wooed away from them.

So the escalating deaths are merely collateral damage?

Well when there is a problem in front of you will you bravely face it or turn away? If we have to fight Naxalism, we will have to pay a price. Kisi samasya ka samadhan haath par haath dharey rehne se thodi na hota hain. Usko root se nikalna padega, sangharsh karna padega. We Indians typically accept things as destiny, leaving it bhagwan bharosay. That's not how you fight a war. The Naxals want this war to prolong for another 20-25 years and that's why they are killing more people.

Controversial as it is, is Salva Judum the only way of fighting Naxalism?

Well, I had Salva Judum to offer. If any learned person in the country has other solutions to offer, he is most welcome to try them.

Isn't providing more security a simple solution?

Yes, as the Salva Judum spreads, there will be more need for security.

So at the moment the number of security forces is just fine?

It is less than adequate.

Can you please pose below the Gandhi portrait for the photographer?

(Stands up and poses.) You are making me stand in the line of Gandhi. (Chuckles.)

It is you who has Gandhi in his office.

You know there is a saying, maha-purushon ke pad-chinh dikhaeen nahi dete, kyon ki un par aaj tak koi chala hi nahin. (You can't see the footsteps of great men because nobody has walked on them.)

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Absconding official handed over to Bihar police
 
RANCHI: Former district planning officer of Bihar JJB Tirkey, who was evading arrest in connection with a case lodged with the vigilance bureau in connection with the alleged funding of fake NGOs during the tenure of the then Patna DM, Gautam Goswami, was handed over to the Bihar police on Sunday. He was arrested by the Ranchi police on Saturday.

Bihar ADG (vigilance) Neelmani said the case pertains to funding fake NGOs to the tune of over Rs 1 crore. The former planning officer was arrested on Saturday by the Ranchi police from Chitragupta Nagar locality of the city, where he was living in a rented house.

Tirkey is reported to be absconding from Patna since 2005 after vigilance officials of Bihar lodged an FIR against him. Meanwhile, in an interesting development, Deepali Tirkey, wife of former planning officer, turned up in the city on Sunday demanding possession of her son Ashish Tirkey, who was earlier living with his father.

Police, after hearing her plea, allowed her to take possession of her son. Deepali said her husband forcibly took away Ashish. She came to know about the whereabouts of her son only after hearing about the arrest of her husband in Ranchi. "I rushed to Ranchi from Chandil, where I live with my parents, to take possession of my son," she said.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Repaying 40 kg of rice with 27 years of bonded labour
 
 
PALIGANJ (PATNA): In Bihar government's official records, bonded labour doesn't exist. But at least a couple of farm workers at Paipura Barki village, about 60 km from Patna, have not been able to throw off the yoke of bondage even though they have worked for nearly three decades for their "masters".

Meet Jawahar Manjhi, 45, who has a wife and four children. About 27 years ago when he was a teenager, his starving family took rice on loan from the local 'mahajan' (lender) for a wedding. It was decided that Manjhi would work in the lender's field and repay with his labour. For a day's work, he would be given one kg of rice, which is one-third of the normal payment of three kg.

Since then Manjhi has been working six days a week, eight hours a day. But the loan remains to be repaid. "Originally the loan was one 'mun' (about 40 kg). Twenty-seven years on, I don't know how much have I repaid and how much more I owe to the 'mahajan'," said Manjhi. Completely unlettered, he has no idea how the interest was calculated but he has been told he would be "freed" if he pays a lump sum Rs 5,000, an amount distinctly out of his reach.

Manjhi does not remember having put his thumb impression on any paper which binds him to work. But he says he cannot get away. His wife Kanti Devi fears her sons would also become bonded labourers. Sitting outside their one-room mud house, she said, "The one kg of rice is not enough to feed our family of six. There is never any money in the house. Where do you think the cooking oil, spices and salt will come from?"

The family has had to take more loans in the past few years just to manage two meals of salted rice a day. "I don't know how we will repay it all in one lifetime," Kanti said bitterly. The dusty lanes in the village, which falls under the Paliganj of Patna district, convey a palpable helplessness that often accompanies extreme impoverishment in Bihar. Most people are landless farmers, who work at non-negotiable terms and are only a trifle more fortunate than Manjhi and, as he says, "many more like me".

State deputy CM and labour minister Sushil Kumar Modi told TOI, "We have no information of any bonded labourer in Bihar."
 
 
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70% Dalits yet to get legal titles to homestead land
 
 
PATNA: About 70 per cent of Dalits are yet to get rightful claim over the homestead land they have been inhabiting on for long.

This despite the fact that almost 60 years have lapsed since the Bihar Homestead Land Privilege Act came into being.
This came to light following a survey conducted by the Deshkal Society, a Delhi-based NGO.

The Society surveyed about 19,000 Dalit households in the extremist-dominated Gaya district last year.

The NGO selected Gaya since it is the sixth district in the country with a higher percentage of people living below the poverty line. About 70 per cent people of this section are Musahars.

The literacy rate among Musahars is around five per cent. The survey reveals that the Dalits are struggling for obtaining title to the homestead land they have been living on for centuries.

It also points out that since Dalits are devoid of title to the homestead land, they remain deprived of welfare schemes, including housing.

Secretary of the Society Sanjay Kumar pointed out that the delay in getting legal rights on homestead land was due to lack of communication between the community, the panchayati raj institutions and the local administration.

He admitted that there was also a lack of village maps and legal documents as well."We had taken up the cause of 1000 Dalits and managed to obtain homestead land rights for 800 of them," he added.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Agri: Don't fix is govt's fix 

It can be said that Union budget, 2007, is high on symbolism and intent. Most people in and close to power acknowledge that something is spoiling booming India's party: price rise, agricultural decay, poverty, mainly. This budget, says finance minister P Chidambaram, is the government's way to fix these problems so that growth is inclusive. But will the words and allocated funds add up to coherence and content?

I suspect not. The problem is primarily conceptual. For instance, while everybody agrees that agriculture in India is in a mess and needs reform desperately, the prescriptions are widely divergent. Till we understand this, change will be meaningless. Currently, the dialogue on agriculture is as deaf as it is dumb.

On one side are people who write economic policies. Their missionary zeal tells them that the economic crisis stems from the preponderance of the state; its corruption and its inefficient delivery of services. Because they also accept that unshackled private growth will lead to widening inequities, their answer is to provide measures for social security. In this worldview, schemes for rural employment, however useless, are vital because they put a floor to poverty. They will say the 'Washington Consensus'-the broadly accepted reform package for the developing world-includes these measures, with an emphasis on education and health.

In the agriculture reform deal, the accent, again, is on opening up the market-that is encouraging private players and reducing the role of the state, especially through current and futures commodities market institutions. They are also concerned about the inefficiency of present-day agriculture, attributing poor productivity to small landholders and marginal farmers. There are too many people engaged in it; and the returns are too meagre, they say. They are also concerned about the land on which farming is practised, since, in their view, it can be put to much more valuable and efficient uses. Remember that the West Bengal chief minister justified the displacement of farmers for the Tatas' small car project in Singur arguing that industry would be far more economically productive. As far as food to eat is concerned, their worldview is global. The vast foreign exchange reserves we have can be used to buy food, already subsidised and made cheaper by rich countries.

But this cold logic of efficiency and growth is poor on substance.

Take just one instance: wheat. Last year, the logic of the market meant we allowed private procurement by large companies. But my colleagues who visited Punjab and Haryana reported that farmers big and small did not benefit. The large traders paid marginally more than the government's minimum support price. In fact, in most cases, all they did was to evade the mandi (market) tax and pay it to the farmers instead. This meant that government had a smaller stock of wheat. Prices went up. We started importing food. But prices in the international market had also hardened: partly because of droughts and partly because rich governments were subsidising crops that would be used to produce biofuel for cars. We even permitted private traders to import wheat without paying duties and slackened quarantine regulations because we needed to import at any cost. No wonder the government did not make public the laboratory tests done on such wheat.

The bottom line is we ended up paying more for foreign wheat than we paid our own farmers, by waiving import duties we lost more money. Moreover, our farmers had to comply with food safety regulations, foreign traders did not. But we still have inflation, widely attributed to the rising price of wheat and pulses.

Again, we import large quantities of oilseeds palm, soya, sunflower and pulses. As agricultural scientist and chairperson of the National Commission on Farmers, MS Swaminathan will tell you our neglect of the drylands has seriously undermined the crops and people of rainfed areas, which constitutes the bulk of our agriculture.

His prescription is to invest in these lands; to practise land and water management with a difference; to include these neglected crops of neglected lands in our food procurement system. Most importantly, he says, we need to give farmers the price they need, not the price government thinks they should get. His commission has asked for food procurement to be based on the market price, not at an arbitrary minimum support price.

But in this budget even as Chidambaram has called for investment in oilseeds, he has announced further duty cuts on crude and refined edible oils, "to make them more affordable". In other words, farmers are being asked to compete with distorted and much subsidised markets of the rich world. They obviously can not and lose again.

This is exactly the case with cotton, the killer crop of farmers of Vidarbha. The problem is that input costs for farmers are increasing from the cost of new-fangled seeds, to pesticides, to fertilisers and water but the price of cotton is 'fixed' or falling. The US, for instance, pays roughly us $4.7 billion in subsidies to its farmers, which keeps the price of cotton roughly half of what the production costs should be. The double whammy for our farmers is that not only are they competing with these ridiculous, backbreaking subsidies but that we are not investing in land or water for agriculture to prosper. Remember, the biggest investment in water comes not from the public sector, but from private farmers, digging 19 million wells to irrigate their fields.

This is the economics that the finance minister discounts in his prescription. This is why we are hungrier today and will be famished tomorrow. It's a pity we cannot eat words.

-Writer is Director, Centre for Science & Environment  

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Nandigram to Beijing via Moscow
 
 
There was a time when the spectre of communism haunted private property, but times have changed. The spectre of private property haunts communism now. Even as the 'communist' government of West Bengal resorted to state terrorism in Nandigram to acquire land from unwilling villagers to jump-start industrialisation for 'development', Communist China passed a law that would make right to private property legally enforceable for the first time since the 1949 revolution. The legislation, which is meant to give people a stake in their assets and protect them from a capricious party bureaucracy that has used the proxy of state ownership to dispossess many of them, seems to be a markedly different response to development than that of their CPI(M) comrades in Bengal.

There are, of course, obvious limits to how far the common citizens of China can go with the law. Given the infamous unaccountability of the Chinese state, it's most likely to be used by its avaricious political elite to legalise its ownership over assets acquired, in the name of the state and public good, by expropriating individual citizens.

Therefore, in terms of the final solution, the responses of the communists of China and West Bengal to the question of ownership have turned out to be not so different after all. The two cases are, however, not strictly comparable. For one, while post-revolutionary China has always been a one-party state, the Left Front has come to power in West Bengal and held on to it by participating in the Indian system of multi-party electoral democracy.

For another, LF-ruled West Bengal has always recognised the legally established form of mixed ownership of property in India. Yet, the vengeance with which the Indian state has often used the principle of eminent domain to dispossess traditional socio-economic communities in order to acquire land for 'development' and 'public good' emphasises its institutional affinity for the ideology and rhetoric of state socialism. It would, therefore, make perfect sense to historically examine the 'socialist' discourse on ownership of property.

State ownership cannot truly socialise property because of the way the state structurally is: an alien authority dispensing governance to a passive population. Public ownership of property is thus the ownership of bureaucracies, and ensembles of vested interests. Such institutionalised diminution of public participation by the modern state holds true even in a representative electoral system like India's.

On the other hand, legally enforceable right to private property, even if it were to exist as a fundamental right, would not by itself lead to a participatory democracy. The dangers that the new Chinese law poses, bears that out. Even as the disintegration of stratified pre-capitalist communities has always led to legalised private property and capitalism, such breakdown has not always yielded functional democracy.
 
The link between private property and democracy is much more tenuous than commonly accepted. While the 19th century Prussian model of Junker capitalism — where landlords and companies expropriated the peasantry from above and legalised property so acquired as their own — will certainly not yield democracy; the 19th century US way, where private property was established through the emergence of small-to-medium independent farmers from below, is a case of capitalistic ownership coinciding with the democratic project.

It was not without reason that Russian social democrats Plekhanov and Lenin championed the latter, rejected the former (enforced by liberals like Stolypin in Russia), and yet managed to distinguish themselves from the Populists and Narodniks, who opposed Stolypin's reforms because it destroyed the traditional peasant community. Clearly then, asset redistribution programme was not merely an end in itself for the social democrats. It was of even greater consequence to them precisely because it engendered the possibility of an alternative conception of political power than that embodied by the modern state.

Lenin and his fellow-travellers' quest, at least till the October Revolution of 1917, was as much socialisation of economic assets as an alternative political structure that was more democratic than any. The reason they envisaged the two together was because they understood the individual's freedom from the community both as his freedom from the oppressive bonds of the community and from its protection. Their vision was to reconcile the question of individual liberty (rights) with that of communitarian protection (social entitlements). The social democrats knew that only universal empowerment would arm people with the capacity to both facilitate and participate in modern development.


The unfortunate part of the story is that as the movement progressed, the search for an alternative political structure became subordinate to the nature of ownership of property. This was largely because the Bolshevik Revolution, just like other similar Left-led movements that occurred later elsewhere, was forced by the exigencies of modern politics to concentrate on dealing with the might of the pre-revolutionary state and emphasised the seizure of state power as its cardinal goal. As a result, it was rendered incapable of imagining configurations of power outside the framework of the modern state.

The horrors of collectivisation of agriculture in the erstwhile USSR of 1920s must be ascribed to this derailment of political imagination. The alternative cannot, however, be a utopian community of subsistence farmers. Land and capital will have to be consolidated to make both agriculture and the larger socio-economic order more productive and viable. Chinese historian Qin Hui's is opposed to both the 'Leftists', who favour state ownership; and 'liberalisers', who are all for privatisation.

In an interview to the New Left Review, the communist dissident has accurately likened the former to Russian Populists and the latter to Stolypin-style liberals. The opposition between the two, as is evident in China and, to a lesser extent, India, is false. They actually complement and fulfil each other. The real issue then is that of finding an alternative political culture and institutional structure, which will drive development through democratic management of the commons.
 
 
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A trip ended in police custody
 
JAJPUR, March. 26: A 38-member delegation headed by Visthapan Virodhi Janmanch general secretary Mr Rabindra Jarika has been detained by the West Bengal police at the Kharagpur Railway Station last night.

According to sources, the delegation ~ consisting of some woman members of the Janmanch, leading the anti-industrialisation movement in Kalinga Nagar, including its leader Mr Jarika, were detained at the railway station as they were heading towards Nandigram to express their solidarity with the family members of the victims, who died in police firing on 14 March. Mr Jarika and few other members of the delegation are high hard tribal leaders and to avoid any further problems in Nandigram, they have been detained, sources said, adding, the area is still tense and such leaders' presence in Nandigram may create further problems.
The Janmanch took a decision on Friday at Ambagadia, the unofficial head quarters of the outfit in Kalinga Nagar area under Jajpur district that a delegation under the leadership of Jarika will go to Nandigram on Sunday. The delegation, which was heading towards Nandigram on Puri-Howrah Express, boarded the train at Jajpur-Keonjhar road railway station and was detained at Kharagpur and are being held at the station.

When the detention of the news of the tribal leaders by the police at the railway station reached in Ambagadia, palpable tension prevailed in the tribal-dominated villages in the industrial complex area. An emergency meeting of the Janmanch under the chairmanship of its president was held at the outfit's head quarters as soon as the new of detention spread among the tribals in Kalinga Nagar.

Vistapan Virodhi Janmanch president Mr Chakradhar Haiburu (senior) said: "We condemn the detention of our activists at the railway station by the police while they were on their way to Nandigram. Nandigram tribals had come here to console us after the ghastly police firing and our men were going there to empathise with them on humanitarian point of view as a friend in need. West Bengal government is trying to procure land from the farmers of Nandigram against their will. We will pledge our support to them as our crusade is on against the industrialisation."

Fourteen innocent farmers, including women, were gunned down and scores of others injured by the police bullets when they were resisting forcible acquisition of their farm land for a special economic zone project at Nandigram in East Medinapur district in West Bengal on 14 March.

Talking to The Statesman over phone from Kharagpur town police station, Mr Rajendra Sarangi said: "We are yet to be informed as to why we are being detained. Since 3 AM, we are trying to find out but the police does not tell us anything."
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Justice Rare for Victims of Christian Persecution in India

 

3/26/07 New Delhi (International Christian Concern) – Victims of Christian persecution from across India shared their horrific stories and highlighted the denial of justice to them before an independent people's jury.

 

The depositions were part of "The Independent People's Tribunal against the Rise of Fascist Forces in India and the Attack on the Secular State," a three-day program which concluded here yesterday.

 

The independent jury was organized by non-profit organizations Anhad and Human Rights Law Network, and supported and attended by a plethora of rights groups, including Christian organizations, like the All India Christian Council (AICC) and the Christian Legal Association.

 

Of the 100 victims who submitted their statements, about 40 were Christian. The rest were mainly from Gujarat state, which witnessed a wide-scale killing of members of the Muslim minority community in 2002.

 

Impunity of perpetrators of gang-rape

 

"I was gang-raped by my fellow tribal villagers, including the brother and father of the local legislator in January 2004, and I named everyone in my police complaint, but no one has been arrested," lamented Taramani, a school teacher from Madhya Pradesh state's Jhabua district.

 

Taramani's village, Alirajpur, was one of the worst affected villages during the spate of anti-Christian violence that followed the infamous January 11 incident, in which a young girl was found dead in the compound of a Catholic school in Jhabua district. Hindu fundamentalist Hindu Jagran Manch (Forum for Revival of Hindus) blamed the murder on the church, and instigated a series of attacks on Christian individuals and their institutions. This was despite the fact that a non-Christian admitted to the crime.

 

"A crowd of about 250 people first launched an attack on my house and set it on fire and then some of them took me to a jungle and outraged my modesty," said, Taramani, a widow.

 

With tears in her eyes, she added that when she returned she found the house completely gutted. "Even the police initially refused to register my complaint which they did only later and reluctantly."

 

 "All that I have received from the government is Rs.30,000 ($700), but no arrests. The perpetrators still tell me that nothing will happen to them, as they are very powerful," she said.

 

Attackers remain at large

 

Another victim, Shobha Onkar, also from Alirajpur, could not help crying as she narrated how she was attacked by a mob in the aftermath of the January 11 incident. "About 300 people surrounded our house in the presence of the local police inspector and started breaking in. I thought I should open the door before they vandalized my house, but when they entered into the house, one of them hit me with a stick on my head. I started bleeding profusely," she said.

 

 "My son ran to the police and bent on his knees to plead them to rescue me, saying, 'They will kill my mother,' but they did not budge," she added.

 

Onkar also said that relatives of the local legislator belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were among the crowd.

 

Onkar's house was badly damaged and completely looted. "The government gave me only Rs.6,000 ($140) as compensation. And justice, which matters the most, was denied, as the perpetrators were not brought to justice," she added.

 

There were also victims from the states of Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Kerala and Jammu and Kashmir .

 

Lessons for the church

 

Dr. John Dayal, secretary general of the AICC who was one of the jury members, told ICC, "From the Christian perspective, the hearings were memorable and important. Christians of all denominations, and both men and women, came forward to depose for the first time in a major way. In my experience this is also the first time that an all-India picture has emerged of anti-Christian violence from a people's tribunal."

 

The all-India pattern of violence has lessons for everyone, and particularly for the church whether it is Catholic, Protestant or Evangelical, he said, adding that urgent steps needed to be taken. "Clergy and church workers have to be trained in human rights and basic law."

 

Another memorable witness, said Dayal, was the compilation by the Rev. Madhu Chandra of AICC to prove the massive activity of Hindu extremists in the north-eastern Hindu majority states of Manipur and Assam.

 

"For me, the most heartening testimonies were of women – Muslim and Christian."

 

Madhya Pradesh a daylight church

 

He also said it was obvious that "Hindutva pressure" was working. "The church in Madhya Pradesh is fast becoming a 'daylight church' with mission activity in the evening and after sun down – which is how outreach programs can work in forest villages when people return home after sunset – has stopped. Only in full daylight can some work be done. And yet, the church hierarchy seems not too worried."

 

In other areas, church activity is now confined to tribals alone, who constitute just a third of the population even in the so-called tribal belt of central India, he said. "This has serious ramifications."

 

Dayal thanked the civil society, including "well-meaning Hindu activists", for their "unstinted support" to the Christian community.

 

No help from the State

 

Based on the statements of the victims and presentations by human rights activists, the tribunal noted that "demonization of minorities, both Muslims and Christians, and their consequent marginalization and physical attacks have been noticed all over the country, particularly in the states where the BJP is in power, like Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan and Gujarat."

 

"In these cases, the victims have failed to get any help from the State. The role of the police is particularly dubious, as in most cases, the victims were not even able to file an FIR (first information report). It is often noticed that the victims are turned into perpetrators of crime. As a result, there is a sense of helplessness that the minorities feel."

 

Rights activists also deplored the role of the media, mainly local newspapers in vernacular languages, in inciting anti-minority violence.

 

The tribunal was an initiative of Shabnam Hashmi of Anhad and attorney Colin Gonsalves of the Human Rights Law Network.

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#113 From: "Jharkhand News" <news@...>
Date: Sun Mar 25, 2007 8:59 pm
Subject: Sunday, March 25, 2007
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   Sunday, March 25, 2007     




 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 Scheme to waive women teachers' training charges

RANCHI, March 24. — Women from underprivileged backgrounds will not have to pay to complete a bachelors degree in education if a proposal by the Jharkhand state government is passed in the next cabinet meeting.

 
The state's human resources development (HRD) ministry hopes that in waiving the course fees they will not only increase education and employment among women but also create more qualified teachers thereby increasing the education level of the state.


The proposal would waive all fees for women from tribal adivasi and other backward classes seeking admission to the bachelor of education (B Ed) programme from the next academic session. This would also include women from ethnic minorities such as Muslim women.

 
Talking exclusively to The Statesman, the state's HRD minister Mr Bandhu Tirkey, who also doubles up as art, culture, sports and youth affairs minister, said the scheme aims to empower underprivileged women as teachers.


"Most of the primary, secondary as well as some higher secondary schools in Jharkhand suffer from an acute shortage of well trained teachers. The Sarva Siksha Aviyan, initiated by the central government merely makes a child capable of reading, writing and signing his or her name. We want to go a step beyond that and make our future generation, especially in the rural areas of Jharkhand, capable of competing with other candidates who have better exposure. For that, we need to have good teachers in rural areas, where we are facing shortages", he explained.


"The HRD department has already carried out a detailed survey which reveals that the pass rate at the entrance examination for the B.Ed programme among female students from the tribal adivasi and other backward classes is very high. However, because the exams are quite expensive most of them cannot take the examination, failing to realise their dreams simply because they can't afford the fees. We have decided to waive the entire fee for the course for these women. The scheme will also be applicable to quite an extent for the Muslim women candidates applying for the B.Ed programme", the minister said.

 http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=2&theme=&usrsess=1&id=150863

 

 

 

 

 

One gets death sentence in human sacrifice case

 
HAZARIBAG: The fast track court of Hazaribag on Friday awarded death sentence to one Mahavir Razak and life imprisonment to three others -- Shashi Thakur, Subhash Bose alias Khepa Baba and Birju Bhuiyan-- in the sensational human sacrifice case.

The additional district and sessions judge, Ramendra Nath Roy, found all of them guilty of the crime and pronounced the judgement.

The judge in his order said after examining all witnesses he found that Razak, only for the sake of fulfilling his personal ambition, kidnapped a child and sacrificed it before Goddess Kali. "This was a heinous crime and all the accused deserve severe punishment," said the judge.

According to sources, Mahavir Razak, who was suffering from a serious disease, including TB, and could not be cured after treatment, approached Subhash Bose alias Khepa Baba, a tantrik, at his ashram in Bhurkunda.

Baba assured Razak that he can be cured if he sacrifices a human being before Goddess Kali, sources said.

Mahavir, then, approached a rickshaw-puller, Birju Bhuyian, who kidnapped a boy Munna Kumar, son of one Vijay Paswan on December 8, 2003, sources said and added that Razak, Baba and Bhuian took Munna to a lonely place and killed him by slitting his neck.

When the child did not come back home, Paswan lodged an FIR with the police station concerned on December 9, 2003. The police recovered the body packed in a gunny bag thrown into the Nalkar river.
  
ase/articleshow/1800794.cms
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Lines of fate, re-drawn
 
At first glance, 30-year-old Manoj Kumar might just look like any other B.Ed aspirant preparing for his lectureship interview (he cleared the Bihar Eligibility Test in 1998) in March.

Take a second look at his credentials and you might have a sneaking sense of admiration for him. He's not only done his masters but has also cleared the lectureship examination.

But when you consider he's done all this without his palms, you can't but ooze awe and respect for the man who's dared to rewrite his fate lines.

Born without either of his palms, Manoj seems quite matter of fact about it. "You must have the attitude to excel and the vision to achieve it," he told The Telegraph with a smile.

A resident of Bongo village under the Chauparan police station in Hazaribagh, Manoj is the eldest among the seven brothers. Most of his brothers are well-settled in life and Manoj travveled down to Giridih to meet brother Indu Bhushan, the officer-in-charge of Tisri police station. Ask him about his inspiration and Manoj's eyes shine while he speaks about noted scientist Stephen Hawking.

"If he could contribute so much to the society with his research on Black Hole, even I could go ahead despite my handicap," He said.

His brother Indu Bhusan, too, is effusive in his brother's praise.

"He might not have been born a complete human being in terms of his physical attributes but he inspired not only my family members but also the people of our society with his will power and vision," he signed off.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070301/asp/jamshedpur/story_7455884.asp

 

 

 

 

 

Scheduled for recruitment?

The furore over "the Muslim head-count" in January-February 2006 overshadowed the question of many groups unrepresented in the armed forces, such as the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). They represented a little over 16 and 8 per cent respectively of the total national population in 2001, but few are found in the armed forces as officers. Between 1950 and 2005, about 50,000 men entered the defence services as cadets through the National Defence Academy (NDA), according to the Union Public Service Commission. Out of this number, only about 200 were SCs and a little over a 100 were STs. Why so? And what can be/should be done about it? 

Historically, the British considered the SCs and STs outside the "martial races", and thus disqualified them for recruitment as jawans.Wartime compulsions, however, necessitated the induction of many non-martial groups including SCs and STs. Thus the Mahars of Maharashtra and Mazhbi (faithful) and Ramadasia Sikhs — both lower castes — of Punjab entered the colonial army as did the pariahs of southern India from early 19th century onwards. The manpower demand of World War II even saw the emergence of a Chamar Regiment that recruited mostly in UP, only to be disbanded in 1946.

In 2007, SCs and STs are well-represented as jawans in the Mahar Regiment, the Bihar Regiment and the Sikh Light Infantry. In addition, there are some battalions of infantry regiments which are exclusively meant for SCs and STs, or have a fixed percentage in them. But the officers in these regiments are not necessarily members of SC or ST communities. The current chief of the army staff Gen. JJ Singh is a Sikh from the Mahar Regiment, and proudly considers himself a Mahar! The reason why there are so few officers from the two communities is clear: poor educational backgrounds, leading, first, to an inability to meet the minimum qualifications to enter the exams and, then, a failure to pass the examinations when able to enter them.

A close examination of the annual reports of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Tribes from 1950 to the present reveals a depressing absence of SC and ST men in all three branches of the armed forces: army, air force and the navy, as far as combat units are concerned. The absence from air force and navy is easy to explain: both are highly skilled organisations requiring technical education for entry. Since education of any kind — much less technical — is poor among the SCs and STs, they are therefore poorly represented in the two forces.

The situation is better in noncombat units. In the civilian cadres of the three branches of the forces, the SCs are represented well above their population percentages: 20.58 per cent in the army, 15.3 per cent in the navy, and 35 per cent in the air force. But the STs have done poorly in the army's civilian cadres.

Within the civilian cadres of the three forces, the percentage of the two groups is highest in the D-category requiring least education and lowest in the A-category requiring advanced education. A high degree of education is not required in the infantry units, where at least 25-30 per cent of the recruitment is based on ethnicity, caste or region, exemplified by the famous Dogra, Garhwal, Gorkha, Kumaon, Rajput and Sikh regiments more than half-a-century after entry into the army was theoretically opened to all qualified Indian citizens. SC and ST politicians from Babu Jagjivan Ram (defence minister in 1970s) to Ram Vilas Paswan, Union minister for steel & fertilisers, have demanded reservation for the two groups in the three branches of the services. The commissioners/chairmen of the National Commission on Scheduled Castes and Tribes have consistently supported the demand as evidenced from their reports since the 1950s.

Most recently, Dr Suraj Bhan, the current chairman of the SC Commission articulated the demand in May 2006. The Lok Sabha's Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Tribes, headed by Ratilal Kalidas Varma, presented a case for reservations with facts and figures to the Defence Ministry in August 2003. Paswan in particular demanded a Dalit regiment.

There is thus a consensus among Dalit politicians and the intelligentsia for reservations in the armed forces. But the Central government, whether headed by the BJP or the current UPA, categorically rejects the argument for reservation or for new regiments based on caste, ethnicity or region. Their argument is that "any attempt to introduce reservation for any class or community cannot but impair the fighting efficiency of the Army".

When asked to abolish units based on ethnicity, caste or region, the Defence Ministry's strange argument was that "class composition of certain army units has been retained because of compulsions of combat effectiveness, operational performance and experience". It is obvious that the defence ministry wants to maintain status quo even when contradictory arguments are used in the same breath. Moreover, the then Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee was either misinformed or intentionally misled the nation when he claimed in Rajya Sabha on February 22, 2006, that "all regiments named after communities and regions were formed before Independence. None was raised after 1950."

Mukherjee was obviously unaware that Naga and Mizo regiments were raised in the early 1960s, a decade-and-a-half after 1947. The nation as a whole must develop consensus on whether or not it wants its institutions to mirror the country's population diversity. The armed forces' composition cannot be above public scrutiny in a democracy such as India. If we desire our armed forces to reflect our population composition, then measures must be taken to achieve that goal.

Children of aristocrats, former officers, and children of upper classes are disinterested in a career in the armed forces, given the poor incentives compared with the IT sector; they are unlikely to complain if reservations are introduced. If reservations are too radical, then state-sponsored intensive coaching for SCs, STs, Muslims, women and all other under-represented groups to prepare for UPSC exams is one corrective measure. Otherwise the underrepresented groups will not be scheduled for recruitment.

(The writer is a researcher at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.)

http://www.hindustantimes.in/news/181_1944728,00300006.htm

 

 

 

 

 

DEVELOPMENT-INDIA: Project-Displaced Camp in India's Capital

NEW DELHI, Mar 24 (IPS) - Through this week, a broad pavement on a leafy road in the Indian capital has served as venue for a spirited 'parliament of people' from across the country, come to protest a relentless globalisation drive that is stripping them of their land and livelihood.

Thousands of women and men, most of them dirt-poor and marginalised from India's villages, have sat day after day, their emaciated children in tow, listening to each other's stories of loss and protest, deprivation and abuse.

Policies of economic globalisation and markets pursued single-mindedly by the government have hit India's small farmers and unorganised workers the hardest. Everywhere, small groups have mobilised into campaigns to resist the sweeping changes being introduced recklessly in a despairing countryside.

Nearly 200 such groups that were represented at the 'Jan Sansad' (people's parliament) participated Friday in a march that was stopped by police barricades a km short of the tightly-guarded Parliament House but close to the offices of the Planning Commission.

The previous evening, on World Water Day, police had arrested the activist Medha Patkar and 62 others from outside the Planning Commission where they had gone to non-violently protest the government's continued indifference to the plight of millions of villagers who are due to be displaced by a series of big and small dams have been planned in western India's Narmada river valley.

On Friday, intensifying the crackdown, the police charged the activists under the Indian Penal Code and remanded them to judicial custody for 15 days.

Patkar, whose NBA or save the Narmada movement stalled the biggest of the dams, the Sardar Sarovar, for nearly two decades, has been fighting a losing battle since 1999 when dam authorities with the sanction of the judiciary and government began raising the height of the dam wall without bothering to resettle or compensate villagers in the submergence area.

"The state is provoking more Nandigrams," fumed a frustrated activist, referring to the tragic massacre by the police in West Bengal state, Mar. 14, of peasants who were resisting the forcible acquisition of 22,000 acres of land to be handed over to an Indonesian conglomerate for development into a Special Economic Zone (SEZ).

The gruesome killing by the state's communist party-led government was repeatedly condemned in the 'people's parliament' this week. Slogans remembering the dead as 'martyrs' punctuated the proceedings daily, while activists resisting more than 200 proposed SEZs spread over nearly every Indian state shared their experiences.

Twenty-four SEZs have been approved in the western coastal state of Maharashtra alone. According to Ulka Mahajan, 11,000 hectares of land belonging to 42 villages in Raigad district have been earmarked as an SEZ for Reliance, a powerful Indian business group.

"Does this 'jan sansad' accept a policy that will take away livelihoods of farmers, salt workers, and fisherfolk?" Mahajan asked the vast assembly, squatting calmly under the shade of giant 'neem' trees. "No," they thundered back, raising clenched fists in defiance of the government.

A publication on SEZs for the National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM) quotes another activist Ganesh Thakur from Raigad saying that while half the land proposed for the SEZ is irrigated by the Hetavane dam, large tracts belong to the salt pans or are wetlands, essential for the sustainability of the area.

"The government will evict farmers at their peril," warned Vijay Jawandhia, a farmers' leader from Nagpur in Maharashtra state. "The government has obligations to poor people, not the corporate sector," appealed an activist from Tamil Nadu.

SEZs, which offer huge tax breaks and privileged treatment to promoters and exporters at the expense of the public exchequer, are being opposed through campaigns and the judiciary. A group of small farmers have joined hands to file a public interest litigation against another Reliance-owned SEZ proposed near Delhi which will abut on the Sultanpur bird sanctuary, a critical halt for migrating winter birds from Siberia and Europe.

Over the week, the Delhi gathering called 'Action 2007' has addressed issues from tribal rights over forests to displacement, development and right to natural resources and right to information. While every issue has been picked threadbare by experts and activists, government ministers who were invited to participate have stayed away.

On Friday afternoon, sovereignty issues concerning the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and international financial institutions were the subject of discussion. Invitations were sent to Indian commerce minister Kamal Nath and his deputy, Jairam Ramesh, finance minister P. Chidambaram, and Mani Shankar Aiyar, also a cabinet colleague.

Not one of them turned up. "The people's representatives are scared to come before the parliament of the people," said Shaila Thakur of the National Alliance of People's Action Committee, among the organisers, from Mumbai.

What are the people's demands? A random sample reveals an interesting variety. Villagers demanding a permanent bridge over the Kosi river in eastern Bihar state. All India Hand Embroidery and Cooly Traders Union of southern Tamil Nadu state seeking labour rights. Security for traditional fisherfolk from trawlers. A ban on sand mining in river beds.

A right wing, business-friendly Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government, which ran the slogan of a 'Shining India' but did little for the masses was voted out of office in 1994 in favour of a left-of-centre coalition led by the Congress party which took office vowing to give a 'human face' to the processes of globalisation and liberalisation.

But this ruling coalition, the United Progressive Alliance, while chalking up respectable 9.5 percent growth rates, stands accused of presiding over an unprecedented crisis facing the poor in India's villages and cities.

http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=37076

 

 

 

 

 

 

A brutal dictatorship

There is an irresistible temptation to gloat over the CPI(M)'s ignominy over the cadre-directed police action in Nandigram which left at least 14 people dead and forced many hundreds to flee their homes. Always intolerant of criticism and political opposition, the party transformed a small corner of East Midnapur district into a war zone last Thursday. It did so not because it wanted to sweep away pre-capitalist obstacles in the path of industrialisation but because it wanted to re-establish its physical control over an enclave that had seceded from Red Bengal. It was not an ideological battle; it was old-fashioned conquest of territory.

Those who maintain that this state-cum-cadre heavy handedness is not politics but terrorism are only partially right. For the past 30 years, the CPI(M)'s near-impregnable control over rural West Bengal has been based on sanctimonious populism enforced by coercion. Since it assumed power in 1977 the CPI(M) has created two classes of villagers: those who are with the party (either out of choice or compulsion) and those who are the outcastes.

The pariahs under Bengali Stalinism are those who still insist on supporting parties opposed to the Left Front.

In the heartland of rural Bengal (the border districts are an exception), where the CPI(M) majority is weighed rather than counted, it takes fierce, unflinching courage to flaunt a political affiliation which is not to the liking of the all-pervasive local committees. The CPI(M) not only preaches Stalinism; it practices it with brazenness in West Bengal. Under the smooth veneer of progressivism lurks a brutal party dictatorship.

The Leftist intellectuals who now protest sanctimoniously against the un-Leftist behaviour of the Left Front Government are being disingenuous. For decades they have been co-conspirators in suppressing those they regard as class enemies. And all this was perpetrated in the name of pious correctness.

The beneficial spin-off from Nandigram is that the ugly face of the CPI(M) has been exposed nationally. The next time the fellow-travellers from Sahmat get all worked up over a film which can't find a distributor in Gujarat, the next time Brinda Karat gets herself photographed outside Parliament in the company of happy tribals (as she was last Thursday), and the next time Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee spouts a verse from Mayakovsky or Neruda or Brecht, you can offer one word of retort - Nandigram.

Nandigram was not the first in the bloody history of Communist movements and nor will it be the last. Right from the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, violence and Communist movements have been inseparable. Yet, for the moment in India, Nandigram has become a euphemism for the smug arrogance of a group that pompously declares that history is unflinchingly on its side.

And yet, gloating over Nandigram is painful. True, the CPI(M) has been put on the backfoot and the duplicity of the Congress leadership exposed -the whisper in Delhi is that Sonia Gandhi couldn't draw propaganda mileage from the massacre of 56 policemen by the Maoists in BJP-ruled Chhattisgarh because of Nandigram. The Left intellectuals are in disarray and many have discovered their lost conscience. The debate over Special Economic Zones has merged into the national concern for the deepening crisis of agriculture throughout the country and triggered a populist backlash, which will have a debilitating impact on the UPA Government. The Opposition NDA has rightly sensed an opening and derived political advantage from the Government's discomfiture - even if that involves parroting the likes of Medha Patkar and Muslim sectarian organisations. Amid this headiness, one minor point appears to have been forgotten - the likely impact of the Nandigram kerfuffle on West Bengal.

This year marks the 40th anniversary of the beginning of the flight of capital from West Bengal. The first CPI(M)-dominated United Front Government began the assault which the Naxalite movement and Congress hooliganism complemented. The decline of Bengal was, of course economic. Remember the gherao movement of 1967? The abandoned factories on both sides of the River Hooghly bear testimony to the effects of perverse Left politics. However, the decline was not purely economic. The upheavals bred a strange political culture based on self-pity, cussedness and envy - what a perceptive British commentator, in another context, described as the ''grievance community.'' For proof, see the morbid films of Mrinal Sen and Rithwick Ghatak.

This negativism was not confined to the Left; it has infected the anti-Left forces as well. The protests - the product of a strange combination of the Trinamool Congress, the ultra-Left and Islamists - in Nandigram epitomise this self-destructiveness. The entire state, it would seem, has been overwhelmed by a pedestrian but romantic glorification of poverty.

Investment in West Bengal is certain to be the biggest casualty of the Nandigram violence and the controversy over Singur. The turbulence of politics has offset all the promise and hope that its Chief Minister held out during last year's Assembly election. Ratan Tata, if not the Singapore-based Salim group, must be ruing the day he decided to repose faith in West Bengal. ''You must be stupid,'' Ratan Tata told the Resurgent Gujarat conference two months ago, ''if you are not in Gujarat.'' By the same logic, you must be incredibly obtuse if you sink the wealth of shareholders in West Bengal. Other investors are unlikely to make the same mistake. West Bengal has yet again scored a self-goal.

This is bad news for Buddhadeb Bhattacharya. For the past few years, this erstwhile Stalinist has attempted to undo the legacy of stagnation and bloody-mindedness bequeathed to him by his party. At times he has conveyed the impression of being a Bengali Mikhail Gorbachev - out to destroy the system that created him. The fiasco of Nandigram signals the end of this perestroika. The Comrades have struck back with a vengeance and the mindset of the CPI(M) has prevailed.

Together, the CPI(M) and its opponents have thrown the baby out with the bath water. These are bad days for West Bengal but the worst, I fear, is yet to come.

http://www.newindpress.com/sunday/sundayitems.asp?id=SEC20070323064459&eTitle=Columns&rLink=0

 

 

 

 

 

Reform-rich years help bring poverty line down

Two methods, but both indicate that it's time for a cheer in the country. For, those below poverty line are on the decline, that too at a higher rate.
 
According to the latest National Sample Survey (NSS) data for the year 2004-05, poverty levels are down to 21.8 per cent as compared to 36 per cent in 1993-94. In urban areas, the level fell from 23.6 per cent to 21.7 per cent, while in rural areas, the level's down from 27.1 per cent to 21.8 per cent.
 
This means poverty levels fell around 0.86 percentage points per year between 1993-94 and 2004-05, marginally higher than the 0.81 percentage points between 1983 and 1993-94, or the pre-reforms period.
 
However, the rate of decline in the post-reforms period is faster: Poverty declined by 1.8 per cent per annum between 1983 and 1993-94, and the rate of decline rose to 3.3 per cent per annum between 1999-2000 and 2004-05. 
 
POVERTY LEVEL DECLINING
Urban reality
Below poverty line  
Orissa: 40.30%
Madhya Pradesh: 39.30%
Chhattisgarh: 34.70%
Urban poor  
Maharashtra: 1.314 cr
Uttar Pradesh: 1.004 cr
Sikkim: 2,000 (lowest)
 
However, the use of two sets of questionnaires to determine the poverty levels — the uniform recall period (URP) and the mixed recall period (MRP) — has made the data confusing. While the URP level of 27.5 per cent is comparable with the 36 per cent poverty level in 1993-94, the MRP level of 21.8 per cent is comparable with the 26.1-per cent level in 1999-2000. 
 
Rural legend 
Below poverty line 
Jharkhand: 40.20%
Orissa: 39.80%
Dadra & Nagar Haveli: 36.00%
Rural poor  
Uttar Pradesh: 3.57 cr
Bihar: 2.62 cr
Delhi: 10,000 (lowest)
 
However, in both cases, poverty levels have shown a decline between 0.8 and 0.9 per cent per annum. 
 
Twice proved 
  Poverty in India (in %)
Uniform Recall Period Mixed Recall Period
'93-'94  '04-'05  '99-'00  '04-'05
Rural 37.30 28.30 27.10 21.80
Urban 32.40 25.70 23.60 21.70
Total 36.00 27.50 26.10 21.80
 
Considering the MRP, URP sampling during the last decade — a period driven by reforms — nearly 4.3 per cent of the population came out of poverty.
 
The bulk of this period saw the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance in power at the Centre.
 
The estimates are likely to raise questions over the UPA government's strategy for rural economy. Programmes like Bharat Nirman, National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme and rural roads, may need a re-look, say official sources.
 
Based on MRP, more than 50 per cent of the poor are concentrated in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar.
 
The figures may embarrass the Mulayam Singh Yadav government in Uttar Pradesh, where 4.58-crore people are BPL. In case of West Bengal, 20.6 per cent of the population fall comprise the BPL category, while in reformist states like Gujarat and Punjab, only 12.5 per cent and 5.2 per cent of the respective population are below the poverty line.
 
Surprisingly, Jammu and Kashmir, at 4.2 per cent, is at the bottom of the BPL population list.

http://www.business-standard.com/common/storypage.php?autono=278542&leftnm=3&subLeft=0&chkFlg

 

 

 

 

 

YES, CHIEF MINISTER!

I am planning to write a letter to the Chief Minister of West Bengal. Here is a draft, which I offer to readers ~ who are, after all, the most important stakeholders in The Statesman ~ for comment.

Dear Mr Chief Minister,


I write this on behalf of The Statesman, a newspaper that is more than 130 years old and is directly descended from The Friend of India, founded 1818. In other words, we were born about half a century before the house of Tatas was founded as a trading firm, a reference that you may find mysterious but one that I promise to explain as I go along.


In February last year, we applied to your Housing Minister and head of the West Bengal Housing and Infrastructure Development Corporation for a two-acre plot of land in New Town, Kolkata. In October or thereabouts, some seven or eight months later, we received a letter from WBHIDCO that it had been decided to allot the land to us. But, curiously, there were no details furnished in the letter about the location, the cost or anything else. Thereafter, there has been no word from WBHIDCO.


I had indicated that we required the land for our own use, for production activities and for new business ventures, including software development, that we proposed to set up. While there were several locations available to us for the proposed investment, including in the states of Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, we felt that West Bengal, which has been our home for nearly two centuries, would be most suitable.


I must hasten to add, however, that I am not making a grievance of the fact that 13 months after our application, there is no sign of the land, much less the terms under which it is to be allotted. The wheels of government grind slowly, and bureaucracies cannot be hurried. I am sure, some day in the not so distant future, our file will be found in the WBHIDCO office and the land will be allotted.


The purpose of this letter is different. I am given to understand from reports of your Industries Minister, Mr Nirupam Sen's statement in the West Bengal Assembly that your government is offering a better alternative.


I understand that you are offering land to investors, especially those who are considering other states, on lease at favourable terms, and I would like to urge you to use your good offices to make such an allotment to us.


The Statesman would be interested in acquiring on 90-year lease about 10 acres of land. We are prepared to pay an annual lease rent of Rs 80,000 for the first five years, calculated at the rate of Rs 8,000 per acre per annum. We are prepared to offer an increase of 25 per cent every five years thereafter for the next 30 years. Thus we will agree to pay Rs 100,000 per year from years 6 to 10, Rs 125,000 per year for years 11 to 15, Rs 156,250 per year for years 16 to 20, and so on. However, I understand that you will charge lease rent only for about 40 per cent of the land, so these figures will be proportionately reduced.


We understand that your government is offering several other incentives for investment in the state, and I would request you to confirm that we will be eligible for each of the following:


a) A loan of Rs 2 crore at 1 per cent per annum interest from the West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation;


b) Allotment of 0.5 acre of land in New Town, Rajarhat, of which 0.2 acre will be at a cost of Rs 3 crore per acre and may be used for commercial purposes and 0.3 acre at a cost of Rs 2.5 crore per acre for setting up a housing project, to one of our subsidiary companies;


c) Five acres of land in the BRADA area; and


d) Refund of VAT (should it be applicable) for the first 10 years of our lease.


There are some additional facts that you must bear in mind whilst considering our application.


If the Government of West Bengal grants our request, we will be able to take up our expansion activities in the state and will not need to go to Uttarakhand, Jharkhand, Himachal Pradesh or Chhattisgarh. In the strictest confidence I must tell you not only is our heart not in any of these states, it would be incredibly silly for us to consider any of them. A newspaper needs to be close to its readers; just as a car manufacturing company must be close to the source of its main raw material ~ steel ~ and to transportation links and markets. But of course, you can tell your political opponents that had you not offered these incentives, we would have gone away.


As a sagacious Chief Minister, I am sure you must be wondering if the business activities we plan to take up will generate jobs. I am sure they will. Unlike the automobile industry, which is extremely mechanized and uses robots in assembly lines (my brother-in-law who has a Ph.D in robotics from Stanford and who worked for many years with General Motors in Michigan tells me that nearly 90 per cent of assembly line jobs are done by robots), the newspaper industry is still quite labour-intensive. At the end of a long day spent covering police firings, clashes and bombings, we may look like zombies, however I can assure you we are human.


But let's get down to specifics. I hereby assure you that for every 1,000 jobs the Tatas provide in their car manufacturing plant, we will provide 10. This is only fair, as we are only asking for one per cent of what they have got from you. Thus, if they give 10,000 people jobs, I assure you that The Statesman will offer jobs to at least 100 people.


That is not all, though. I believe that on the basis of the terms your government has offered, Mr Tata has promised to produce a Re 1-lakh car. As I am only asking for 1% of what you have given him, I ought to promise to produce a newspaper costing Rs 1,000. However, I am feeling generous, and so here's my offer. If you give us what we have asked for, I promise to sell our newspapers at a cover price of Re 1 each, at least for the first year after commencement of production from the new facilities. You will appreciate that in this respect our terms are a thousand times better than those offered by the Tatas.

 
There are several other benefits to our proposal. First, as we are an impoverished newspaper and not remotely likely to be buying the world's fourth-largest publisher at any point in the foreseeable future, no eyebrows will be raised at your government giving us a loan at 1 per cent per annum interest.


As we are seeking only 10 acres of land, you may not have to displace more than three or four farmers, of whom perhaps half will part with their land willingly. How many trenches can two farmers dig? And should they resist, you may not have to fire more than a bullet or two. Even if you have to do that, the repercussions will not be serious. I do not see Left constituents threatening a revolt over one bullet, much less the Governor feeling aggrieved enough to issue a statement.


Thus, you will appreciate that our proposal has much to commend it, and very few disadvantages. As such, I am sure you will approve it expeditiously, bearing in mind that not doing so might be deemed discriminatory and therefore violative of Article 14 of the Constitution. Do please let me know as soon as you start fencing our land, so that I can fetch up at Writers' Buildings to sign the necessary papers and hand over a cheque for Rs 32,000 (40% of Rs 80,000).

 
I look forward to doing business with you.

The author is Editor, The Statesman, and wrote this tongue firmly in cheek

http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=3&theme=&usrsess=1&id=150877

 

 

 

 

 

Coal kills

The smell of burning coal in household fires hangs in the air. Bicyclists carry heavy bags of coal from the mines to sell for a few rupees. They are overtaken by huge lorries carrying more than the tonnage they are supposed to carry -- all part of the black market in coal -- down busy streets, with cattle lying nonchalantly on the road.

We visited communities that were literally on the edge of the coal mines, who had nowhere else to go, having received no compensation for their land, taken by the coal companies and the World Bank. In the heat of the summer they tell us, the temperature in these communities can reach over 130 degrees F. Spontaneous combustion of coal in the open-pit mines cannot be extinguished. Water is polluted and far away. Health care and education is non-existent. Heavy energy-intensive industry is everywhere in Angul: aluminum smelters, steel mills, sponge iron factories.

As we drove to a village on the outskirts of the dirtiest aluminum smelter in the country, Nalco, we were forced to stop as a parade of men dressed in bright orange dress, paint on their faces, were banging drums and cymbals, celebrating the festival of holi, the arrival of spring. They celebrate in colorful garb in their villages as they do every spring although just down the road, on the outskirts of the state-owned Nalco smelter, their cattle are dying in droves from bone-crippling fluorosis -- caused by the excessive fluoride produced from smelting aluminum -- and other undiagnosed diseases.

The people and animals have small tumors on their bodies; the women complain of arthritis-like symptoms and swollen joints that make it hard to do their daily work; the children show signs of genetic malformations. One boy we saw had seven fingers on each hand, and six toes on each foot. Another boy was deaf and retarded, his teeth also weakened, possibly by the fluoride. All the malformed children were born after the aluminum smelter was established here. Many of the women cannot be married if the men learn where they are from; similarly, cattle cannot be sold from this community. it is well-known that here a severe poisoning has taken place at the hands of Nalco.

Orissa has become a magnet for energy-intensive industries -- domestically and internationally over the past decade thanks to at least three factors:

  1. World Bank-enforced privatization and deregulation of the power sector, combined with no/lax enforcement of environmental and labor laws, have made coal-fired power here among the cheapest in the world.
  2. Other minerals such as bauxite and iron ore are found in abundance beneath the soil.
  3. The rights of the tribal people, who were traditionally oppressed by the British and now the Indians, are ignored in this rush to industrialize, and kept in a state of seemingly intentional helplessness and illiteracy.
  4. I would add to this, as pure speculation based on some research, that the Kyoto Protocol is also creating an incentive for energy-intensive industries in the North to set up shop in a country such as India, where greenhouse gas emissions restrictions are non-existent. They can not only benefit from the lax labor and environmental laws, now, under the Clean Development Mechanism, they can also profit by turning fly ash to bricks, and earn money from carbon credits sold to Northern polluters.


We visited one facility where the highly toxic fly ash, loaded with heavy metals and other toxins, was being combined with sand and other substances, to make the bricks. This is one way of disposing of the abundant supply of fly ash produced when the coal in Orissa is burned. Indian coal has a very high ash content, so this kills two birds with one stone.

It may also kill the day laborers who are making these bricks without any sort of protective gear in the hot Indian sun. Yesterday, we arrived on a slow train throught the arid landscape of Orissa to the town of Sambalpur. We met with government officials, who assured us that polluting industries were being taxed at five percent and that this revenue was being reinvested in the affected communities. But when we visited the communities, we saw how little money had been spent. A school had been taken over by security for the coal company, and not replaced. As a result, one teacher has a small classroom filled with over 80 students, of all grades.

Last night, after another round of meetings with villagers on the margins of the coal mines, I was invited to give a talk to local activists, academics, and others on climate change. They were eager to know more about the strange weather they are experiencing here and all over India. Orissa has experienced famines in the past. Its agriculture is almost entirely rain-fed, and so many small farmers are one season's drought away from starvation.

The combination of the deforestation, the open pit coal mines, and the land clearance by the tribal people for rice paddies is certainly adding to the change in local climate, and resulting in a drop in water tables. But I fear this region will be among the hardest hit in India as climate change accelerates. It is so unfair; these tribal people are being assaulted from all sides.

In two days we head to West Bengal. Today in the news they are reporting yet another police attack on a crowd of protesters who refuse to move to make way for the so-called "special economic zones" where all labor and environmental laws are suspended in order to attract corporations. Land is taken away with little or no compensation, and nowhere for these people to go. When they refuse to move and blockade the roads, the police shoot to kill.

Fourteen people were shot and killed yesterday in West Bengal. Twelve were shot in a similar incident in Kalinga Nagar, Orissa, in 1996 when Tata Steel tried to create a special economic zone. The people there remain agitated, and we are told it is unsafe to travel there.

Today we head to Ib Valley, the site of at least 6 coal-fired power plants, many of them constructed with World Bank and American development dollars. We will try to arrive before the heat of the day.

Author is co-director of the Sustainable Energy & Economy Network

http://gristmill.grist.org/story/2007/3/20/10319/0954

 

 

 

 

 

Emami group to invest Rs 2,000 cr. in Chhattisgarh

Raipur, March 25 (PTI): The Emami group would be investing Rs 2,000 crore in Chhattisgarh, company sources said.

"Emami has decided to invest Rs 2,000 crore in the natural resource rich Chhattisgarh within next three years," company sources said here today.

The company is planning to set-up a four million tonnes capacity cement plant and also a 100 mw power plant in the state with total investment of Rs 1,600 crore, they said.

Besides that, Emami is also investing Rs 150 crore for setting up a bio-diesel plant in the state as Chhattisgarh has developed quite a lot of interest in the bio-fuel sector, they said.

It was also being planned to construct a 500-bedded hospital near the capital city with an outlay of Rs 175 crore, the sources said.

http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/holnus/006200703252021.htm

 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
The medium effect: Dreams get going
 
This is the story of a set of people who dared to dream. Chandan Singh Adhikari 'Chandu' drives a schoolbus. As a young boy in Almora, he wanted to join the army but didn't quite make it. Chandu may not have realised his dream but he made sure his children got a chance to follow theirs — one daughter is a teacher, the other worked in a foreign bank, one son has completed his hotel management and the youngest works at a call centre.

"In my village, studies didn't really matter. However much I studied, I'd end up tending to cattle. Times have changed. I knew I had to send my children to an English-medium school if they had to get anywhere in life. The principal at St Francis de Sales encouraged me to put my eldest daughter in school. The other three followed soon after," says Chandu.

His brother Inder Singh, a peon, also came to Delhi around the same time. "I worked by day and went to school by night. My firstborn is a web design engineer. I'm so proud of him. With so many MNCs in the market, I'm glad I decided to put all my children in an English-medium school," he says.

While a big city's bright lights have beckoned many, only a few who have reached for the stars. Sisters-in-law Rajkumari and Rani Kanojia are two such people. While Rajkumari is an ayah, Rani is a cook in a school canteen. "I've hardly studied but I wanted my kids to have the advantage of an English education.

My son Vijay is a health instructor at Radisson hotel and my daughter Pooja, a software engineer, is married and in America," says a proud Rajkumari. Rani always wanted to be a nurse but the famil