Opinion: On The Record: English, not Manglish please
by Abdullah Ahmad
03 October 2000
CONTRARY to the general belief English is the third most widely spoken language
in the world. The first is Potonghua (Mandarin) and second is Spanish.
Malaysia is listed by Time Almanac 2000 as one of the nations where English is
widely spoken besides the United States, United Kingdom and Tonga.
No mention is made about Malay being the official or national language or even
widely spoken. Nor Bahasa Indonesia is mentioned for Indonesia; instead it is
Javanese.
George Orwell said in 1954 - the year I got a pass in English and a credit in
English literature in the Cambridge School Certificate examination - that the
English language was in a bad way and there was little the English could do
about it.
Despite that, English remains the lingua franca of the world.
The English (or rather the British) are still complaining about what George
Orwell stated 46 years ago.
The issue has been and will always be a concern to everyone, even to us.
In our case, the problem is to emphasise to all Malaysians, that though English
is no longer the language during colonial times when good command of it was a
necessity, it remains true that proficiency in the language is crucial to
success in whatever they do.
Even the Chinese, Japanese, Russians, Vietnamese, Thais, Indonesians and Arabs
are all studying English with a vengeance.
I am stating this openly and clearly: never has this nation and bumiputeras in
particular needed to invest more in acquiring knowledge via the English
language, and hopefully through it, our collective imagination will be enhanced.
There are no gains without pains; diligence is the mother of good luck.
Therefore, the Government, teachers, employers and parents who appear to be
talking non-stop about the fast declining standard of English among Malaysians,
even among graduates, have to do something brave, drastic and post-haste to
arrest what is even obvious to ordinarily ordinary persons.
I won't say English is dying here, but is it the kind of English we want to be
taught to our grandchildren?
As an editorial in The New Straits Times last Thursday stated, everyone bemoans
the fact the standard of English has declined but what are we doing about it?
I will now say, unequivocally, that short of a fast-track effort to arrest
it ,our international edge over our neighbours will soon be eroded, and do not
be altogether surprised if what Prime Minister Datuk Ser Dr Mahathir Mohamad
aspires to achieve for the country - the status of a developed nation by 2020 -
would not be attained.
It is shocking, as it is shameful that, according to a study, about 70 per cent
of pupils in levels four to six in primary schools have difficulty in stringing
together a grammatically correct sentence.
Poorly qualified teachers is one thing. The problem is compounded by the
reality of the environment at home and play, inadequate time given for English
lessons, crowded classrooms and the majority of pupils coming from pre-schools
which do not use English as the medium of instruction.
The result of all these factors is that except for the privileged children who
constantly use English at home, the rest suffer as they are not exposed to the
foreign tongue.
It is no exaggeration that even graduates lack the ability to draft a simple
letter in idiomatic English and some can't even comprehend a straightforward
instruction.
Employers are lamenting and some editors are really crying over this. This is
the harsh state of affairs and until we are courageous enough to accept this
and do something quickly, I suggest we refrain from being too overly ambitious
to be this and that.
English is the language of the knowledge-based economy. Our educational policy
(without undermining the status of the National Language and national syllabus)
must be a bit flexible.
Otherwise it is difficult for us to pursue and attain our international aims
and national agenda. No way can a monolingual civil service and private sector
deliver them.
What perplexes me is that despite there being no opposition to the teaching of
English within Umno and even Pas (as long as it does not sideline Bahasa
Malaysia) why is the Government rather tardy and even ambivalent about English?
A dozen years ago I spoke in Parliament about the Government's irresolution on
the subject. The then Education Minister, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, invited me
to talk about it over lunch.
He told me of the plan to enhance the teaching of English and to re-introduce
English literature in the English syllabus.
Obviously, it was not enough, if indeed what he said to me has been implemented.
Dr Mahathir, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and many others went to English
medium schools, yet their mother tongue has not suffered. So wherein lies the
problem?
A changed and changing environment in the learning and teaching of English in
our country causes the poor and deteriorating standard of English.
In Singapore, a Chinese majority city-state where Mandarin is promoted, English
has not suffered as much, although the Singapore Government is trying to curb
the spread of the phenomenon known as "Singlish", because it is a compulsory
first language.
English is also a sine qua non, I believe, to merit the School Certificate,
just as it was when I was in school.
I never got my School Certificate though I passed English and obtained a credit
in literature because I failed in one of the other two obligatory subjects,
mathematics and science.
Cambridge and Harvard notwithstanding, I keep reading, speaking and writing in
English.
I do the same in Malay: I did not attend school until I was nine and in my
first year at MCKK (1948) I learned grammar, dictation, multiplication tables,
Quaranic verses and poetry by rote.
You must pass them, otherwise you would first be demoted before being asked to
leave school. The fear of being humiliated made lazy bones like me work just to
keep my place.
Let us encourage people to read, write and talk in English until they attain
some semblance of skills to do effective business at the United Nations, in the
Euro markets, Shanghai and Tokyo.
I would like to reiterate that none who has acquired considerable command of
English has lost proficiency in the mother tongue. The examples are too
numerous - the late Tun Mohamad Suffian, Tan Sri Ahmad Ibrahim and Tun Razak.
Among the living: Dr Mahathir, Tun Daim Zainuddin, Tan Sri Musa Hitam, Tengku
Razaleigh Hamzah, Datuk Dr Rais Yatim, Datuk Seri Rafidah Aziz and hundreds of
others. One or two are trying to acquire working knowledge of third and even
fourth languages.
I wrote in my diary yesterday that there are between 60,000 and 65,000
bumiputera students attending Chinese-medium schools.
Why? I know the reason but that will be the subject of another article. I will
not be surprised, and I think it is a good sign, the bumiputeras will soon
scramble for places in good schools.
English is the language of Shakespeare, Johnson, Milton, Shelly, Sheridan but
it is also the language of George Bernard Shaw, V.S. Naipul, Joseph Conrad,
Edward Said, Lee Kuan Yew, Tunku Abdul Rahman, Nehru, Sukarno, Vikram Seth,
Rehman Rashid, Munir Majid, Noordin Sopiee and many others.
English literature has enthralled and entertained readers of all ages in
foreign lands. It still does even after more than half century after the sun
set on the British Empire and it will continue to do so.
Malaysians must continue to master it like the Singaporean Chinese, Chinese
Chinese, the Indonesians and the Thais are doing.
To begin with make sure your children read widely, write and speak it all the
time. No other way exists if we want to enhance our international
competitiveness.
English, for the moment, lies outside the depth of Malaysian society because it
is not in the Malaysian foundation; but it must be brought into it. Only then,
when it exists in the right environment, can it develop.
If someone from Kok Lanas has no fear of English, there is no good reason for
other Malaysians to express reservations and resentment about the language.
When I left Kok Lanas in January 1948 for MCKK via train through Southern
Thailand to Alor Star and then to Kuala Kangsar, I was neither anxious nor
bewildered. I was instead looking forward to learning English.
In my Fifth form while my classmates were studying desperately for the
Cambridge School Certificate examination, I was desperate not to pass the exam
but dreaming to become a journalist and make my way in journalism and politics.
___________________________________________________________________________
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Visto.com. Life on the Dot.
MM Focus: ‘No more muddy nights, please!’
By T. Yogendra
03 October 2000
Send to a friend | Printable Page
FOR most Hindus in Malaysia, Deepavali – the festival of lights – is something
to look forward to.
But for a few families in Taman Koop Cuepacs in Cheras, this year’s coming
celebrations may not be what they hope for. It could even be worse.
That is exactly how they feel over the build-up of silt in a monsoon drain
running across their housing area.
After one mudslide in April last year and another incident earlier this year,
residents of Jalan Koop 1 especially, are having sleepness nights every time it
rains.
They say that if the authorities do not act soon, they will suffer a third
mudslide.
In the first two incidents, mud flooded into five terrace houses there and
destroyed most of the residents’ belongings.
At least one family said they suffered RM20,000 in damages.
A resident, pensioner K. Maheswaran, 63, said he feared what was coming next.
“Because of the last two mudslides, we are anticipating the third if nothing is
done immediately by the authorities,” he said.
Maheswaran said that even the drains, damaged when the Kajang Municipal Council
brought in their equipment to lear up the mud, have not been repaired.
“Our houses may just fall into the drain some day,” he said, adding that the
first two incidents were still fresh in their minds.
“What if it happens again during Deepavali? How are we going to celebrate?,”
said Maheswaran.
K. Selvaraju, 58, said the cleaning-up work after the mudslide is not only
frustrating but also tedious.
“We lose money and we have to clean up but we would not like this to ever
happen again,” he said.
Another resident, 69-year-old G. Muniandy, described a retaining wall along the
drain near the main road as a stumbling block as it held back water from
flowing freely.
“The wall traps the water, pushing it back to where it came from and into our
homes. When the drain is clogged, then it starts to flood,” he said.
The area’s Residents’ Association chairman, Reginald Govindan, said the matter
had been brought up with the Kajang Municipal Council repeatedly.
“But they say we are the only ones complaining and that we are fussy,”
said Reginald.
He said the retaining wall, located some 200 metres from their homes, should be
broken down and bigger drains be built.
“It is now the rainy season and there’s big downpour almost every day here. The
silt in the narrow monsoon drain is building up. If it hits hard again, there
will surely be a third mudslide,” said Reginald, adding that he complained to
the council two months ago.
“They came and desilted the drain but the silt was left to remain at the side
and so every time it rains, the silt flowed back in.”
He said it was time the drain was upgraded.
Kajang Municipal Council public relations officer Arfah Mahani Amaran said the
council will remove the mud from the drains by the end of this week.
This time, she assured, the desilted mud will be carted away by the council’s
workers and not be allowd to clog up the drain again.
However, she said, any work to improve the drainage system in the neigourhood
would take longer but the council will look into it.
___________________________________________________________________________
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Visto.com. Life on the Dot.
Many want to know the meaning and definition of ‘Islamisation’. In asking this question they must be acutely aware that the answer cannot be simple or universally acceptable. Otherwise they would have answered it themselves. It is like a layman trying to define ‘air’, we all know what it is, but not all of us can define and explain it. The same applies to the concept of Islamisation: most non-Muslims know what it means to them, in as much as most Muslims know what it, in turn, means to them - but not all can articulate it. Generally speaking, the vast majority of non-Muslims do not like what they know it means to them, conversely, many – but by no means all - Muslims do.
Some say that "Islamisation" as understood by non-Muslims is false and that is why it brings fear to their mind. These Muslims - and some non-Muslims - do have knowledge of Islamisation in a form which would not cause fear in the minds of non-Muslims. If so, why don’t they just come up with their version? Instead of throwing up more questions, raising spurious and tendentious examples and making appeals such as: "Surely, someone must be able to provide the answer?" The reason why they do this is quite clear to me. It is because they have no confidence that the ‘benign’ version they purport to understand and have knowledge of, will itself not cause fear in the minds of non-Muslims. They would rather someone else attempts to explain, so that, then, they can take potshots at it and that someone.
In her article ‘Religious Freedom’ (1998) Poh-Ling Tan said: "As a concept, Islamisation is made up of a wide range of ideas and ideologies. Its most liberal interpretation is that it should result in a renewed sense of commitment in an individual’s personal way of life, and perhaps a more public face for Islam. At it most extreme, it has engendered calls for an Islamic state based on Syariah law." Now - in the political context of Malaysia - can someone tell us - as between these two extreme interpretations – to which is PAS closer to? And, argue why it is that non-Muslims should not fear that version?
Norani Othman in her paper: ‘Shari’a Law and the rights of modern Muslim women’ (1995) identified the following three views of Islamisation in Malaysia:
‘1. A gradual strategy of Islamisation through the absorption under state sponsorship of key Islamic values into the major institutions of society. This is the policy adopted by UMNO… and hence the one which has been put into effect through government strategies…
2. A second powerful view is that of the opposition political party PAS… It has adopted the view that Islamisation should mean returning Malaysian society to the type of Islamic society which was believed to have prevailed in the early days of Islam in Arabia. This would mean reinstating the Syariah as it is traditionally understood with no concessions to modernity.
3. The third, minority, form is that of a few groups of Muslim intellectuals – such as Sisters in Islam – who seek a re-thinking of the whole of Islamic religious tradition and culture with a view to formulating a new understanding of Islam which is appropriate for modern times. They seek a Muslim culture of modernity which would abandon some of the anachronistic aspects of Islam such as the Hudud punishments and interpret Islam more in the spirit of the Quran than in strict accordance with the rulings of traditional jurists."
So Noraini has made it easier for all of us to work out with which version of Islamisation the main protagonists of it in Malaysia are associated. Can one still, honestly, maintain, for eg, that one is tempted to conclude that Kedah, under BN, has been Islamized as much as Kelantan has under PAS? It is not that PAS supporters do not know the difference. Of course they do: and that is why they support PAS – because its version of islamisation is radically and fundamentally different from UMNO’s. It is also true that they do appreciate why most non-Muslims prefer the first version of UMNO to the second version of PAS. They may not agree with them for arriving at that conclusion but they know why they do so. And, even more importantly, they know they cannot provide any rational, convincing and acceptable arguments to persuade non-Muslims to follow the path of PAS. So they play the reverse of the UMNO fear card (which has substance) and claim that it is that fear that causes those ‘foolish’ non-Muslims to reject PAS (which has no substance). Why don’t they - I wonder - try by sensible, open and credible debate, discussion and argument to convince and persuade non-Muslims that the PAS way is the superior way in contrast to UMNO’s?
The above concepts and versions of Islamisation – of Poh-Ling Tan (though a law professor) and Noraini Othman – are socio-political in nature. There is a legal/constitutional aspect to Islamisation (i.e., what limits the Constitution sets to Islamisation in Malaysia) which to needs to discussed. However, in the context of the "innocent" query: What is Islamisation?, what I have discussed above should suffice.
Is this all this mysterious journalist who interviewed the Tunku took down after a three and a half hours interview? Presumably there is more: where is it? If this interview is accurate - and I doubt it - was the Tunku (and I hate to even ask it, but I have to because of wicked people) lying in this alleged interview or in his book on the May 13 Incident? Is this not the same kind of question that the opponents of the purported statutory declaration of Norhayati (I mean the girl allegedly involved with Rahim Thamby Chik) ask? Does anyone really believe that Tun Abdul Razak, who had no reason whatsoever to doubt that he would very soon take over as PM, would allow such a scenario to unfold? Were Tun Razak and Dato Harun so foresighted and clever that they could see the exact events that occurred and followed? Is there not an element of retrospect in the details of this alleged interview?
For me, I would rather accept the version of the Tunku in his book. And nothing that I personally (and through others who were well informed and I trust) saw or heard during those horrible days, contradicts the Tunku's official version: which I have read over and over and over again.
One Mr Bala Pillai - who forwarded this posting declared: " Nothing less than a Truth & Reconciliation Commission is needed to once and for all get to the bottom of this. Lest history repeat itself, which is the default state." My response to that is that if every demand from every malcontent in society - especially over the last year - were acceded to, there would be about a hundred Royal and Independent Commissions operating and running around in Malaysia at the moment, which would have made the progress of daily life absolutely impossible, intolerable and unbearable. It is truly the silly season of conspiracy and suspicion mongering.
LJ
> [Nothing less than a Truth & Reconciliation Commission is needed to once > and for all get to the bottom of this. Lest history repeat itself, which is > the default state..../bala] > > A REPORTER'S ACCOUNT OF AN INTERVIEW WITH TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN ON > THE 13 MAY INCIDENT. > > The following statement is a factual account of the above-mentioned > event given to me by the late Tunku Abdul Rahman during an interview at his > residence in Penang in 1972. I requested to discuss the above incident and > was surprised when the appointment was given within three days. His > Secretary, a Chinese gentleman allotted me one hour and advised me not to > go into too much detail as this would tire the Tunku unnecessarily. In > fact the interview lasted three and a half-hours. Because of the very > surprising details provided to me, I think it would be best to report in a > first hand manner based on my notes written immediately after the interview. > > "It was clear to me as well as the police that in the highly charged > political atmosphere after the police were forced to kill a Chinese > political party worker on May 4th 1969 something was bound to happen to > threaten law and order because of the resentment towards the Government by > the KL Chinese on the eve of the general election. This was confirmed at > this man's funeral on the 9th May when the government faced the most > hostile crowd it had ever seen. > > Therefore when the opposition parties applied for a police permit for a > procession to celebrate their success in the results of the general > election I was adamant against it because the police were convinced that > this would lead to trouble. I informed Tun Razak about this and he seemed > to agree. > > Now without my knowledge and actually "behind my back" there were certain > political leaders in high positions who were working to force me to step > down as a PM. I don't want to go into details but if they had come to me > and said so I would gladly have retired gracefully. > > Unfortunately they were apparently scheming and trying to decide on the > best way to force me to resign. The occasion came when the question of the > police permit was to be approved. > > Tun Razak and Harun Idris the MB of the state of Selangor now felt that > permission should be given knowing fully well that there was a likelihood > of trouble. I suppose they felt that when this happened they could then > demand my resignation. > > To this day I find it very hard to believe that Razak whom I had known for > so many years would agree to work against me in this way. Actually he was > in my house as I was preparing to return to Kedah and I overhead him > speaking to Harun over the phone saying that he would be willing to approve > the permit when I left. I really could not believe what I was hearing and > preferred to think it was about some other permit. In any case as the > Deputy Prime Minister in my absence from KL he would be the Action PM and > would override my objection. Accordingly when I was in my home in Kedah I > heard over the radio that the permit had been approved. > > It seems as though the expected trouble was anticipated and planned for by > Harun and his UMNO Youth. After the humiliating insults hurled by the > non-Malays especially the Chinese and after the seeming loss of Malay > political power to them they were clearly ready for some retaliatory > action. After meeting in large numbers at Harun's official residence in > Jalan Raja Muda near Kampong Bahru and hearing inflammatory speeches by > Harun and other leaders they prepared themselves by tying ribbon strips on > their foreheads and set out to kill Chinese. The first hapless victims were > two of them in a van opposite Harun's house who were innocently watching > the large gathering. Little did they know that they would be killed on the > spot. > > The rest is history. I am sorry but I must end this discussion now because > it really pains me as the Father of Merdeka to have to relive those > terrible moments. I have often wondered why God made me live long enough > to have witnessed my beloved Malays and Chinese citizens killing each other." > > Source: http://members.xoom.com/adilmalaysia/may13.htm
A few questions will lead us to the approximate fact:
1. If the rulers (so called malay rulers) are Hindu, from where did it (hinduisme) came from to the malay archipelago(if not from India).
2. HInduization unlike certain semitic religion, never did happened through sword and blood, rather by leadership. So what can be the medium for the spreading of Hinduisme among the locals, if at all they are Malay.(if not by inter-marriage)
3. If marriage is to be taken as one of the main source Hinduization, would it be the indian male with the local female or the female indian with local male?
4. If at all either one takes place, would the malay embrace and practise maternal or paternal society?
5. If at all they (malay) were to adapt paternal social system and if it were the male indians who married the female locals,it means that the heritage is Indian. If vise versa than it would be the malay heritage.
6. As u mentioned, i see that the notion parameswara as a palembang origin is more appropriate and could lead us to some beautiful findings.
7. This means, though we are discussing the Malaysian history, we have to fall back to reveal the indonesian history as well, especialy Sumatra. A wider reading (of the Malay archipelago) will also be benefiting.
8. There are a few orientalis who did very good work when comes to indonesian history and indicated some remarkable antropological findings which should be used when the malaysian history especialy relating to the Malaca sultanate comes into question?
9. On the other hand since it is an accepted fact that the malay rulers were indeed HIndu (for some time) and HInduism couldnt have been here without the presence of Indians from Indian, we have to read and find more facts pertaining to reasons for the Indians departing from India to the Archipelago. Very little work is available to use about this perspective but a recent work by Dr.Kanchan (1990), gives remarkable insights about the expansion of the Indian kingdom apart from the proper India. (i am trying to get to this part of story and working on it, but if at all anyone of you have some references - apart from dr. kanchan's work, which could better my findings please do not hessitate to drop in a few lines).
10. And, if we were top accept the fact that the sailendra rulers (the Chola kings) came from India approximately at the end of the first millinieum and even the Sulalatus Salatin (Malay Annal) or Sejarah Melayu indicate clear evidence of the corruption of the word chola (especialy ... the Tamil Raja-Raja Cholan) to that of Raja Sulan, Raja Suran and finally Raja Chulan. so are we going to say that the rulers (sri vijaya empayar envelopes a wide range of the Malay archipelago) of Malaya or take it sumatra were locals or the indians?
It is indeed very difficult to cleanse the Indian rulers heritage totaly, even though by the later Majapahit or the Muslim Mataram.
11. So, who are the malays (though many have discussed lenghtly and often)? How did the term Malay came into existence. If the India is a corruption of 'Indus' or 'Shindu' then the term 'malay' should have its root too. but what is it. are we going to be satisfied with the Chinese source (reference) or would it be more authentic to lean to the indian sources?
How about starting off with 'Malay' as a corruption of 'Malacca' OR 'Malay' and later 'Malaya' as a corruption of 'Malayalam'
There are Indian references for malaysia called as 'malayadvipa'(the land of malaya) and also "shalamalidvipa" (i will elaborate them in my work later)
Another unfinished etymological question is that of the name 'Malacca'. If at all parameswara was facinated over the out standing scenario - 'mouse deer winning the hunting dog', he should have named the state - mouse dear? How come he analogize the tree where he is leaning as the name of the state.
According to an indian source, Malacca is a derivation from the Tamil word "Mala kam" or falling upside down.
Though this perspective is argueable, but if it happens to be strong, then the first Malacca ruler is indian, to be specific Tamilian!!!
For 1-9, go to : http://www.networkcomputing.com/1119/1119f1people_intro.html
F E A T U R E
The 10 Most Important People of the Decade
Number 10: Vinod Khosla
October 2, 2000
By Dave Fetters
People
Go to No. 9
In an industry that abounds with extremely visible corporate heads -- and many
with even more extreme egos -- the name Vinod Khosla may not leap to mind.
Although Khosla now plays behind the scenes as a venture capitalist, he is
actually revered as one of the world's most astounding technological
visionaries.
Many people would love to get into his head and learn his recipe for success.
Combining cunning business sense with amazing technological insight, Khosla has
funded, and been part of, some of the top companies in the technology field.
In the early 1980s, at the age of 27, Khosla co-founded Sun Microsystems. A
year later he joined up with Kleiner Perkins Caulfield & Byers (KPCB) as a
venture capitalist for emerging technologies. The roster of companies that
count him as a current or past board member includes Asera, Cerent Corp.,
Concentric Network Corp., Corio, Corvis Corp., Excite@Home, Juniper Networks,
Qwest Communications and Siara Systems.
Recognizing the importance of communications infrastructure early on, Khosla
laid the cornerstones on which many enterprises were built. Companies such as
Excite, Juniper Networks and Qwest Communications would not be where they are
today without Khosla's support, both financial and intellectual. He has stepped
outside the traditional venture-capitalist mentality and become an architect
who is just as concerned about building the company as he is about building his
own fortune.
Specializing in the optical market, Khosla funded Cerent--a good investment
indeed, as Cisco Systems eventually bought the company for an impressive $6.9
billion.
He also funded Siara Systems, which produced high-speed metropolitan-area and
broadband fiber optic network equipment, and was purchased last year by Redback
Networks for a cool $4.3 billion. And Khosla's most successful venture to date
is Juniper Networks, the router company that competes handily with Cisco,
producing the fastest routers at the core of the Internet. Juniper's market
cap? The company is already worth more than $62 billion. That's three companies
totaling close to $73 billion in value.
In his early days at Sun Microsystems, Khosla participated in the creation of
the first and, today, the most successful RISC-based platform, proving that
there's a world beyond the Wintel phenomenon. And as a champion of the optical
market, Khosla has made investments that have been (excuse the pun) right on
the money. It's no secret that optical networking remains one of the hottest
investment areas; optical is the technology that drives every long-haul data
network. Sooner or later, every voice and data transmission will travel over
fiber until it gets to the last mile of distribution--and Khosla saw it coming.
Acting as the mastermind behind KPCB's communications and e-business
strategies, Khosla will continue to play a crucial role in many of tomorrow's
success stories. In addition to his interest in optical technology, Khosla is
actively pursuing the ASP (application service provider) market: Attempting to
kick-start that somewhat reluctant market, he's stepped up to the plate and
launched Asera and Corio. Although the ASP market hasn't developed as quickly
as he'd like, his bullish outlook on it should pay off handsomely in the long
run.
So if you're looking to find the next hot growth area in technology, remember,
the wise money often follows Khosla.
___________________________________________________________________________
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Visto.com. Life on the Dot.
What is the Major & Bala's email add, I would send
them an invitation to join us...lol
Ben
--- joseph <mskj1@...> wrote:
> Bhuvan was Bhuvanesque as is his norm in whacking
> the nail on its head when he said that the purpose
> of MI had been met by the coming together of the
> positive energy centre of MI in the persons of Wani,
> Vijay, Bhuvan, LJ and, I am certain within the next
> 12 hours, Saba in the form of the newly formed IM.
> If one looks at the archives of MI, there is nothing
> but negativity and passivity if the postings of the
> "fabulous five" as above listed are subtracted.
>
> I would be remiss if I do not add a number of people
> who have been incredibly supportive - whether
> wittingly or unwittingly - of this "positive energy
> centre" of MI that I speak. Main among these is Ben
> Bala who has been pivotal and forward thinking is
> planting the seeds of IM, way before the, what I
> would call, inevitable emasculation of MI as we know
> it. Balachandran and the Major deserve great praise
> for the attempt to make all of us as happy and
> content as possible - even though their worthy hands
> were tied to their backs by others. If they
> eventually join IM, it would be a boon and I might
> add a natural place for them. I want to add the
> names of js and Gomathy as being inspirational
> people by virtue of their passion, integrity and,
> most importantly, love for all things Tamil and
> courage to put their money where their mouth is.
> They should join us, if someone invites them, and
> they will in due course.
>
> There has been much in the form of negative - nay
> destructive - energy on MI and these, and I do not
> want to mention names nor do I want to put in the
> terms that Bhuvan would have, except to say that I
> throw the gauntlet to them and say: that you are
> welcome on IM, but misbehave at your own peril and
> utter embarrassment.
>
> Let all know that Wani runs IM - with the help of
> others among us, of course - and that she has our
> undivided support and loyalty. If she was the
> Princess of MI, she is the Queen of IM (since I
> first called her Princess, it is appropriate that
> upgrade it to Queen myself). Assisting her is
> someone new to most of us and that is Dcslec from
> Sydney, Australia who is another moderator who will
> help with technical and other matters. His
> expertise, good heart and integrity will ensure that
> no one will be allowed to invade IM with wicked
> intentions and if they do: woe betide them!
>
> Even if we are only seven in number at the moment
> ("The Magnificent Seven"), perhaps, we will - with
> no extra effort than what we expended in MI, make IM
> into a place of learning, debating, discussion,
> tranquillity and most of all one in which the
> problems - which God knows are multitudinous - of
> Indian Malaysians (and inevitably more so Indian
> Malaysian Tamils - as they say in legal documents:
> hereinafter referred to as "IMTs") will be
> positively - as opposed to negatively - and openly
> discussed with one view and one view alone, and that
> is to find pragmatic and effective solutions to
> those problems, within the context of nation
> building in multiracial Malaysia - even though it
> must be acknowledged that Bhuvan has a more radical
> solution in which Malaysia does not play a part.
> LOL.
>
> Ask your friends to join us, but never to
> demoralised by the numbers game, whether in
> membership or postings. A small group of quality,
> integrity and tranquillity is far superior to a
> large group of the contrary. Who knows even
> Thiruvaluvar may have said something to that effect
> - he seems to have said most wise things already!
>
> LJ
>
>
>
__________________________________________________
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Dozens killed in blasts [TamilNet, October 02, 2000 13:54 GMT] At least 20 people including a candidate of the ruling People's Alliance (PA) for the Trincomalee electorate were killed Monday at 6.30 p.m. in a bomb blast at an election meeting at the Cultural Centre of Mutur, Police said. Forty-five people, including 7 policemen were wounded. The candidate Mohammed Lathif Faithullah was the Officer in Charge of the Police Intelligent service in Trincomalee district, said sources. The police said the the explosion was caused by a LTTE suicide bomber. Two body guards of Mohammed Lathif Faithullah were among the dead. The wounded were rushed to the Trincomalee hospital.
Meanwhile the Amnesty International issued a press release Monday night, condemning the attack at Muttur. The Amnesty said "the large majority of those killed were civilians and it is clear that their killing was in violation of international humanitarian law."
Earlier, three vehicles belonging to the International Committee of the Red cross were damaged at Muttur by protestors who were demanding the organisation to find three computers which were stolen from Muttur Central College on Saturday.
In a separate incident, four military trained policemen who were traveling in a jeep were injured when a bomb exploded at Kaluthaavalai, 18 km. south of Batticaloa around 4.30 p.m. Monday, security sources said.
The bomb was concealed in a bicycle parked on the road side police said. The explosion occurred on the Batticaloa-Kaluwanchikudi main road.
The policemen retaliated by firing indiscriminately residents told TamilNet sources in the eastern town.
A 14-year old boy was killed and a civilian was seriously injured in the incident.
The civilian who was injured in the incident was identified as Ilayathambi Ganesan,42. He has been admitted at the Batticaloa hospital.
The wounded policemen have been admitted to the Ampara hospital, the sources said.
Artillery duels in Thenmaradchi [TamilNet, October 02, 2000 14:59 GMT] The Liberation Tigers have stepped up artillery and mortar attacks on Sri Lanka Army (SLA) camps in Varani in the Thenmaradchi sector and Nagar Kovil in the Vadamaradchi East, since Sunday night, said sources. SLA troops at Kudathanai, north of Nakarkovil were retaliating by firing shells towards LTTE held areas, the sources added. Meanwhile Sri Lanka Army allowed 249 families to travel to Vadamaradchi, escaping from the war-zones of Thenmaradchi, Sunday. About 1500 people arrived in Vadamaradchi on Saturday.
Civilians who have arrived at Vadamaradchi said about 250 people belonging to 65 families are trapped in a housing scheme at Mirusuvil. They said the SLA troops were not allowing them to move out of the war-zone.
The civilians who have arrived in Vadamaradchi are housed at various schools in Pt.Pedro and are being looked after by Sri Lanka Red Cross Society, the sources said.
Meanwhile SLA soldiers cordoned off the village of Kudathanai and Manalkadhu north of Nagar Kovil in the Vadamaradchi east Sunday.
The soldiers on Sunday morning summoned the villagers of Kudathanai to an open space near the Cooperative Stores and checked their identity, the sources said. In the evening the villagers of Manalkadu were asked to assemble at St.Antonys Church and were their identity were checked. The troops simultaneously searched the houses in Manalkadhu, the sources added.
BBC News - Monday, 2 October, 2000, 14:53 GMT 15:53 UK
Six low caste Hindus shot dead
Police in the Indian state of Bihar say at least six lower caste Hindus have been shot dead.
The police say they believe the killers were members of the outlawed People's War Group.
The attacks occured on Sunday night in three villages near the state capital, Patna.
Police say those killed are believed to have been supporters of another left-wing party -- the Communist Party of India Marxist-Leninist-Liberation.
According to the police the two groups have been engaged in a bitter battle for supremacy in the state, which has often seen them targeting each other's supporters.
BBC News - Monday, 2 October, 2000, 15:57 GMT 16:57 UK
Sri Lanka blast targets rally
Suicide attacks are usually blamed on Tamil rebels
At least 20 people, including a parliamentary candidate, have been killed in a bomb blast at a rally in north-east Sri Lanka, according to police.
The explosion took place at a meeting of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) in the town of Muttur as their parliamentary candidate, identified as Baithullah, addressed supporters.
More than 40 people have been injured in the bomb attack.
Navy boats are being sent to the area to evacuate the injured.
The blast is being blamed on a suicide bomber.
Police said the bomber arrived at the rally on a bicycle with the explosive hidden under his shirt.
Upon detonation, ball-bearings were flung into the air in all directions.
Such attacks have become the hallmark of Tamil Tiger rebels.
Bloody campaign
Mr Baithullah is the second candidate to be assassinated since parliament was dissolved in August ahead of elections next week.
His party is allied to the ruling People's Alliance (PA).
Last month, a candidate for the People's Alliance was gunned down by suspected Tamil Tigers in the eastern district of Batticaloa.
Officials say politicians have been warned of more attacks in coming days.
Trends so far suggest that this vote will be one of the bloodiest in recent times.
There have been over 800 cases of violence, with over a dozen people killed in election-related attacks in areas which are otherwise regarded as relatively peaceful.
The government and Tamil rebels are currently fighting for control of territory in the north of the country - although voting will not be taking place in these areas.
About 65,000 people have so far died in the country's 17-year-old civil war.
By BRAHMA CHELLANEY[Singapore ST, October 3, 2000]
AFTER a distinct pro-US shift in its foreign policy, India is now welcoming the leader of old friend Russia.
The focus of President Vladimir Putin's four-day visit is on reviving sagging ties with India.
Today's qualitatively different world demands a qualitatively different Indo-Russian relationship.
Mr Putin's strategic partnership with New Delhi will be poles apart from the Indo-Russian partnership that assassinated Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi helped forge in 1971.
Russian policymaking has transformed radically, with private empires filling the power vacuum created by communism's demise.
In place of barter, hard cash is the norm.
And in place of a centralised system for negotiations or placing orders, India has to cope with a Russian decision-making structure more diffused than New Delhi's.
With the evaporation of ideology, the business of Russian foreign policy is increasingly business.
Private empires that have been built through dishonest capture of state assets have immense clout in Russian policy.
These Russian conglomerates are mammoth.
Gazprom commands one-third of the world's natural-gas reserves, while the petroleum reserves controlled by Lukoil and Yuksi put them in the same league as the big US oil companies.
Some Russian private empires also control media and banking businesses.
SEALING ARMS DEALS
THEN there are government exporting agencies like Rosvooruzheniye that have pushed aggressively for arms sales to China, prevailing over the defence ministry's objections. India remains a major buyer of Russian arms, particularly of components worth US$1.5 billion (S$2.6 billion) a year for indigenous production of Soviet-model tanks, aircraft and weapon systems. The arms transactions are not reflected in the bilateral trade figures. In the past decade, the only major weapons system India bought from Russia are the Sukhoi-30 fighter jets. During Mr Putin's visit, several arms deals are being signed, including the sale of T-90 battle tanks and an old aircraft carrier. Despite the durability and attractive prices of Russian arms, the fact remains that India has been facing continuing delays and problems in supplies of defence components and weapons as a result of the serious crisis facing the Russian military complex. With real capital investment falling by more than four-fifths in recent years, Russian civil and military infrastructure is falling apart. Indo-Russian defence cooperation is getting limited by the extent to which Russia has sunk. US national incomes and gross domestic product (GDP) fell by a third during the Great Depression, while the past decade has seen Russia's real per capita incomes go down by 80 per cent and GDP by 55 per cent. 6 LOST OPPORTUNITIES6 mtr,9 WITH the new robber barons spiriting out Russia's riches, US$180 billion flowed out in the 1990s and only US$10 billion came in. A recent United Nations Development Programme study shows that under mass privatisation, nearly one-third of Russia's population has slipped under the poverty line. With a massive external debt of US$160 billion that requires US$1 billion a month in principal alone to be repaid, Russia needs hard cash from swift arms sales. China has been ably tapping the cash-and-carry opportunities in the Russian market, picking up a number of sensitive technologies. The US was quick to buy advanced Russian space and rocket technologies cheaply in the early 1990s. In contrast, India's cumbersome bureaucratic procedures and preference for government-to-government contracts have been a hindrance. When alluring opportunities opened up post-1991 to pick up important strategic items off the Russian shelf, India's defence expenditure was plunging so sharply that New Delhi did not have the dough to go beyond its earlier import commitments. Also, India's decision-making is so slow that by the time it is ready to place an order, the opportunity may have been lost. Now that Russia has integrated itself fully with Western technology-control cartels, such as the Missile Technology Control Regime and Wassenaar Arrangement, it curtails India's but not China's access to Russian strategic items. Mr Putin's visit is an occasion for India and Russia to discuss wider strategic cooperation beyond the patron-client arms-supply ties. The two nations have fairly common interests and concerns focused on the entire region between their borders.
The writer, a strategic affairs expert, contributed this commentary to The Straits Times.
Choice Bollywood fare for Putin suite [Singapore ST, October 3, 2000]
NEW DELHI -- Visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin has asked for the latest Indian blockbuster hits to be available at his hotel suite in New Delhi, India's Hindustan Times reported yesterday.
""We have been given special instructions to get the latest Hindi and English films, and we have tried to place some of the best selections in his suite,'' an unnamed official told the newspaper.
By the time Mr Putin and his wife Lyudmila leave, they should be able to hum the hit song, Sar pe lal topi Rusi phir bhee dil hai Hindustani (I'm wearing a red Russian hat but my heart remains Indian), the Hindustan Times said.
Mr Putin, in New Delhi and Bombay for a three-day official visit until Thursday, is spending two nights at the luxury Maurya Sheraton hotel, which played host to US President Bill Clinton in March.
In contrast to his predecessor Boris Yeltsin, who is famous for his drinking bouts, the 47-year-old Putin had not asked for any bottles of vodka for his minibar, the newspaper added. --AFP
Bhuvan was Bhuvanesque as is his norm in whacking the nail on its head when he said that the purpose of MI had been met by the coming together of the positive energy centre of MI in the persons of Wani, Vijay, Bhuvan, LJ and, I am certain within the next 12 hours, Saba in the form of the newly formed IM. If one looks at the archives of MI, there is nothing but negativity and passivity if the postings of the "fabulous five" as above listed are subtracted.
I would be remiss if I do not add a number of people who have been incredibly supportive - whether wittingly or unwittingly - of this "positive energy centre" of MI that I speak. Main among these is Ben Bala who has been pivotal and forward thinking is planting the seeds of IM, way before the, what I would call, inevitable emasculation of MI as we know it. Balachandran and the Major deserve great praise for the attempt to make all of us as happy and content as possible - even though their worthy hands were tied to their backs by others. If they eventually join IM, it would be a boon and I might add a natural place for them. I want to add the names of js and Gomathy as being inspirational people by virtue of their passion, integrity and, most importantly, love for all things Tamil and courage to put their money where their mouth is. They should join us, if someone invites them, and they will in due course.
There has been much in the form of negative - nay destructive - energy on MI and these, and I do not want to mention names nor do I want to put in the terms that Bhuvan would have, except to say that I throw the gauntlet to them and say: that you are welcome on IM, but misbehave at your own peril and utter embarrassment.
Let all know that Wani runs IM - with the help of others among us, of course - and that she has our undivided support and loyalty. If she was the Princess of MI, she is the Queen of IM (since I first called her Princess, it is appropriate that upgrade it to Queen myself). Assisting her is someone new to most of us and that is Dcslec from Sydney, Australia who is another moderator who will help with technical and other matters. His expertise, good heart and integrity will ensure that no one will be allowed to invade IM with wicked intentions and if they do: woe betide them!
Even if we are only seven in number at the moment ("The Magnificent Seven"), perhaps, we will - with no extra effort than what we expended in MI, make IM into a place of learning, debating, discussion, tranquillity and most of all one in which the problems - which God knows are multitudinous - of Indian Malaysians (and inevitably more so Indian Malaysian Tamils - as they say in legal documents: hereinafter referred to as "IMTs") will be positively - as opposed to negatively - and openly discussed with one view and one view alone, and that is to find pragmatic and effective solutions to those problems, within the context of nation building in multiracial Malaysia - even though it must be acknowledged that Bhuvan has a more radical solution in which Malaysia does not play a part. LOL.
Ask your friends to join us, but never to demoralised by the numbers game, whether in membership or postings. A small group of quality, integrity and tranquillity is far superior to a large group of the contrary. Who knows even Thiruvaluvar may have said something to that effect - he seems to have said most wise things already!
Dr Syed Alwi Ahmad raises some interesting and important points that cannot be ignored, nor should they be supported unquestioningly (Secular humanism not likely, Sept 30-Oct 1). He says that a secular humanist tendency (not identical to secular humanism per se) is not compatible with Islam in Malaysia. Why not?
At its most essential level, Islam benefits humanity and serves human concerns. As a religion, it is also universalist, knowing no national borders. It is none other than the Malaysian government that began with emphasising Islamic values, then this was changed to "universal values", before it became "Asian values". The universality and humanity at the root of Islam should never be forgotten.
Let us also not forget that Islam began as an Asian religion, as did all the world's great religions. It began in West Asia. To stress the universal and human nature of Islam and its roots is to give it credit, to build on it, recognise its history, understand its development, and enrich it with a wider application for the human race. Nothing wrong with that.
Now take the opposite viewpoint. Islam is exclusivist, closed, parochial, and limited only to those who practise it - fervently. You then end up with a chauvinistic community of holier-than-thou Muslims. You then have a PAS and an Umno forever competing against each other, to the detriment of Muslims and non-Muslims alike. You have needless arguments, factionalism and division among the ummah. That cannot be good.
Worse still, you have a tendency in the opposite of humanism - of intolerance, politicisation, extremism and violence. You have crazy cultism. Muslims are divided, fighting among themselves rather than strengthening their community and facing their real enemies, as our prime minister has warned repeatedly.
What worries thinking Muslims and non-Muslims in Malaysia in particular is that the drift now is in the negative direction. Many so-called Muslims wear their religion on their sleeve, using it as a shield or an advertisement, whether or not they are really that religious deep down. They are preoccupied with the surface manifestations of Islam. That cannot be good for Muslims or their faith.
Syed Alwi seems to be taking the easy way out by arguing that what exists is the only way. But do Malaysians, Muslim and non-Muslim, have the courage and imagination to think better of Islam? Can they look into the more human and universalist aspects of the religion to ensure that it continues to progress, without becoming hostage to politics?
What Syed Alwi says only reinforces existing problems, and fails to assess the situation critically to improve it. If we all accept what is given as the best or only way, there can be no progress or development. Indonesia next door has the world's largest Muslim population, but Indonesians have fewer hang-ups about their identity. How come?
Jane, in her Subtly racist policies of S'pore (Sept 29) appraisal of Singapore, has confused meritocracy with racism. Her years of schooling in Singapore would have been wasted if she failed to see that Singapore is fundamentally very different from Malaysia.
Devoid of minerals and agricultural land, Singapore relies on its only natural resources for her survival, the people. In order to keep up with the times economically, Singapore has no choice but to enhance the best software she has, again the people. Singapore, at one time, was a leading manufacturer of transistor radios.
Streaming in an educational system is meant to identify and develop the cream of the crop. There is nothing sinister about that when everyone is scored on an even basis. You have 100 points to start with. The less you lose, the better you are. What is wrong with that?
If it so happens that a certain race group scores higher than the others, is it racism? The questions in the exam papers are the same. Just because you don't know the answer doesn't mean you can shout "racist". Take countries like Japan and Taiwan. The weaker students can't use the racism bogey because their societies are almost homogenous and are also based on meritocracy.
Singaporean Malays have come a long way. Life in Singapore is a big challenge and one doesn't have to remind the Singaporean Malays to work hard because they already have. Jane's contention that the education streaming system in Singapore is a bias against the Malays is an insult to them. It is like telling them that they won't get anywhere without the government's help.
Regarding the birth-control policy, things have changed dramatically. The two-child policy of yesteryears was based on calculations that the nation can only sustain an "x" number of people. This number has since changed. The government now encourages four children with benefits for the third and fourth child regardless of race.
Granted, the attempt at "genetic engineering", rather than "racial engineering" that Jane mentioned, was a mistake at the time. Sterilisation then was for women of all races and if Jane infers it to be a racial control instead of a population control, then I must say that her suspicion is unfounded.
At the end the day, for Singapore to succeed, the cream must rise to the top. It doesn't matter what colour they are.
Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad's Merdeka Day warning on the dangers of extremism reflects how quickly discussions on such sensitive issues as special privileges can degenerate.
His stern remarks were prompted by the purported demands by Suqiu, a coalition of Chinese organisations, to abolish special privileges for Bumiputras. This precipitated a ballistic response from Umno Youth, and from thereon the controversy rapidly went downhill.
As subsequent developments amply demonstrate, such controversies are not only highly divisive but detract from the more difficult task at hand: making all Malaysians competitive. Is preferential policy the solution or the problem?
A year ago then education minister Najib Razak lamented that without quotas, Malays would constitute only about five percent of local undergraduates. I expected his remark to stimulate deep soul searching; instead there were shrill calls for increasing the quota, that is, more of the same stalled strategy.
Even if the government were to expand special privileges and make, for example, our civil service and public universities exclusively for Bumiputras, that would evoke minimal resistance.
Sure, there would be rabble-rousing rhetoric from the likes of Lim Kit Siang, but for most Malaysians life would go on. Observe how Chinese leaders are now desperately disassociating themselves from Suqiu. Significantly, such an expansion would have little practical impact on non-Bumiputras. Few now want to be policemen, soldiers or teachers. And with the proliferation of private colleges, there would be no shortage of non-Bumiputra graduates.
Instead of being destructively consumed with envy and jealousy, non-Bumiputras have shrewdly learned to be motivated by these exclusionary practices. They have also wisely concluded that if special privileges are the price they have to pay for peace and stability, so be it. They rationalise it as society's protection money, evil but necessary.
Revamp education and training
For Bumiputras, however, expansion of special privileges in their present form would be disastrous. Our public universities, now on a downward slide, would accelerate their decline. Our civil service already lags the private sector; imagine if it is made more insular.
Among bright and talented young Malays, government jobs are not even on their radar screen, their horizons extending far beyond. Their's are to join the Intels and JP Morgans of the world, not the civil service, Pernas or UDA.
The single most important avenue for enhancing competitiveness is through education and training. Unfortunately today, Malays have the highest school dropout rates. Our students pursue subjects that ill equip them for the modern economy. They flock to religious schools, where indoctrination masquerades as education, and the obsession deep into the hereafter.
The solution is not to close these madrasahs but to modernise them. Church affiliated schools and colleges in America produce their share of the nation's scholars, scientists, and executives. Harvard started out to train clergymen but is now famous for other than its divinity school.
Our religious schools must be revamped so that Islamic Studies is only one of many subjects, not the consuming curriculum. These students must be taught English, science, and mathematics. And if they later become ulama, they will be better for it. They can then do more than merely chant Arabic incantations when faced with the problems of their flock.
Our rural schools are a disgrace. Upgrade them with air-conditioned classrooms, plentiful computers, and decent teachers' quarters. Double the teachers' pay if that is what it takes to attract them.
As most of these students are poor, I would provide breakfast, snacks and lunches, as in the US. With air-conditioned classrooms, extend the school hours. Have the students stay in the afternoon to do their studying and homework, and to take part in extra-curricular activities. When they go home it is only to sleep and enjoy family life.
For those not academically inclined, I would have vocational schools that are closely tied to industry, fashioned along the German "Dual System", Train Malays to be mechanics, plumbers and electricians rather than squandering money on Rakan Muda, Bina Negara and other faddish public works exercises.
Reward bright Malays handsomely. If they are smart enough to be admitted to top-rank universities, for example, they should automatically get scholarships.
But please, no more rewarding mediocrity by sending students to expensive third-rate foreign institutions. Our students will respond if we demand higher expectations.
In awarding public contracts and shares, I would favour those who are technically trained as a means of showing our respect and appreciation for their efforts.
Expensive remedy? Yes, but consider the alternative, with these youngsters becoming non-productive dregs of society. Actually the cost would be minuscule compared with the billions expended by Danaharta in bailing out Bumiputra corporations.
If we spend more on schools and less on coddling inept entrepreneurs, we would be ahead. The failure of these companies is no reflection of Bumiputra competence in or aptitude for commerce. They fail precisely because they are state sponsored. Similar companies in China (Gitic) and India (Air India) suffer the same fate.
Anticipatory stereotype
Apart from their drag on the economy, special privileges also exact a heavy burden on their recipients. Any system will have failures. Non-Bumiputras who do not make it can conveniently blame the system rather than themselves - a healthy defence. If only they lived in Singapore or China, they rationalise, they would be successful.
For Bumiputras who fail however, the psychological toll can be very stiff. They already harbour inner doubts, hence the special privileges in the first place. Now despite the extra help, they still fail; thus they must be "real losers."
This anticipatory stereotype, as psychologists refer to, is the hidden silent burden imposed by special privileges. I have seen its devastating impact on students and young entrepreneurs. More tragically, such individuals will pass on their negative self-image onto their children, thus perpetuating the stereotype.
In Silicon Valley a failed businessman proudly displays his failures, as a war hero would his battle scars, and bravely moves on. But Malays who stumble rarely recover, a victim of anticipatory stereotyping. Unchecked, it breeds a culture of non risk-taking, which is hardly conducive to progress. These disastrous consequences of special privileges must not be underestimated.
There is a fine art in helping people. Skillfully done, they blossom into their full potential; poorly done and they become hopelessly dependent.
Malays should be like our durian trees, requiring staking only as saplings and later growing into towering trees and rewarding their caretakers with bountiful fruits.
We should not be like decorative vines with their luxuriant foliage, only to collapse without their trellises.
"Seeing it my way" is a regular commentary by M BAKRI MUSA, a surgeon in Silicon Valley, California and the author of The Malay Dilemma Revisited: Race Dynamics in Modern Malaysia. Bakri's column appears every first weekend of the month. His views on Malaysia can be stated thus: Ours is a diverse nation; we can accept and celebrate this reality or by default, it becomes a liability.
It is extremely heartening to read Bakri Musa's Missing the mark on special privileges (Sept 30-Oct 1). The article shows he is an enlightened man and our politicians from all communities would do well to absorb the wisdom in his article.
He has highlighted how special privileges can be constructively used to create quality people in the Malay community, something one would have thought that the educated Umno leadership would understand.
The fact is privileges should not mean hand-outs without any qualifying criteria. Excellence must be promoted and while it is a difficult task there is unfortunately no shortcut to manpower development and ultimately the country's future.
It is extremely sad that for so many years after the implementation of the New Economic Policy, Najib Razak lamented that without quotas, Malays would constitute only about five percent of local undergraduates and as Bakri Musa states while he expected Najib's remark to stimulate deep soul searching; instead there were shrill calls for increasing the quota, that is, more of the same stalled strategy.
The point is obvious - in this country politics is everything! And that really is one of the roots of our problems. So much is politicised and when it is, the veil of "sensitive issues" looms large in and clouds everything.
As in any country there will always be those who are quite happy to exploit such issues for their personal benefit, especially the retention of political power. Whatever, the situation now is that non-Bumiputras feel they are helpless because of this political climate.
The fact is, the Malays can be as competitive as anyone else in the developed world - but not with the way the current system is working. One cannot win medals without excellence and this means discipline and hard work must supplement any "innate" qualities one may have inherited through one's genes!
The unfortunate fact is, over the last 30 years, while economic progress has been made, it is not underpinned by quality factors. Education is one such factor. Our universities, if the Asiaweek survey of Asian universities is to be believed, are way down in quality.
Mediocrity cannot lead to anything except mediocrity and worse. Has the government conducted a survey to find out many university staff publish research papers in international journals? Without quality education where is the future?
This is a country of great potential but its realisation will depend on more than politics.
Dear Princess(of now temporarily defunct MIforum)
Hi Wani,
Glad to have you here.Our numbers would grow soon. Meanwhile invite
Uncle Saba in here too and others of course.
Ben
One of the most significant changes to the British legal landscape has come into force as the European Convention on Human Rights becomes part of UK law.
The Human Rights Act, hailed by some as the most important British legal development for centuries, means that UK citizens will be able to take the state and its agencies to court to enforce basic human rights.
As test cases prepared to go to the courts, the Lord Chancellor, Lord Irvine, said it would promote a new culture of respect for human rights that would permeate all of public life.
The Act means that people who believe that their rights have been breached will no longer have to go directly to the European Court of Human Rights to seek redress, a situation that has existed since 1966.
Test cases
While the entire legal profession agrees that the Act is a landmark, a question mark is already hanging over how many cases will be brought and how many will succeed.
Cases expected to go to the courts include:
A challenge to NHS pension regulations which discriminate against unmarried couples
A human rights defence by the former MI5 officer David Shayler in his forthcoming trial
An attempt by a jailed armed robber to have some prison procedures ruled inhuman
The Act has already been in force in Scotland since devolution. Critics of the legislation say that the Scottish courts have been swamped with around 600 cases, though 98% were ruled inadmissible.
But Lord Irvine dismissed predictions of chaos as scaremongering.
"This Act will prove to be a major legislative monument of this Government," he said.
"It will promote a culture of respect for human rights which will affect and be applied by all government departments and bodies exercising public functions.
"We shouldn't see it in terms of winners and losers. I find it depressing when the floodgates argument is used.
"Do we want to support people's human rights or not? Surely the answer is yes."
Lord Irvine said that while he expected some lawyers to "chance their arms" with the new legislation, it would "in time, all settle down."
"I do not think anyone who thinks about it for a single second could dispute the proposition that if basic human rights are trampled on, then there should be a remedy."
Key case areas
Under the act, all public authorities - and those private bodies which have a public function - must ensure that their policies are compatible with the European Human Rights Convention.
If a court rules that they are not, ministers will be under pressure to amend legislation. But unlike in the United States, judges will not be able to strike down laws.
Areas of life which may be most affected are privacy from press intrusion, the right of all religions and lifestyles to practice free from discrimination and even local authority social services decisions.
The NHS is also expecting a number of challenges over "postcode treatment" or refusal to supply certain medicines.
Court discretion
There is also a question mark over how far the courts will be prepared to go to back certain cases, including sexual equality actions.
Stonewall, the gay and lesbian rights campaigners has said while it doesn't expect the Act to lead to approval for same-sex marriages, it does expect to make significant in-roads into dealing with discrimination issues.
To mark the full introduction of the Human Rights Act into British law, BBC News Online is publishing a series on its impact from Monday 2 October. Come back each day to find out more.
The spectacular Sydney 2000 Olympics opening ceremony put to shame the Atlanta edition which came through as a third-rate Hollywood production. It also delivered a surprise when the country's Aborigines were given a major role despite the acrimonious relationship between them and the white government.
It could be that the original inhabitants' role in the history of the continent could not be ignored, but still their share of the world's premier sporting event was generous and provided a visual feast.
One just could not help but cast the mind to our hosting of the Commonwealth Games two years ago. We patted ourselves on the back for the grandness of the opening ceremony, as did quite a number of foreigners.
I was still working then and the following day I had to field questions from outraged Indians who wanted to know why the community had been left out of the opening ceremony's cultural show. I had to exercise restrain and patience as the callers vented their spleen. Their anger was justified.
A whole community treated as though they didn't exist. As though their feelings did not matter a jot. The history of their contributions to the nation practically dumped into the bin.
And there at the grandstand seated at the VIP section was the self-proclaimed leader of the Indian community and president of MIC, S Samy Vellu, together with his other cabinet colleagues. What thoughts ran through his mind in those moments will remain his secret. As far as I can recollect, there was not a single peep out of him over the issue.
Another telling example is of the two Indian members of the Malaysian expedition who made it to the peak of Mt Everest. Shortly thereafter a question was raised in Parliament: "Why didn't the two wait for the others to catch up with them?" The query, of course, came from the government side of the House.
What that MP did not realise was the shocking ignorance he had displayed which did not reflect well at all on the August House. Did he really think that ascending the highest mountain in the world is as challenging as a stroll around his garden? What was implied in that question is, how dare the Indians be the first. The MP must have drawn his inspiration from the "30 percent" Umno mentality.
Muddled thinking
These two incidences crystalise the treatment meted out to members of this community for ages.
Then in last year's general election, they went out and voted for Barisan Nasional, playing a crucial role in the results of some constituencies. Presumably because they could not really trust the opposition or were so thoroughly brainwashed that they voted like automatons.
What provoked this froth at the mouth is the sudden resurfacing of the Indian gangsters issue after a five-year lapse. There should be no muddled thinking about this. The problem is mostly confined to the Tamil-speaking community and should not embrace the others who also share the Indian tag.
Because the country has been so heavily racially politicised, the question why the sudden lather over the high percentage of Indian criminal elements in society rises. Suspicion also grows that the government's main motive for this display of a caring attitude could be a cynical vote-getting tactic.
It's not that far-fetched an idea when seen in the context of Prime Minister and Umno president Dr Mahathir Mohamad personally taking charge of reviving the fortunes of a very factionalised party, apparently taking a leaf out of PAS' book of non-stop political campaigning.
One can be sure that he is keeping eyes on the next poll, which is approaching at a steady clip, when every vote will count. While the Umno president sets out on his task to win back Malay support, two corporations are chipping in with their TV commercials to court the others including Indians.
One comes from Petronas whose video clip shows a palm oil plantation with rows of white-clad young Indians doing stretching exercises. The camera zooms in on a little girl who smiles ever so prettily. The eyes are big and sparkle with good health.
The message is on racial unity but the subliminal one appears to be that Indians never had it so good. A squatter colony location would have been closer to the truth but that would have defeated the purpose of the exercise in illusion.
The other by Milo highlights Indian athletes breasting the tape in various track events. The prominence given to the community is rare, bordering on non-existent. But I am quite sure that quite a few Indians' laugh would have been laced with bitterness.
The commercials could be a hit with those waddling jewellery cases clad in dhoti and silk shirts and sarees that gather annually to celebrate their status in society and listen to Samy Vellu's monologue and swallow his scoldings without a murmur. These people, constant travellers to India, live in a world light-years from those families who have lost members to the underworld through circumstances beyond their control.
Those families are the dispossessed. Exchanging their lives in rubber estates for squatter colonies and now languishing in crowded longhouses. With promises of proper housing reneged on they have little hope of ever moving into homes of their own.
They drifted to squatter settlements after being chucked out of house and home when rubber land was sold for development where the drive for profits takes precedence over human misery. Children growing up in such an environment face a future heavily pregnant with uncertainties and fear. With hardly any difference between squatter colonies and longhouses in their squalor and stink, they provide rich recruiting grounds for recruitment into a life of crime.
Deaf ears
When Bukit Aman deputy CID director Datuk Ramil Yusof reportedly said there are 38 Indian gangs with more than 1,500 active members, Samy Vellu reacted as if he had been caught with his pants down.
Straightaway he blamed the government for not doing enough to curb the problem as though his pleas for help had fallen on deaf ears, raising the question which government is he talking about. Isn't he a member of the ruling administration?
That statement must have been meant for solely for the consumption of the Indian community. He must think that they are so dense that he and MIC can be absolved from the gangster issue after they have also declared themselves to the sole champions of Indians.
Perhaps it was an attempt at diversionary tactics, so that the community won't ask what the party was doing for five years while the sore was festering. If so, it was a pathetic one.
Then he turned his accusing his eyes on rich towkays, saying they are the ones who are recruiting Indian youth into their triad societies. Why has he been keeping this a closely guarded secret? If he can say towkays then he must know who they are.
There is no indication that he had lodged a police report on the matter. Or is he following his master's example and picking on the Chinese?
Samy Vellu then hogtied himself with this contradiction, saying MIC is the only party that can save Indian youth. Hear that? That was my unhinged jaw crashing to the floor. He has been chanting this saving the Indians mantra ever since when.
Five years since the issue was brought to light by the then deputy home minister Megat Junid Megat Ayob, the situation seems to have remained unchanged or turned for the worse. As per normal, MIC swung into action for the benefit of the mass media, cleaning up an Indian settlement off Old Klang Road and then retreated when the issue died down.
Others blame the violence in Tamil films for Indian youth turning to crime which is a simplistic view. However, there in another and more insidious element most people have overlooked. The next time you watch a Tamil movie look out for dollops of self-pity being dealt out in generous proportions. It is an opiate that robs an individual of self-respect and the will to overcome challenges.
Law of karma
My own feeling on this is that the caste system, which I believe has still a strong hold on the community, married to the total belief that one is a helpless victim of the law of karma, have done great damage.
Karma and caste can provide very convenient excuses for not taking any initiative to improve one's lot. In other words, a blind acceptance of fate.
But those who took to a life of crime clearly show that they have broken through the chains that bound them, to prey on the society that had betrayed them.
However, there are others in the ethnic group, members of Indian non-governmental organisations that are doing their best to educate the community and give hope to the younger ones.
This could be a pointer that Indians should no longer look to political parties as their saviour.
In fact, all of us, regardless of race, must learn to manipulate them into serving the interests of society instead of themselves.
Hold politicians hostage with the most effective political weapon - the ballot. It does not matter what side they belong to, the government or opposition. They are all the same no matter what noble sentiments they profess to hold. They are after the most aphrodisiac and addictive of fruits. Power.
The route to that is through the people, so politicians must be made to sweat for the privileges and perks they desire, as the Umno leaders are doing now. At least for that party, a lesson in the proper workings of democracy has been taught and appears to have been learnt.
But pressure must continue to be applied so that people are no longer taken for granted. Those holding public office exist at the pleasure of the people. And the public must not allow itself to be fooled by the words of politicians. Judge them by their actions which they cannot hide.
K SUGU began his journalistic career in 1964 and has worked in the New Straits Times, The Star and The Sun. He became a Buddhist monk in 1981 and had his first taste of press freedom when he worked in Bangkok for The Nation. He is now retired and spends his time writing and trying to get a handle on the fleeting nature of life.
I have read most, if not all, of Dr Farish A Noor's articles on malaysiakini. It appears that he is very much for the propagation of a secular humanist worldview among Malaysian Muslims.
While I do share his view that PAS with its Islamic agenda may face severe ideological difficulties in reconciling with the multi-cultural, multi-religious texture of contemporary, industrialising Malaysia, I do beg to differ on the resolution of such issues.
I dare claim that the secular-Islamic schism in Malaysia is a permanent feature of the Malaysian landscape. In fact, it is precisely this divide that is responsible for the development of political parties along ethnic lines.
In my opinion, the one single difference between Umno and PAS is that Umno recognises and acknowledges the socio-political voice of non-Muslims, whereas PAS feels that it can sideline the political will of non-Muslims a la the Jizyah mode of reasoning. Otherwise, both political parties are merely manifestations of the role of Islam within a Muslim society.
Furthermore, Article 153 of the Constitution in recognising the special position of the Malays, inadvertently thrusts upon political thought, the constraints imposed by the intimate links between the Malay adat and Islam. In view of this, any attempt to further the ideology of secular humanism within the context of a multi-religious Malaysia will no doubt be viewed as an attempt to dilute the Islamic character of Malaysia's Muslims (which accounts for 60 percent of her population).
Without reservations, I say that such an act is in fact a politically dangerous and impossible feat. More so in this era of globalisation and Western socio-economic hegemony - where it is all to easy to confuse secular humanism with "Westernisation".
In this regard, I share similar views with Singapore's Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew, in that the socio-political development of Asian cultures is fundamentally different from the West. Asia has never had a "Renaissance" that led to a "Reformation" under the auspices of a Judaeo-Christian sociology.
Furthermore, it is far from clear to me, how orthodox Islam can be reconciled with the paradigms of secular humanism. It would appear that the central role of reason (i.e. scientific rationalism), coupled with an individualistic social outlook, is in flat contradiction with the nature of Divine Revelation and the "absolute truths" of Islamic tenets.
Consequently, nothing short of a world-wide "modification" of Islamic beliefs will ever change the nature of Muslim societies. Of course, this runs counter to the Islamic belief that Islam is a complete and perfect "way of life"; that Islamic teachings are immutable and were codified 1400 years ago.
Therefore, I conclude that secular humanism as espoused by certain quarters, will never take root in Muslim Malaysia. And that the issue of race and religion is and will always be a feature of Malaysian politics.
To quote Mahathir, those who say "forget race and religion", are either naives [sic] or knaves.
THE STAR Monday November 24 1997
THE ROOT OF CASTE EVILS
By WANI MUTHIAH
FOR many Malaysians - including a large number of Hindus the four-tiered class
system made up of the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras, known as the
Varnadharma is a mysterious entity of sorts.
It is believed that the system was brought into India by the Aryan invaders
from the Baltic region.
The warring Aryans had already had a well-divided social system (the
trivarnic social order) when they conquered the Dravidians. Under this system,
the Aryans were divided into Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas.
(The Dravidians are the natural inhabitants of India who are today the people
of the southern states i.e. Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and
Pondichery. Dravidians in Malaysia are the Tamils, Malayalees and Telegus).
Some scholars say that the Aryans made them their slaves and created another
group called Sudra which became the fourth rung in the Aryan social system,
Varnadharma.
According to G.S. Ghurye in his book Caste And Race In India, "Varna is a
Sanskrit term meaning colour. The fair-skinned Aryans subjugated the
dark-skinned indigenous people and made them Sudras who were considered
defiling.''
Under this system, the Brahmins were placed at the apex of the class pyramid
and their supreme status was based on their rituals and religious function as an
intermediary between God and
man.
They were also considered the embodiment of the highest ideals of Hindu
society and therefore, were awarded a prestigious position in the class
hierarchy.
Next on the scale came the Kshatriyas, the ruling class. They were mostly
engaged in soldiering activities.
Vaisyas, who were involved in trading activities, formed the third category.
The Sudras were made to perform common duties and serve the other three
groups.
One becomes a Sudra under one of the following seven circumstances:
i. A coward who ran away from war
ii. Captured as a prisoner of war
iii. Serves Brahmins with devotion
iv. Son of an adulteress
v. Bought for money
vi. Given for money
vii. Comes from a lineage of persons serving others for several generations
(Manusmirthi, chapter 8, sloka 415).
Besides the four there was another group of people, the Untouchables - also
known as the Harijans during the Ghandian era, and now known as Dalits - who did
not come under the system and hence were regarded as "lepers" of the Hindu
society.
Some say the Untouchables were Dravidians who did not bow to the Aryan
subjugation and were hence driven out. They ended up living on the fringes of
villages and towns as outcasts.
But since the four-fold classification is not a pan-Indian system (it's an
Indo-European system), in South India - where class and caste consciousness was
a much later development - there are only Brahmins, non-Brahmins and
Untouchables.
Some academics have written that the Aryans who had also "imposed" Hinduism
on the once animistic Dravidians, had included the principles of Varnadharrna
within the structures of Hinduism for 'administrative' purposes, i.e. to have
more control over the Dravidians.
N. Thiruvasagam, president of the Saiva Siddhanta Mandram Malaysia, a
Saivite-based religious association, however says that although casteism was
clearly emphasised in the Manusmirthi, it is not a part of Hinduism.
"Although it is mentioned in the Manusmirthi, we must first understand that
the Manustnirthi is not a religious scripture but a book on Hindu laws just like
the Muslim Hudud laws. Furthermore, it was written by an Aryan to suit his
community and thus many things written there are not suitable for the
Dravidians.''
It seems that the present-day South Indian Brahmins were Aryans brought into
South India in great numbers by the rulers during the reign of the Cholas
several centuries ago for religious purposes.
So, although the status of Brahmins and the Untouchables was clearly defined
in South Indian society, there was a lot of confusion in the non-Brahmin group
which resulted in the caste group being further sub-divided into some 2,000
smaller units.
Hence, the three-tiered class system evolved into the dreadful caste system.
This is because as time went on, hierarchical status in South Indian society was
not purely based on secular attainment but rather, on the principles of purity
and "pollution" as well inherited tasks.
Anyone associated with "impurities" such as death, decay, diseases, human
emission, unclean animals, alcohol, meat and from the act of killing were
considered defiling and untouchable.
Occupations such as fishing (taking of life), toddy tapping (alcohol reduces
mental control) and leather work (dealing with dead animals) were all-regarded
as polluting jobs and were therefore also assigned lower status.
Even the type of food eaten was governed by the pollution concept;
vegetarianism was considered superior to meat-eating.
Consequently, a very thin line was drawn between South Indian Untouchables and
those performing menial duties.
Currently, well-educated and radical Dalits are fashioning a new Dalit
identity and are taking pride in their ancestral heritage which has been traced
to the Indus Valley Civilisation.
The Dalits now argue that if one is proud of being a Dalit, of an ethnic
group linked to the first inhabitants of the land, then there is no reason to
deny that identity.
ENDS
HE STAR MONDAY NOVEMBER 24 1997
A RIGHT TO SELF-RESPECT
By WANI MUTHIAH
IN 1970, caste discrimination led to an incident that became the biggest
post-independence challenge to anti-caste activists.
It took place at an estate in Tasik Glugor, Butterworth.
A group of upper caste South Indians (one of them a hangani from the estate)
dug up the grave of a labouter after he was mistakenly buffed a little inside
the perimeters of the upper caste Hindu cemetery.
The dead man, 60-year-old Kalian, was then rebuffed in the cemetery designated
for lower caste Hindus.
"Their motive for the sacrilege was simple. Kalian was an Untouchable and thus
he had no
right to be buried near those who were 'superior' to him by birth.
"When alive, he had spent his entire life dominated, discriminated and
ridiculed by the upper castes, so why should he be free from it all even in
death?" said Re Su Muthiah, president of the Malaysian Dravidian Association
(MDA) which is dedicated to breaking down caste barriers and promoting
self-respect and unity among South Indians (also called Dravidians).
What was even more shocking, he adds, is that the "crime" was committed with
the consent of the estate's white management.
The incident was highlighted by a local Chinese daily which caught the
attention 'of association member A.M. Doraisingam, who reported it to then MDA
president, the late Thiruchudar K.R. Ramasamy.
Ramasamy immediately 'reported the incident to the relevant authorities and
consulted prominent lawyer and politician, the late S.P Seenivasagam, to help
Kalian's family seek justice.
The matter was taken to the courts where the estate management was severely
ticked off and ordered to pay $3,000 as general damages to Kalian's family
"The MDA took that incident very seriously and our leaders went all out to
pursue the matter.
"After all, it was to fight such discriminaLion that the MDA was first mooted
half-a-century ago," says Muthiah, adding that the association has about 6,000
members from 71 branches throughout Malaysia today.
The MDA, he explains, is a product of Indian social reformist Periyar Ramasamy
Naicker's principle of self-respect.
"There was a lot of talk about forming an organisation similar to his
Self-Respect Movement in India, since the 20s, but due to the circumstances then
the plan was put on hold for many years."
Meeting the man in person when he visited in 1929, according to Muthiah, was
a boon for the lower caste Indians in Malaya who were by then simply fed up and
angry with the way they were treated.
Inspired by Periyar's talks and advice, groups of South Indians throughout
Malaya began to work towards setting up self-respect movements and it was also
then that the Adi-Dravidian (Pan-Dravidian) Association took root.
According to historian Datuk Prof Dr Khoo Kay Kim, the formation of this
association was met with much opposition as some reckoned it would only split
the South Indian community which, ironically, was never united in the first
place due to caste differences.
"Others felt the term Adi-Dravidian itself was derogatory as it was closely
related to untouchability in India,'' says Dr Khoo.
Nonetheless, Periyar did receive a lot of support from some Indian Muslims
and educated, non-conventional upper caste South Indians, he adds.
"Periyar's principle of self-respect was especially popular and staunchly
supported by Indians from all walks of life in Singapore.'' .
This encouraged not only the newly-formed Adi-Dravidian movement but also a
few other smaller self-respect groups to work very hard towards achieving their
goal of eradicating caste prejudices.
Despite the difficulties, the Adi-Dravidian movement survived until World War
II.
In 1945, Periyar, together with former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Aringnar
Anna, formed the Dravida Kzahagam in India and this prompted all the
self-respect movements scattered throughout Malaya to congregate under one
banner and form the Malayan Dravidian Association.
As the Dravida Kzahagam took on a firm political footing in India, its Malayan
"counterpart'' drew up its constitution by referring to Periyar's reform
movement's newsletter, Eenamani.
At that time the Maruthavars (barbers) were the ones who worked the hardest
in keeping the association alive. They were also the ones who contributed
financial aid generously to see to the smooth running of the association.
One of the MDA's main concerns then was the segregation of living quarters in
estates and municipal housing (for workers), hence a lot of effort and time were
invested in trying to convince the relevant managements to do away with the
practice·
According to Muthiah, the organisation also protested against the setting up
of toddy shops in such areas as it created only more problems for the people
there.
"These workers, depressed with the kind of life they were leading, often
turned to alcohol abuse, which led to other problems like marital turmoil and
poverty,'' explains Muthiah.
(During that time, another established self-respect movement known as the
Thondar Padai - which worked hard to improve the lot of the Indian community -
was also fighting against toddy consumption by estate workers.)
Besides introducing healthy recreational activities among its members, the
MDA also emphasised on the importance of education.
"At these meetings, they were advised to forget India and were reminded that
their home now was Malaya. The MDA used to tell them that even though their
lives were simply horrendous, their children and grandchildren need not go
through the same misery if they were equipped with education,"says Muthiah.
.
Although the MDA managed to boost the morale of the downtrodden Tamils, it had
also to undertake the mammoth task of educating the upper caste Tamils, that
there was really no cause. for them to look down on those who were supposedly
born lower in status to them.
When Periyar revisited Malaya in late 1954, he was pleased to see that a lot
had changed amongst the South Indians here.
As the years rolled by, the MDA began to have more opportunities to put right
what had gone terribly wrong in the past.
By then, a large number of upper caste South Indians were also actively
involved in the association's activities which included staging dramas on social
reforms.
Another method adopted by the association was to screen reform Tamil movies,
featuring one of Periyar's loyal followers and the Tamil cineworld's most
lovable villain, M.R. Radha, in estates and labour lines.
Radha himself came to Malaysia in the early 70s to lead the cast in the hit
drama Rathahaneer, which was also made into a movie.
The MDA is also instrumental in introducing reform or self-respect marriages
(siirthirutthattirumanam or mariyaataithirumanam); which are basically a
ritual-free, and custom-free "contractual" agreement between two individuals, in
Malaysia.
But the Government refused to recognise reform marriages conducted by the MDA
for many years.
"We even met with the relevant authorities and showed them the provisions
made in the Indian Constittution with regard to such marriages,'' says Muthiah.
The authorities finally relented and in the mid-80s, 42 members of the MDA
throughout Malaysia were appointed assistant registrars of marriage.
Today, the role of the association has somewhat changed over the years as
extreme caste-related discriminatory acts are no longer in practice.
"Currenlly our main concern is to do away with the various caste-based
associations in Malaysia but unfortunately, this has proven to be a very
difficult task,'' says Muthiah.
Apart from this, the MDA granted scholarships to a small group of university
students including six medical and two law students in the late 80s.
It had also given out small financial grants to 120 Form Four students who
had obtained reasonably good results for their (then) SRP.
"After a good 50 years, we at the MDA often reflect upon the trying journey
that our pioneer members went through in the name of self-respect, and are
grateful for their sacrifices. "And it is only fair that we give due
credit to our leaders like Datuk Seri Samy Vellu, Datuk S. Subramaniam and Datuk
K. Pathmanaban for the help and support they have rendered to the MDA.
"I truly believe that whatever remnants casteism there are can be wiped out
if each and every South Indian realises the importance of unity,'' concludes
Muthiah.
ENDS
ARTICLE 3 OF 4
THE STAR Monday November 1997
By WANI MUTHIAH
HOW IT BEGAN IN MALAYA
WHEN the British recruited Indians to work in Malaya almost a century ago, most
of them were the Tamilzspeaking people of the southern Indian state of Tamil
Nadu as it was cheaper for the British colonial government to recruit the
Tamils due to South India's close proximity to Malaya''- (Indian Plantation
Labour In Malaysia by Dr Selvahumaran Ramachandran, 1994).
(Prior to this there were already upper caste Tamils in Malaya who had come
as traders. Since they were members of the farming community when back home in
India, these Tamils had instinctively bought land in Malaya as soon as they had
made some money. Some of them became well-known philanthropists).
But the crafty colonialists made sure that, almost 70% of these early
immigrants were from the lower caste group.
This was because the British believed the lower caste Tamils were "almost the
ideal labouring material for the furtherance of capitalist, endeavours in
Malaya''- (The Fabian Society. Labour In The Colonies, London 1932) - as they
were invariably described as "satisfactory for light, simple, repetitive work"
-(Emigration Proceedings Of The Goernment Of India, Jan 1884) - "malleable,
worked well under supervision and easily manageable" - (D.W. Figart, The
Plantation Rubber Industry In The Middle East, Washington, 1925).
In addition, they were also regarded as being "most amenable to comparatively
low-paid and the rather regimented life of estates and government departments,
had no qualms to cross the seas and no food taboos and cost less in feeding and
maintenance" -(Straits Settlements Factory Records, Vol 94, 1824).
Furthermore, "relegation of this class of people to the level of animals in a
caste-ridden society deprived them of initiative and self-respect and made them
a cringingly servile group that had neither the skill or enterprise to rise
above the level of manual labour" -(K.S. Sandhu, Indians In Malaya. Immigration.
And Settlenient 1786 to 1957, Cambridge, Cambridge University, 1969).
The upper caste immigrants, on the other hand, unconsciously and indirectly
helped the colonialists keep their lower caste counterparts under check so tbat
the latter would not have the freedom of thought to question the squalid
conditions that they were thrown into.
The British, with their divide-and-rule policy, therefore kept the fires of
caste prejudices alive; for them the practice was a boon in their quest to reap
as much as they could from Malaya.
So, if the lower caste Tamils had earlier assumed that Malaya was their
salvation and hope to break free from the shackles of discrimination that had
bound them for generations, they were sadly mistaken.
Thus these unfortunate people, after having travelled thousands of miles,
found themselves deposited into a scenario that was not too different from that
in their native villages.
THE RURAL SITUATION THEN
According to Assoc Prof Dr Rajakrishnan Ramasamy of Universiti Malaya's Indian
Studies Department, plantations also took steps to maintain residential
segregation. among the labourers based on their castes as well as giving them
separate provisions for drinking water, burial grounds and shrines.
"The separate living areas which were known as layam (lines) came with their
own shrine and toddy shop as the estate's white management assumed these were
enough to make the-labourers content,'' says old-timer Dravidamani Nalathambi
who lives in Batang Berjuntai, Selangor.
Seventy-five-year-old Nalathamhi, a senior member of the Malaysian Dravidian
Association, adds that it was even unimaginable then for a resident of the 1ower
caste lines to venture out of his
"cocoon.''
As if such segregation wasn't enough, the supporting supervisory staff were
given absolute power over the workers.
It was officially recorded in the Despatches From Indian Office To Colonial
Office, 31 May, 1926 that: "Those who exercise control over the labourers are
kanganis (overseers), mandurs (foremen) and kranis (clerks). The kanganis and
mandurs are mostly (upper caste) TamilS while 99% of the kranis are Jaffnese
(Sri Lankan Tamils). The hardships to which the labourers are subjected to by
kanganis and mandurs under the instruction of the kranis, are indescribable."
Being treated with such scorn and contempt, it is not surprising that the
lower caste Tamillian was described as being "a poor specimen, both in physique
and morale and of being abject, cowardly and generally lacking in vitality ...
had a half-starved look about (him) and seemed to be thoroughly dissatisfied
with (his) lot in life .... " (L. Ainsworth. The Confessions Of A Planter In
Malaya: A Chronicle Of Life And Adventure In The Jungle, London, H.F and G.
Witherby, 1933).
THE URBAN SCENARIO
Although the lower caste workers had more freedom of movement in the urban area,
they could not escape the same ill-treatment and contempt that were dished out
to their rural brothers.
"As ritually defiling human beings they were forbidden not only to enter
temples but also restaurants owned by "higher'' caste Indians." (Assoc Prof Dr
Rajakrishnan Ramasamy--Subculture Of Poverty Among Malaysian Indians, 1987).
If in the plantations it was the supporting supervisory staff who were the
tormentors, in the city it was the higher caste Tamils and the Brahmins..
"It was common at their time for an uyirntha jathi (higher caste) person to
summon or address anyone from the thalntha jathi (lower caste) in the most
degrading and offensive manner.
"The latter did not see anything wrong with this for that was what they had
been used to all their lives," says Nalathambi.
He narrates how in the 30s, it was the norm for the only Indian restaurant -
owned and run by a Brahmin - in Kuala Lumpur to serve members of the thalntha
jathi on the five-foot-way.
"Used condensed milk cans were hung outside the restaurant on a bamboo pole
and whenever a thalntha jathi person wanted to buy a drink, he had to take one
of those tins and hold it out for the restaurant worker to pour the beverage
into.
"When finished, he was expected to wash the tin and hang it back on the bamboo
pole." Payment was left at a designated spot on the five-foot-way
and the restaurant owner only picked up the money after sprinkling water on it
in a ritual "cleansing.'
Another veteran member of the Malaysian Dravidian Association, A.M.
Thirunavakarasu, tells how a Tamil daily owned and operated by a Brahmin often
ran editorials propagating casteism.
According to the 75-year-old, caste segregation was also practised in the
municipal quarters in Kuala Lumpur in the early years.
"Just like in the estates, there were the mandatory toddy shop and shrine.
And it was this that led. to social trauma among the Tamils which still
exists today," points out Thinmavakarasu who is from Cheras, Kuala Lumpur. (Some
of these toddy shops still exist in Kuala Lumpur.)
A MATTER OF SELF-RESPECT
While caste discrimination was in full swing in Malaya, the situation was
rapidly changing in India especially in the South, where many began to realise
the folly and cruelty of the amcient system.
Led by one of India's most renowned social refermists of modern times,
Periyar E.V. Ramasamy Naicker, the Untouchables in India began to demand for due
respect and recognition as human beings.
In view of this, the situation in Malaya took on an entirely new twist as
Periyar's active propaganda to eradicate casteism began to garner a great deal
of support from the
Tamil immigrants here.
Periyar spread his philosophy among Malayan Tamils and visited the country in
1929 and 1954 to propagate the Self-Respect Movement here.
But, according to historian Datuk Prof Dr Khoo Kay Kim, several anti-Periyar
Indian associations held meetings and passed resolutions to prevent Periyar from
making the 1929
trip to Malaya.
"The situation was especially bad in Penang where Periyar's ship was
scheduled to dock,'' he says.
Unperturbed, not only did Periyar make the trip but he spent an entire month
visiting estates and villages throughout Penang, Perak, Selangor and Johor.
"Why suffer the throes of casteism in a land where everyone has the chance to
be the master of his own destiny?'' he had asked.
"Forge ahead. Seek education. Strive for economic strength. That's all that
really matters."
He advised all Dravidians (South Indians) to unite and strive to improve
their economic status as well as battle the evils of caste segregation.
"As a result of Periyar's first visit in 1929, the Adi-Dravidian movement was
established in Batu Pahat (Johor) followed by another one in Johor Baru," says
Dr Khoo.
Encouraged and motivated by his visit as well as backed by the self-respect
movements, the lower caste Tamil immigrants here "began to demand for equal
rights in the use of wells, temples, cemeteries and other public places" -
(Tamil Nesan, July 8, 1933).
Prompted by this, several temples in Klang and Penang opened their doors to
all Hindus regardless of their castes in 1932 and 1935 respectively.
Unfortunately, the temples in Kuala Lumpur did not entertain such requests
and "lower caste workers from the railways and municipality pressed for the
construction of separate temples for themselves" -( Tamil Nesan, Aug 20, 1935).
Thus, "despite'' the zeal and enthusiasm unleashed by the reformist movements
at eradicating caste practices, the urban 'lower' caste worker remained, in
almost all respects an inferior human being in relation to the higher caste"
-(Assoc Prof Dr Rajakrishnan Ramasamy, Subculture Of Poverty Among Indians in
Malaysia, 1987).
Nevertheless, positive changes were more pronounced after Periyar's second
visit to Malaya in 1954 and elimination of caste prejudices took on a firmer
stance from then on.
ENDS
ARTICLE 2 OF 4
Sugu mentions caste prejudices as being one of the main reasons behind the
Tamils' (or did he say Indians') backwardness. I believe so too. I researched a
little and wrote a few articles on it a few years ago. My stories were published
and I'm posting them for your comments. May be a little choppy here and there as
had to write in record time. Had to say some nice things about Uncle Sam and the
MIC as well........HAD TO....
THE STAR Monday November 1997
PRIDE AND PREJUDICE
Stories by WANI MUTHIAH
EARLY last year, Mr and Mrs Maniam (not their real names) approached matchmaker
Malathi Raju to find a suitable match for their 25year-old schoolteacher
daughter.
They specifically requested that their future son-in-law have both wealth and
education.
"So I matched the girl with a young British-educated doctor whose father owned
several successful businesses as well as quite a bit of real estate. His two
brothers and a sister were also professionals," says Kuala Lumpur-based Malathi
who has been in the trade for more than two decades.
The couple then met and agreed to the match. After a brief engagement, a
grand marriage was fixed to take place in the boys hometown of Ipoh.
On the wedding day, everything was going well and the marriage rites were
already in the second phase when all hell broke loose; an ancient Indian custom
reared its ugly head in the midst of the ceremony - caste consciousness.
The bride was being dressed for the thali-tying ceremony when one of her
aunts spotted someone she vaguely knew amongst the principal guests on the
groom's side.
The aunt approached the woman whom she knew was from a lower service caste,
and exchanged pleasantties with her. Upon learning that the woman was a close
relative of the groom, she immediately informed the bride's family.
"The wedding was halted and I was given a public tongue-lashing," recalls
Malathi with a shudder.
The poor matchmaker was held responsible for the "shame and humiliation" that
the bride and her family were put through.
The groom's family, after voicing their disgust to Malathi, walked off in a
huff with all their guests.
Malathi explains that she does check on caste compatibility for many of her
clients but only if they request for it.
"Since the Maniams never mentioned caste, I didn't ask.
"They were very specific about wealth, social status and educational
accomplishments so I assumed that the girl's family - who were upper caste
Goundars - being well educated and modern did not hold on to caste prejudices
any more.
"Besides, the bride's father was 'merely a retired government servant and
the family's only property was the double-storey link house that they live in.
So as far as I was concerned, that girl had a very good catch," laments
Malathi.
However, she admits to not asking the groom's family about their caste as she
felt it was not important.
"They were rich and and cultured. The groom's father is a very important and
well-respected man in his hometown and the family house is a big mansion in
Ipoh."
If it weren't for the aunt "publicising the matter, Malathi believes the
bride's family wouldn't have stopped the marriage.
"But because they were members of a close-knit 'caste community, they
worried about what the the others would think or say about them,'' sighs
Malathi.
AN INGRAINED PRACTICE
To Assoc Prof Dr Rajakrishnan Ramasamy of Universiti Malaya's Indian Studies
Department, the
brouhaha comes as no surprise.
Caste consciousness, he notes, is very common in arranged marriages.
As he writes in his book, Caste Consciousness. Among Indian Tamils In
Malaysia: "... for a marriage proposal to be effected, primordial loyalties
like caste receive primary attention, Only then is class status questioned. A
wealthy lower caste Tamil is unlikely to succeed in winning the consent of a
higher caste parent, who might be lower in class status, to contract a
marriage."
In recent times, this obsession with caste seemed to be loosening its grip.
For Malathi, with fewer clients asking for caste matches, she had assumed that
the Maniams were like that. However, the traditional customs and
practices which came with the early immigrants are ingrained in the largely
Tamil Indian community in Malaysia.
INDIAN SURPRISE
Like in India, there have been and still are, herculean attempts from several
quarters in Malaysia, including the MIC, to dismantle the caste system but all
its complexities remain influential.
So wben K.R. Narayanan was elected president of India in July this year, it
attracted worldwide attention because for the first time in the history of the
caste-riddled nation, a Dalit (formerly known as Untouchable) holds such and
esteemed position.
But only a day after Narayanan took over as president, the Dalits of
Vilakanampoodi village in the Tirnvallur district of the southern state of Tamil
Nadu were attacked by a group of caste Hindus.
Apparently, a group of Dalit youths tried to paste on an autoricksbaw a
handbill to hail tbe victory as well as to thank the Government. The rickshaw
owner, who was a caste Hindu, protested and a clash ensued.
There were also two other incidents where Dalits had attacked several caste
Hindus.
This was followed by the latter torching 20 huts and damaging over a 100
houses belonging to Dalits. Men, women and children were also assaulted.
According to newspaper reports, even the Dalits' cows weren't spared of a good
thrashing.
Despite the reservation or quota policies and the increasing power of the
Dalits, serious caste sentiments still thrive in India. And from most accounts,
in Malaysia too. ·
According to various sources the old prejudices are most obvious in
arranged marriages.
Ironically, this caste-conscioushess isn't only confined within the Hindu
community but is also quite predominant among Indian Christians.
Take the case of 26-year-old Anna, a Roman Catholic Tamil, who was unable
to wed her 30-year-old boyfriend David because their castes didn't match.
"My parents threatened to disown me if I marry David. They said I'd only
bring shame to the family since he's an Untouchable,'' wails Anna who belongs to
an upper farming caste.
But just how knowledgeable are Malaysian Indians about casteism?
Several Malaysian Indians from various walks of life were interviewed and
all had their own ideas about the subject.
Technician S. Selva feels that the caste system is "not a very intelligent
thing for Malaysian Tamils to cling to.
"I don't' care to know abont my caste. What purpose does it serve anyway?
Knowing one's caste will only lead to further divisions in our community. Don't
we have enough of that already?" asks thirty something Selva who is from Kuala
Lumpur. '
But others like 39-year-old clerical assistant M. Shanti will maintain that as
a Hindu, one must adhere to the caste system.
Shanti, who is proud that she is a member of the "upper'' Goundar caste, says
the system is an "integral part of the religion.''
Hence, it is a common practice for Shanti and her family to keep a distance
from those whom they assume are from lower caste groups.
"My family and I also won't dine with or accept food and drinks from people
wbose castes we do not know.''
Despite such an emphatic stand, however, Shanti's knowledge of the subject is
rather pathetic.
Asked if she has read any of the Hindu 'scriptures or the Manusmirthi
(Hindu code of law), she says she hasn't even heard of them. Neither is she
aware of the Varnadharma (the four-tiered class system. )
Why then is she so particular about caste?
"That's the way I was brought up," she replies.
A CHANGEABLE THING
Indeed, many misconceptions are attached to what the caste system is all about.
For one, it is not supposed to be a system not open to change.
According to Swami Guhabhaktananda, president of the Divine Life Society,
anyone can elevate themselves to any position they desire.
.,
"For example, if a Sudra dedicates his entire life to the pursuit of
knowledge as well as religion, is not interested in acquiring wealth, has high
moral values and practises vegetarianism, then he is a Brahmin.
"And if a person bern to Brahmin parents does not believe in acquiring
education, drinks and commits all kinds of sin, then he does not fall into any
of the four classes but is instead an Untouchable.''
Concurs Simeswara Dasa, president of the International Society for Krishna
Consciousness Temple in Kuala Lumpur:.
"According to the Bhagavadgita, every individual is prescribed a social duty
which is particular to his mode of nature. A man who is by nature attracted to
the kind of work done by the Sudras cannot artificially claim to be a Brahmin
even if he is born into a Brahmin family.
"We can see that caste is ascertained by qualifications and not by birth.
Everyone is given the chance to select the social class that he is mentally and
spiritually most compatible with.
"An Untouchable is not given a place in the social structure due to his way
of life. But even he can qualify to become Brahmin if he turns to God and
practises all the virtues which a Brahmin has to cultivate.''
THE CURRENT SITUATION
Still, Indian Progressive Front (IPF) president Senator M.G. Pandithan reckons
that casteism is a deep-rooted issue in Malaysia which is silently but strongly
being practised.
"It's time everyone realises that the caste system is evil and all those who
defend it are devils," says Pandithan, a former MIC vicepresident.
MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu, however, refutes this, saying that
nobody in Malaysia thinks about caste anymore.
"I do not want to say anything that would acknowledge the existence of
casteism.
"If there was such a thing in the past, it is dead now,'' insists Samy
Vellu.
On the other hand, he agrees that there may be certain people who use caste
sentiments for their personal gains.
According to Pandithan, the real culprits who practise casteism are the elite
and educated who form caste-based associations to help members of their own
caste.
He claims there are about 22 caste-based orgarisations in Malaysia (story on
page 4) .
"These organisations offer scholarships to students who are acquiring
college and tertiary education and in the process, infect these young minds with
caste consciousness.''
UM's Dr Rajakrishnan agrees that caste-based associations do pose a problem
in the eradication of caste. He points out that though these associations claim
not to preach the superiority or inferiority of caste, the fact that they are
formed on a narrow factor of identification with restricted membership and
emphasise on caste endogamy, suggests implicitly. the desire to sustain caste
ideals.
Pon Maruthan, treasurer of Mukkulathor Association (Kallar, Maravar and
Ahamudiyar castes), says "finger-pointing at the caste-based organisations is
unfair.''
He likens such groups to Chinese clan associations.
"Our main objective is to propagate tertiary education among our members'
children. We offer interest-free loans to those who are studying locally as
well as abroad. We feel that by doing so we are helping Malaysian Indians to
equip themselves with education which can help them come up in life.
"Apart from that, we also help our members to set up businesses and so on.."
Although Maruthan admits that his association's membership is made up of
people from the same caste groups, it does not mean it is promoting caste
consciousness.
"The Chinese clan associations go by family names. We can't, so the closest
we can get to that is by forming this kind of association.
"But we do not demand that marriages should be within our group only. That
is wrong. Even my wife is from an entirely different group.
"We are all Tamils. I don't see why some people should still go by the
upper and lower caste thinking, which is nothing but utter nonsense.''
It is, however, telling that seVeral people who were asked to comment on
the present caste situation refused because it's "too sensitivelah.''
CASTE POLITICS
According to Dr Rajakrishnan, casteism was never an issue in the Malaysian
Indian political arena in its early years of development. This was because the
Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) identified itself with the general local Indian
population.
Furthermore, he adds, the involvement of other ethno-linguistic groups did
not warrant the use of caste to gain support among the Indians.
But caste did make a brief appearance in Malaysian Indian politics as "its
active development can be traced back to about two years prior to the MIC
elections held in June 1977'' - (Caste Consciousness Among Indian Tamils In
Malaysis by R. Rajakrishnan).
This led to the MIC top leaders condemning caste politics as being
unethical and accusing the "casteist" politicians of perpetuating divisions
among the Tamils.
The practice of caste politics received the rudest shock perhaps in 1984 when
Samy Vellu threatened several party leaders with expulsion for using caste
issues in party election campaigns.
He had also advised all party members, including those at branch level, to
resign from communal-based caste societies.
"There was no such thing as people being born into different levels of
society," he was reported as saying then.
Head of the Malaysian Dravidian Association's cultural section Kalacharam,
E.R. Ramasamy, reckons caste politics is under control because of Samy Vellu's
efforts.
"Everything would be in chaos if Samy was not around as several crooked
politicians - regardleess of their castes - have been known to use this tactic
in garnering suport from the public,'' he adds.
As Dr Rajakrishnan states in his book, "Caste is a sentiment that has
occasionally acted as a catalyst to muster support in the process of aquiring
power.''
If caste politicsis under control, is it a clear sign then that it will lead
to the community itself abandoning caste consciousness altogether?
A DYING PHENOMENON?
In his book, Dr Rajakrishnan writes that "......for caste to be eliminated the
consciousness of status must be based on class where each and every individual
has the opportunity to strive for upward social mobility.
"This is posible only through the aquisition of education. With education
follows modernisation and secularisation of traditional customs, liberal
attitudes and broader outlook of life. Primordial loyalties like caste will
erode when egalitarian views and important social values crystalise.''
This is apparently happening as Malaysian Tamils are begining to base a
person's social status on his educational and economic standing rather than his
caste.
Furthermore, with the easy availability of education and direct intervention
of the MIC in matters pertaining to the caste system, people no longer need to
be deprived of the essentials of life.
Establishments like TAFFE College and Sri Murugan Centre (SMC) must be given
credit for their initiative and hard work in making education available to
Malaysian Indians from all walks of life, especially to those from rural areas.
Hence, says A. Navamukundan, executive secretary of the National Union Of
Plantation Workers (NUPW), if caste prejudices were prevalent in the estates in
the past, it has certainly been greatly eroded.
"In those days, caste-bound conduct in our plantations was moulded by the
traditional village practice in India but today, the rural folk have assimilated
the Malaysian way of life and thus will not take any nonsense associated with
caste prejudices.''
He adds that trade unions, too, are responsible in propogating self-respect
and solidarity among plantation workers.
"Everyone came together under one banner to look out for each other and this
broke down whatever caste barriers that existed.''
With everyone equiping themselves with education, not only will the residue of
caste prejudices - which had paralysed the growth of some Tamils for years - be
totally abolished but the demons of the past too can gradually be abandoned.
Only then can the Tamils do justice to their forefathers who - "packed like
sardines in a tin, seasick and wretched to make the five-day journey under
conditions which would be intolerable to a white man'' (Census Of Madras 1911,
Madras Government Printers, 1912) - came to Malaya with the hope that one day
their descendants would be free.
ENDS
ARTICLE 1 OF 4
Can Singapore and Malaysia overcome age-old divisions and forge closer economic ties to face the challenges of globalisation?
Cross-strait relations have improved tremendously, but greater synergy is still a faraway dream.
By LEE KIM CHEW[Singapore ST, October 1, 2000]
TWO countries, one system? Could Singapore and Malaysia, faced with global competition, forge more economic linkages to take on the world?
An interesting proposition, but not achievable politically -- for now, at least, judging from the lack of enthusiasm about the idea.
Still, Dr Teh Kok Peng, president of GIC Special Investments, an affiliate of the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation, is undaunted.
He thinks it makes sense for the two neighbours to build a strategic business partnership even though the idea elicited little response at a recent Malaysia-Singapore business forum here.
He believes that more can be achieved if, despite their differences, the two countries pool resources to maximise efficiency and reap the economies of scale.
He says: ""We are just too small and should not be competing against one another. We need to think in terms of the global competition. That's the bigger threat.
""If we make use of what we have, we can move rapidly ahead. The two governments have to set the framework for smart systems, harmonise the legal systems, accounting standards.
""This will provide the basis for working together. Investors will be able to operate freely like they do in one country.
""That's one of the driving forces of the European Union. You lower the barriers and costs of doing business.''
In practice, this has not happened because Singapore and Malaysia have, since Separation in 1965, gone their own ways to develop independently of each other.
Can this trend be reversed?
Not likely, unless there is a radical re-think among the political and business elite in the two countries.
Take the competition between the Port of Singapore Authority (PSA) and Port of Tanjong Pelepas (PTP).
Says Dr Teh: ""It doesn't make sense. We are serving the same geographic area. The two ports are separated only by a narrow strait.
""By duplicating facilities, you make industries on both sides of the Causeway less competitive.''
He thinks that if the PSA and PTP are privatised, it might be easier for the two ports to link up and optimise the use of their facilities.
Prof Mahani Zainal Abidin of the Department of Applied Economics in University of Malaya does not see the Malaysian ports as a duplication of facilities.
Malaysia does not want to rely on Singapore for its shipping needs when it is able to provide the service itself, she says.
She adds: ""Co-operation between Malaysia and Singapore in future won't be as easy as it had been in the past. It is possible only if the two sides see it as business for not just one country, but for both. It's a question of how to share the business.''
The competition could be a zero-sum game not just between the ports but also in civil aviation and financial services.
To be sure, any move by Singapore and Malaysia to join hands will bolster confidence at a time when many investors are still staying away from the region. But do they see each other as suitable business partners?
Mergers makes sense when there is synergy in size, technology, expertise and products, but this is not all. There are also tricky questions about corporate culture, management and control.
Professor Tan Kong Yam of the National University of Singapore's Business School notes that these issues complicate cross-border mergers and acquisitions, especially when it involves a Singapore government-linked company going into partnership with a Malaysian one owned and controlled by a political party.
Take telecommunications, for instance. Singtel's bid to take up equity stakes in Time Engineering, the ailing parent of Time.com, which has a fibre-optic network, was blocked because Malaysian political leaders see it as a strategic company that should not be bought by a Singapore government-linked company.
In this case, Dr Teh thinks the Singapore Government's ownership of Singtel has become an issue, if not a handicap. If so, divestment should solve the problem, because Singtel's privatisation will allay fears of government control.
Privatisation is thus crucial, and it has to happen on both sides of the Causeway, he says. ""It won't happen tomorrow, but this is something we can evolve towards.''
Whether the cold blast of global competition will drive Singapore and Malaysian companies into each other's arms eventually is determined not just by economic factors alone.
The political climate also has to be right.
Tan Sri Ramon Navaratnam, formerly deputy secretary-general of the Malaysian Finance Ministry and now an adviser to the Sungei Way construction group, thinks the outstanding issues, such as water and CPF savings of Malaysian workers, have to be sorted out first.
Much depends on the political signals from the top, he says, and things will not move unless the big issues are resolved.
For now, it is to each his own. The Malaysia-Singapore Business Council is dormant, even though bilateral trade and private sector investments have increased over the years.
Little is heard about Growth Triangle cooperation these days. Each side is preoccupied with its own development strategies. Indeed, Singapore-Malaysia economic cooperation is not a subject of consuming interest in Kuala Lumpur.
A think-tank and an economic research institute -- both based in Kuala Lumpur -- had no time to discuss the topic, and requests for an interview with Datuk Mustapa Mohamed, special adviser to the Malaysian Finance Ministry, went unanswered.
Datuk Mustapa, who took part in the Malaysia-Singapore business forum, had said the two economies could look at new areas to complement each other.
Mr Song Seng Wun, an economist at GK Goh Stockbrokers, says the proposition for Singapore and Malaysia to combine resources makes good sense, but the intrusion of politics creates problems.
He says:""If they get their act together, they can exert more weight, but it's difficult, given the historical background. Simple issues can get very complicated.
""The priorities of the two governments are different. There's no convergence. They are competing in many areas and across many fronts.''
Indeed, the feeling among Malaysians is that they are not far behind Singapore, and they can be on par, if not surpass it in time.
Malaysia's recovery from the financial crisis engenders confidence and obviates the need for cross-Causeway tie-ups.
Having spent US$3.7 billion (S$6.4 billion) in the past four years to build up Cyberjaya as the next Silicon Valley to develop computer software, the Malaysians look to America, Japan and elsewhere for high-tech partners.
Similarly, Singapore's DBS Bank looks beyond Malaysia in its quest to become a world-class regional institution, just as the Singapore Stock Exchange is scouring far and wide for alliances to increase its depth and liquidity.
In the banking and financial sectors, as in shipping and civil aviation, the doctrine of self reliance has bred a competitive impulse on both sides of the Causeway that makes mergers difficult.
Mr Arjuna Mahendran, head of economic research for South Asia in SG Securities, says that in the long term, both countries would probably have to accelerate integration with the rest of Asia.
""The two can't do everything on their own,'' he says. Indeed, he thinks that Singapore should look to Indonesia and Thailand rather than Malaysia.
""The synergies are really much greater with the other countries than just looking myopically at Singapore and Malaysia per se.''
Mr Eddie Lee, regional economist at Vickers Ballas Investments Research, thinks along similar lines. He says the two countries can also link up with the other neighbouring states because of the Asean Free Trade Area (Afta).
""It need not just be Singapore and Malaysia co-operating. This can happen across the whole Asean region with lower tariffs in Afta,'' he says.
Despite all the talk about co-operation, the assertions of independence and economic nationalism have created the barriers to freer cross-border trade and investments. All this is not to say there is no room for co-operation.
Prof Tan sees no compelling factors now, but external competitive pressures from China and elsewhere may yet drive Singapore and Malaysia into joint ventures in certain areas in future.
But in all probability, he adds, there will be more competition than complementarity between the two economies. But this need not be a permanent situation.
Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew notes that the younger leaders on both sides of the Causeway are more savvy about global economics and the gains of synergy.
""It makes sense to synergise when there are possibilities of win-win co-operation. It's silly to make it a zero-sum game,'' he said recently.
Dr Ghazali Atan, chief executive officer of Metrowangsa Asset Management in Kuala Lumpur, believes that this is the way of the future.
But he laments: ""Not enough people are thinking radically to open up new horizons. Nobody is taking the initiative. We need to break the mindset not to think parochially.''
Malaysia and Singapore have to take a hard look at the way they have been doing things, he says.
""Think of new ventures that will add value, instead of simply replicating facilities and services. Don't dwell on the past. Focus instead on opportunities and optimise the benefits for both sides.
""Two countries, one system is too far-fetched. But that does not mean that Malaysia and Singapore cannot work together. We can take it step-by-step.''
from www.malaysiakini.com --------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Sept 30 - Oct 1, 2000
MUSINGS Sugu
Indians: Malaysia's dispossessed
The spectacular Sydney 2000 Olympics opening ceremony put to shame the Atlanta edition which came through as a third-rate Hollywood production. It also delivered a surprise when the country's Aborigines were given a major role despite the acrimonious relationship between them and the white government.
It could be that the original inhabitants' role in the history of the continent could not be ignored, but still their share of the world's premier sporting event was generous and provided a visual feast.
One just could not help but cast the mind to our hosting of the Commonwealth Games two years ago. We patted ourselves on the back for the grandness of the opening ceremony, as did quite a number of foreigners.
I was still working then and the following day I had to field questions from outraged Indians who wanted to know why the community had been left out of the opening ceremony's cultural show. I had to exercise restrain and patience as the callers vented their spleen. Their anger was justified.
A whole community treated as though they didn't exist. As though their feelings did not matter a jot. The history of their contributions to the nation practically dumped into the bin.
And there at the grandstand seated at the VIP section was the self-proclaimed leader of the Indian community and president of MIC, S Samy Vellu, together with his other cabinet colleagues. What thoughts ran through his mind in those moments will remain his secret. As far as I can recollect, there was not a single peep out of him over the issue.
Another telling example is of the two Indian members of the Malaysian expedition who made it to the peak of Mt Everest. Shortly thereafter a question was raised in Parliament: "Why didn't the two wait for the others to catch up with them?" The query, of course, came from the government side of the House.
What that MP did not realise was the shocking ignorance he had displayed which did not reflect well at all on the August House. Did he really think that ascending the highest mountain in the world is as challenging as a stroll around his garden? What was implied in that question is, how dare the Indians be the first. The MP must have drawn his inspiration from the "30 percent" Umno mentality.
Muddled thinking
These two incidences crystalise the treatment meted out to members of this community for ages.
Then in last year's general election, they went out and voted for Barisan Nasional, playing a crucial role in the results of some constituencies. Presumably because they could not really trust the opposition or were so thoroughly brainwashed that they voted like automatons.
What provoked this froth at the mouth is the sudden resurfacing of the Indian gangsters issue after a five-year lapse. There should be no muddled thinking about this. The problem is mostly confined to the Tamil-speaking community and should not embrace the others who also share the Indian tag.
Because the country has been so heavily racially politicised, the question why the sudden lather over the high percentage of Indian criminal elements in society rises. Suspicion also grows that the government's main motive for this display of a caring attitude could be a cynical vote-getting tactic.
It's not that far-fetched an idea when seen in the context of Prime Minister and Umno president Dr Mahathir Mohamad personally taking charge of reviving the fortunes of a very factionalised party, apparently taking a leaf out of PAS' book of non-stop political campaigning.
One can be sure that he is keeping eyes on the next poll, which is approaching at a steady clip, when every vote will count. While the Umno president sets out on his task to win back Malay support, two corporations are chipping in with their TV commercials to court the others including Indians.
One comes from Petronas whose video clip shows a palm oil plantation with rows of white-clad young Indians doing stretching exercises. The camera zooms in on a little girl who smiles ever so prettily. The eyes are big and sparkle with good health.
The message is on racial unity but the subliminal one appears to be that Indians never had it so good. A squatter colony location would have been closer to the truth but that would have defeated the purpose of the exercise in illusion.
The other by Milo highlights Indian athletes breasting the tape in various track events. The prominence given to the community is rare, bordering on non-existent. But I am quite sure that quite a few Indians' laugh would have been laced with bitterness.
The commercials could be a hit with those waddling jewellery cases clad in dhoti and silk shirts and sarees that gather annually to celebrate their status in society and listen to Samy Vellu's monologue and swallow his scoldings without a murmur. These people, constant travellers to India, live in a world light-years from those families who have lost members to the underworld through circumstances beyond their control.
Those families are the dispossessed. Exchanging their lives in rubber estates for squatter colonies and now languishing in crowded longhouses. With promises of proper housing reneged on they have little hope of ever moving into homes of their own.
They drifted to squatter settlements after being chucked out of house and home when rubber land was sold for development where the drive for profits takes precedence over human misery. Children growing up in such an environment face a future heavily pregnant with uncertainties and fear. With hardly any difference between squatter colonies and longhouses in their squalor and stink, they provide rich recruiting grounds for recruitment into a life of crime.
Deaf ears
When Bukit Aman deputy CID director Datuk Ramil Yusof reportedly said there are 38 Indian gangs with more than 1,500 active members, Samy Vellu reacted as if he had been caught with his pants down.
Straightaway he blamed the government for not doing enough to curb the problem as though his pleas for help had fallen on deaf ears, raising the question which government is he talking about. Isn't he a member of the ruling administration?
That statement must have been meant for solely for the consumption of the Indian community. He must think that they are so dense that he and MIC can be absolved from the gangster issue after they have also declared themselves to the sole champions of Indians.
Perhaps it was an attempt at diversionary tactics, so that the community won't ask what the party was doing for five years while the sore was festering. If so, it was a pathetic one.
Then he turned his accusing his eyes on rich towkays, saying they are the ones who are recruiting Indian youth into their triad societies. Why has he been keeping this a closely guarded secret? If he can say towkays then he must know who they are.
There is no indication that he had lodged a police report on the matter. Or is he following his master's example and picking on the Chinese?
Samy Vellu then hogtied himself with this contradiction, saying MIC is the only party that can save Indian youth. Hear that? That was my unhinged jaw crashing to the floor. He has been chanting this saving the Indians mantra ever since when.
Five years since the issue was brought to light by the then deputy home minister Megat Junid Megat Ayob, the situation seems to have remained unchanged or turned for the worse. As per normal, MIC swung into action for the benefit of the mass media, cleaning up an Indian settlement off Old Klang Road and then retreated when the issue died down.
Others blame the violence in Tamil films for Indian youth turning to crime which is a simplistic view. However, there in another and more insidious element most people have overlooked. The next time you watch a Tamil movie look out for dollops of self-pity being dealt out in generous proportions. It is an opiate that robs an individual of self-respect and the will to overcome challenges.
Law of karma
My own feeling on this is that the caste system, which I believe has still a strong hold on the community, married to the total belief that one is a helpless victim of the law of karma, have done great damage.
Karma and caste can provide very convenient excuses for not taking any initiative to improve one's lot. In other words, a blind acceptance of fate.
But those who took to a life of crime clearly show that they have broken through the chains that bound them, to prey on the society that had betrayed them.
However, there are others in the ethnic group, members of Indian non-governmental organisations that are doing their best to educate the community and give hope to the younger ones.
This could be a pointer that Indians should no longer look to political parties as their saviour.
In fact, all of us, regardless of race, must learn to manipulate them into serving the interests of society instead of themselves.
Hold politicians hostage with the most effective political weapon - the ballot. It does not matter what side they belong to, the government or opposition. They are all the same no matter what noble sentiments they profess to hold. They are after the most aphrodisiac and addictive of fruits. Power.
The route to that is through the people, so politicians must be made to sweat for the privileges and perks they desire, as the Umno leaders are doing now. At least for that party, a lesson in the proper workings of democracy has been taught and appears to have been learnt.
But pressure must continue to be applied so that people are no longer taken for granted. Those holding public office exist at the pleasure of the people. And the public must not allow itself to be fooled by the words of politicians. Judge them by their actions which they cannot hide.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- K SUGU began his journalistic career in 1964 and has worked in the New Straits Times, The Star and The Sun. He became a Buddhist monk in 1981 and had his first taste of press freedom when he worked in Bangkok for The Nation. He is now retired and spends his time writing and trying to get a handle on the fleeting nature of life.
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